A tese apresenta uma análise sobre a circulação de ideias antifascistas entre intelectuais uruguaios, argentinos, brasileiros e franceses que pertenciam a associações dedicadas à luta contra o fascismo e pela defesa da cultura entre 1933 e 1939. Procuramos mostrar que os movimentos antifascistas do Cone Sul, embora compartilhassem de objetivos comuns, eram heterogêneos e tinham características próprias. Estas derivavam da multiplicidade de vozes presentes nas associações de intelectuais, o que contrapõe a ideia de que o antifascismo seria fruto da ação exclusiva dos partidos comunistas ou da coordenação da Internacional Comunista (IC). A pesquisa mostra também que o diálogo intelectual ocorrido no âmbito da luta antifascista conectou estes diferentes espaços, estabelecendo um debate de dimensão transnacional. As conexões entre os que exerceram o papel de mediadores neste debate foram estabelecidas por meio da imprensa, que serviu como elemento de mediação para o intercâmbio de ideias que acabou por atravessar as fronteiras nacionais do Cone Sul chegando até a França. / This thesis analyzes the circulation of anti-fascist ideas among Uruguayan, Argentine, Brazilian and French intellectuals who belonged to associations that dedicated themselves to the struggle against fascism and in \"defense of culture\" between 1933 and 1939. We aim to show that anti-fascist movements in the Southern Cone, even while they shared common objectives, were heterogeneous and had their own characteristics. These came from the multiplicity of voices in the associations of intellectuals, which counters the idea that anti-fascism was the exclusive fruit of Communist parties or from the coordination of the Communist International (IC). The study also shows that the intellectual dialogue that occurred in the orbit of the anti-fascist struggle connected these different spaces, establishing a debate about in a transnational dimension. The connections between those who exercised the role of mediators in this debate were established through the press, which served as a mediating element for this exchange of ideas that crossed the national frontiers of the Southern Cone and arrived in France.

Este trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa realizada sobre a produção contemporânea de ciências sociais feita pelos intelectuais africanos, tendo como universo de estudo e ponto de partida a agência do Conselho para o Desenvolvimento da Pesquisa em Ciências Sociais em África CODESRIA uma instituição de caráter pan-africano fundada em 1973 com sede em Dakar, no Senegal. A tese parte da compreensão das motivações de fundação do CODESRIA e de seu modo de organização para em seguida refletir sobre as condições sociais de produção desse conhecimento, com enfoque especial na publicação, distribuição e acesso a essa produção. A observação realizada na 14ª Assembleia Geral do CODESRIA, evento de caráter científico e também administrativo, no qual são eleitos o seu corpo dirigente, é exposta neste trabalho. Os saberes endógenos do continente africano são alvo das reflexões dos cientistas sociais do continente, na busca pela construção de um paradigma africano nas ciências sociais. A tese discute essas reflexões e as possibilidades de construção de um conhecimento novo e/ou próprio do continente africano, tendo como base os pressupostos e métodos acadêmicos ocidentais. Neste campo, o confronto com o imaginário redutor construído pelo Ocidente sobre o continente africano é irrecusável. Examina-se, ainda, o modo como as cientistas sociais africanas desenvolvem o seu trabalho acrescentando novas perspectivas para as teorias feministas. O paradigma do desenvolvimento é outro tema crucial nas discussões dos cientistas sociais africanos e é abordado neste trabalho, a partir de um olhar sobre as controvérsias existentes entre o modo de produção capitalista e o que é próprio das formações sociais africanas. Este trabalho apresenta também uma discussão sobre a obra e os temas relacionados a dois autores em especial. O primeiro deles é Archie Mafeje, antropólogo negro sul-africano que foi nome importante nos debates desenvolvidos no CODESRIA até sua morte, em 1997. Mafeje realiza uma dura crítica à antropologia e seus pressupostos colonialistas, através do que ele denominou de ideologia do tribalismo. Examina-se como a antropologia beneficiou-se como disciplina dos conhecimentos adquiridos no continente africano, e acrescentam-se novos olhares para pensar a questão da identidade social e da etnicidade no continente africano. Por fim, aborda-se a produção e a trajetória de Achille Mbembe, cientista político dos Camarões que é um dos nomes contemporâneos de maior repercussão entre os cientistas sociais africanos. Achille Mbembe foi secretário executivo do CODESRIA, um posto crucial no direcionamento da instituição, e sua passagem pelo Conselho suscitou controvérsias de caráter administrativo, mas especialmente de posições teóricas, com parte considerável da comunidade de cientistas sociais que compõem o CODESRIA. / This work is the result of a survey on contemporary production of social sciences made by African intellectuals, with the universe study and its starting point at the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa CODESRIA a pan-African institution founded in 1973 with headquarters in Dakar, Senegal. The thesis starts at the understanding of the founding motivations CODESRIA and its organization in order to then reflect on the social conditions of production of knowledge, with a special focus on publishing, distribution and access to this production. The observation made in the 14th CODESRIA General Assembly scientific event and also administrative, which are elected its governing body, is exposed in this work. Endogenous knowledge of the African continent are targeted by the reflections of social scientists of the continent, in the search for the construction of an African paradigm in the social sciences. The thesis discusses these reflections and the possibilities for building new knowledge and/or own the African continent, based on the Western academic assumptions and methods. In this field, the confrontation with the imaginary gear built by the West on Africa is undeniable. It examines also how African women social scientists develop their work adding new perspectives for feminist theories. The paradigm of development is another crucial issue in discussions of African social scientists and is covered in this work, from a look at the controversies between the capitalist mode of production and what is own of African social formations. This paper also presents a discussion of the work and issues related to two authors in particular. The first is Archie Mafeje, black South African anthropologist who was an important name in the debates developed in CODESRIA until his death in 1997. Mafeje performs a tough critique of anthropology and its colonialist assumptions, through what he called tribalism ideology. Examines how anthropology benefited as a discipline of knowledge acquired in Africa, and adds up new perspectives to think about the issue of social identity and ethnicity in Africa. Finally, deals with the production and the path of Achille Mbembe, a political scientist from Cameroon that is one of the contemporary names greater impact among African social scientists. Achille Mbembe was Executive Secretary of CODESRIA, a crucial post in the direction of the institution, and its passage through the Council raised administrative character of controversy, but especially of theoretical positions, with considerable part of the community social scientists that make up the CODESRIA.

O presente estudo propõe-se a investigar a agenda cultural dos intelectuais comunistas brasileiros nas décadas de 1940 e 1950, período em que o mundo viveu um rearranjo de forças politicas, econômicas e militares com o início da Guerra Fria. O embate entre as duas potências antagônicas Estados Unidos e União Soviética - também se deu no campo ideológico, mediante intensa propaganda cultural fomentada por ambos os lados, a fim de trazer a intelectualidade e a opinião pública para sua esfera de influência. Buscamos identificar os principais temas e atividades com que se envolveram os intelectuais brasileiros de esquerda neste cenário. Para tanto, o trabalho teve como fonte de pesquisa três revistas culturais comunistas Literatura (Rio de Janeiro), Fundamentos (São Paulo) e Horizonte (Porto Alegre) editadas entre 1946 e 1956, que veicularam discussões relevantes a respeito da literatura e das artes plásticas como armas ideológicas, bem como sobre a participação do escritor e do artista na política e na democratização da cultura. Mereceram especial atenção os congressos promovidos pela Associação Brasileira dos Escritores (ABDE), as atividades do Movimento pela Paz Mundial - mobilização internacional que contou com ampla participação de intelectuais brasileiros - bem como as formulações sobre a estética do realismo socialista no início do século XX na URSS e a sua divulgação no Brasil no pós Guerra, por meio dos debates e interpretações que permearam a agenda cultural comunista brasileira. / This study aims to investigate the cultural agenda of the Brazilian communist intellectuals in the 1940s and 1950s, during which time the world experienced a rearrangement of political, economic and military powers with the onset of the Cold War. The clash between the two antagonistic superpowers - the United States and the Soviet Union - also took place in the ideological field, through intense cultural propaganda fostered by both sides in order to attract the intellectuals and public opinion to their sphere of influence. We seek to identify key issues and activities that engaged Brazilian leftish intellectuals in this scenario. Thereto this work was based in three communist cultural magazines as research sources - Literatura (Rio de Janeiro), Fundamentos (São Paulo) and Horizonte (Porto Alegre) - published between 1946 and 1956. These magazines conveyed meaningful discussions about literature and arts as ideological weapons, as well as on the role of the writer and the artist in politics and in the democratization of culture. Special attention has been dedicated to the conferences sponsored by the Brazilian Association of Writers (Associação Brasileira dos Escritores - ABDE), the activities comprising the Movement for World Peace an international mobilization in which Brazilian intellectuals had a large participation - as well as to the formulations about the aesthetics of socialist realism in the early twentieth century in USSR and its dissemination in Brazil in the postwar era, through the debates and interpretations that have permeated the Brazilian communist cultural agenda.

Pela análise comparativa dos romances Ventos do apocalipse (1999) e Niketche: uma história de poligamia (2004), da moçambicana Paulina Chiziane, esta dissertação discute as representações e o papel social da mulher em romances que se pautam na intensa força das relações sociais que informam a maneira de agir de homens e de mulheres em Moçambique. Mostramos como as mulheres especialmente as moçambicanas , antes personagens majoritariamente representadas por uma construção estético-literária masculina, alcançam na escrita feminina de Paulina uma representação da mulher sobre a mulher. Assim, procuramos consolidar um pensamento crítico em torno da hipótese de investigação pela qual se efetiva no espaço literário a desconstrução da subalternidade instituída para as mulheres e enraizada na ordem capitalista patriarcal. / Through a comparative analysis of the novels Ventos do apocalipse [Winds of the Apocalypse] (1999) and Niketche: uma história de poligamia [Niketche: A Story of Polygamy] (2004), by Mozambican writer Paulina Chiziane, the present dissertation discusses the representations and the social role of women in novels based on the intense strength of the social relations that guide the behavior of men and women in Mozambique. We shall show how women especially those from Mozambique characters who used to be mainly represented by a male aesthetic-literary construction, acquire, in Paulinas female writing, a womans representation of women. Thus, we attempt to consolidate a critical thinking to support the investigation hypothesis according to which the subalternity instituted for women and rooted in the patriarchic capitalist order is deconstructed in the literary space.

Partindo das disputas intelectuais, simbólicas e materiais que enlaçam os dois gêneros musicais chancelados como identificadores da nação, o samba e o choro, analiso a constituição e a reprodução de um microcosmo artístico possuidor de parâmetros estéticos relativamente autônomos. Percorro um longo período histórico no intento de demonstrar que o adensamento de instituições voltadas ao abrigo da música popular enseja uma contrapartida, a do surgimento de engajados que tratam de separar as produções musicais populares entre as que consideram autênticas das inautênticas, grupamento a que denomino de inteligência da música popular. Coube estabelecer sob que condições, quando e por meio da ação de quais personagens conformouse este microcosmo, espaço que logrou direcionar as apreciações e investidas de todos inseridos na atividade musical popular urbana. / Starting from the intellectual, symbolic and material disputes that intertwine both muscial genres heralded as the Nations identifiers: samba and choro, I analyse the constitution and reproduction of an artistic microcosm possessor of relatively autonomous aesthetic parameters. Covering a long historical period with the intent of showing that the densification of institutions aimed at the sheltering of popular music ensues a counterpart, one of stemming the engaged parties whose efforts aim at dissociating the popular musical productions between the ones they regard as authentic from the inauthentic, a grouping which I denominate popular music intelligentsia. This implied establishing under which conditions, when and through the action of which actors such microcosm was yielded, a space that managed to direct the appreciations and investements of everyone inserted in the urban popular music activity.

Nos anos 1920 e 1930 houve um incremento na produção de obras de história sobre o passado colonial de São Paulo. Impulsionados pela publicação de documentos antigos, diversos autores elaboraram suas versões sobre a história dos bandeirantes. Entre eles estava Alcântara Machado (1875-1941). O presente trabalho busca compreender como seu livro Vida e morte do bandeirante se insere na tradição historiográfica de escritos sobre o passado paulista. Para tanto, investiu-se no estudo das censuras e possibilidades colocadas a um advogado, professor e político considerado conservador ao escrever sobre a história de São Paulo na década de 1920. / In the 1920´s and 1930´s there was an increase of history writings concerning the colonial past of the State of São Paulo. Powered by the publication of old documents, several authors elaborated their versions of the bandeirante´s history. One of them was Alcântara Machado (19875-1941). The present work seeks how his book Vida e morte do bandeirante fits the historiographical tradition of writing about the past of São Paulo. It´s invested in the study of censorship and possibilities posed to a lawyer, professor and politician considered conservative to write about the history of São Paulo in the 1920s.

The purpose of this research was to isolate the variable giftedness in a pipulation and determine whether that variable could be used as a predictor of public library use. The analysis of data indicated that public library use was higher for the general public than for the gifted adults. There was less variation among the factors of age, level of education, and public library use for the gifted adults than for the general public. Books as a resource for information were mentioned by the general adults public more frequently than by the gifted adults. Friends were listed more often as an information resource by the gifted population than by the public. Gifted adults both read and owned more books than did the general public. There was no correlation between amount of reading and number of library visits in either sample. 35 of the general public has a Library Usage Index Value of less than 4, 97 of the gifted adults did. There was almost no difference between the first ten information sources listen by both samples.

En s’engageant massivement dans l’affaire Dreyfus, les écrivains n’ont pas seulement redéfini les formes de l’engagement, ils ont aussi mis leur plume au service d’une cause politique. Des articles écrits au cœur de la polémique aux romans inspirés de l’affaire, l’affaire Dreyfus est donc devenue un objet littéraire, interrogeant la frontière et les relations entre l’Histoire et la fiction. L’affaire Dreyfus a tout d’abord été une prise de conscience collective construite autour d’un discours idéologique sous-jacent. Les années qui ont précédé l’affaire ont été marquées par la genèse de cette bataille littéraire : la mise en place des discours idéologiques qui allaient s’affronter, l’émergence des formes de la mobilisation collective qui allaient servir au mouvement des intellectuels ont créé le terrain sur lequel l’affaire Dreyfus a eu lieu. Au cœur des événements, ce sont essentiellement les témoignages privés qui révèlent l’impact de l’affaire dans le milieu des écrivains : un mouvement qui a bouleversé la société littéraire jusque dans ses cercles intimes, dont la force de mobilisation ne laissait que peu de place aux voix dissidentes. La dimension collective de cette mobilisation a par ailleurs directement influencé le texte de l’affaire Dreyfus : dessinant entre les discours polémiques un intertexte à la fois idéologique et stylistique, les écrivains ont construit au croisement de leurs articles de combat une rhétorique dreyfusarde. Prolongeant cette vision littéraire collective, les œuvres de fiction ont donné une postérité littéraire à l’affaire Dreyfus au confluent des différents regards et sensibilités des écrivains / Through their massive commitment in the Dreyfus Affair, French writers have not only redefined the ways of commitment, they have also used their writing as a weapon to defend their political cause. From the articles written during the battle to the novels based on the Affair, the Dreyfus Affair has thus become a litterary object, questionning the frontier between History and Fiction. The Affair was a case of collective awareness linked to an underlying ideological debate. This litterary battle was born before the actual Affair began : the writers defined the main guidelines of the ideological debate and employed the means of collective mobilization, creating the background in which the Dreyfus Affair took place. During the battle itself, they privately expressed how much the Affair turned the litterary world upside down, leaving little room for dissident voices. The collective aspect of the mobilization has moreover directly influenced the Dreyfus littérature : creating between the lines of the debate an ideological and rhetorical unity, French writers have built this public controversy over common references. Influenced by this collective litterary vision, the fiction works based on the Affair gave it a litterary posterity at the crossroads of different sensitivities

Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre l’Académie Brésilienne des Lettres (ABL) et le régime militaire brésilien. L’objectif de cette étude est d’analyser dans quelle mesure cette institution – officiellement « apolitique » - put être une instance de légitimation pour la dictature militaire. Nous sommes revenus sur l’histoire de l’ABL depuis sa fondation, privilégiant son rôle dans le champ culturel brésilien dans les années 1960 et 1970. Elle formait à ce moment-là, avec l’Institut Historique et Géographique Brésilien (IHGB) et le Conseil Fédéral de la Culture (CFC) une « structure culturelle conservatrice », lieu de sociabilité des élites intellectuelles et politiques de droite et d’élaboration d’un discours conservateur. La prosopographie a permis de mettre en lumière un groupe d’intellectuels brésiliens tombés dans l’oubli pourtant très actif depuis le régime de Vargas jusqu’au coup d’Etat, ayant du pouvoir dans les médias et dans les réseaux qui facilitaient l’accès aux postes administratifs et politiques. Le quotidien de l’ABL va des cérémonies d’investiture, des visites que les académiciens recevaient, des hommages qu’ils rendaient, à la construction d’une mémoire des héros de la Nation et à l’exaltation de la Patrie. Les militaires se rendaient en grand nombre à chaque investiture, hommage ou commémoration de l’ABL ; réciproquement, lors des hommages et commémorations organisés par le régime, nombre d’académiciens étaient présents. Les académiciens s’engagèrent individuellement en faveur du régime, moins par une participation active dans l’appareil d’Etat que par l’élaboration et la diffusion d’un discours de légitimation fondé sur les grandes interprétations du Brésil des années trente, en particulier celles de Gilberto Freyre. Les données recueillies montrent que l’institution créée par Machado de Assis à la fin du XIXe siècle a concouru à légitimer le régime instauré en 1964. Cependant, cette légitimation ne s’est pas faite par une « collaboration » active mais plutôt par une forme de complicité. C’est le comportement de l’ensemble des membres de l’ABL, en particulier par le silence et différents degrés d’accommodation, par la proximité qu’ils avaient avec les représentants du régime, et par l’élaboration, la diffusion et la circulation d’un discours conservateur renforçant les notions de civisme et de patriotisme qui jouèrent le premier rôle dans ce processus. / This thesis examines the relationship between the Brazilian Academy of Lettres (ABL) and the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1979). The aim of this study is to analyse to what extant this institution – officially “apolitical” – could have been an instance of legitimation for the military dictatorship. This thesis addressed the history of the ABL since its foundation, focusing especially on its role in the Brazilian cultural field in the 1960s and 1970s. At that time, along with the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institut (IHGB) and the Federal Council for Culture (CFC), the ABL constituted a “conservative cultural structure”. It was a place in which right-wing intellectual and political elites socialised and where a conservative discourse was constructed. The prosopography brought to light a group of Brazilian intellectuals that had fallen into oblivion. This group was very active from the Vargas regime to the military coup, with media relations and political power, which enabled a more direct access to administrative and political positions. The everyday life of the ABL intellectuals includes the inauguration ceremonies, visits that academicians received, the construction of a memory of the heroes of the nation and the exaltation of the homeland. The military attended in large number each ceremony, tribute or commemoration organised by the ABL; in turn, several academicians were also present in tributes gathering s and commemoration organised by the military regime. This sociability between academics and members of the military dictatorship contributed to legitimising the regime in place. The academics where individually committed with the regime, less for their participation in the state apparatus than for the development and dissemination of a discourse of legitimation based on the global interpretation of the Brazilian history written in the 1930s, particularly that of Gilberto Freyre. The conclusions of the analyses undertaken in this thesis demonstrate that the institution created by Machado de Assis in the late nineteenth century helped legitimise the military regime established in Brazil in 1964. However, this legitimation was not developed by an active “collaboration” but rather by a form of complicity. It was the behaviour of all the ABL members, especially their silence and their different degrees of accommodation with the dictatorship, the proximity they had with the representatives of the regime, and the construction, the dissemination and circulation of a conservative discourse reinforcing notions of “public spirit” and patriotism that have played a crucial role in this process of legitimation.

À la fin des années 1980, le processus de désintégration de la Yougoslavie, déjà très avancé, apparaît au grand jour et annonce un très probable emballement violent. Il réserve aussi quelques surprises apparentes : la présence, aux côtés de Slobodan Milošević, d’intellectuels marxistes serbes qui ont compté, dans les années 1960-1970, parmi les plus grandes figures du communisme yougoslave, comme Ljubomir Tadić, Mihailo Marković ou Svetozar Stojanović. À première vue, cette évolution s’inscrit dans les bouleversements généraux connus par l’ensemble de l’Europe de l’Est, dans la phase de transition qui a commencé avant l’effondrement des régimes communistes et s’est poursuivie dans une période dite « post-communiste ». L’éclatement de la Yougoslavie, comme les « mutations idéologiques » individuelles, apparaissent de prime abord comme le résultat d’un processus de transition à la fois territoriale, politique et socio-économique, somme toute commun à l’ensemble de l’« autre Europe ». Les élites serbes n’auraient ainsi connu qu’un processus de « conversion » au « libéralisme » et le pays des transformations socio-économiques générées par l’effondrement du « système titiste ». Les singularités de l’expérience autogestionnaire yougoslave nous invitent, toutefois, à interroger le passé d’un pays qui a connu de nombreuses transitions politiques et socio-économiques, bien avant celle des années 1980-1990, susceptibles d’expliquer l’émergence d’un nationalisme exclusif dont la source se situe en fait plus en amont. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser les origines intellectuelles et culturelles des ultimes divisions yougoslaves, en étudiant l’évolution politique d’un groupe qui raconte la Yougoslavie de Tito : les marxistes humanistes de l’Université de Belgrade, depuis la naissance de la sensibilité humaniste dans les années 1920, parmi les hommes de lettres, jusqu’à la purge des milieux universitaires belgradois, conduite dans les années 1970 par le régime titiste. Cette plongée dans le passé communiste des Yougoslaves révèle que ni la Seconde Guerre mondiale ni l’effondrement du communisme à l’Est ne sont les seules matrices historiques de la montée des nationalismes en Yougoslavie. / At the end of the eighties, Yugoslavia is already quite far ahead with its desintegration process. This latter comes to light and forecasts a probable flight of violence. It also has in store many outward surprises as the presence of learned serbian marxist intellectuals by the side of Slobodan Milošević. Ljubomir Tadić, Mihailo Marković or Svetozar Stojanović, for instance, were among the more eminent figures of the yugoslav communism in the sixties and seventies. At first sight, this evolution takes place in the general upheavals that break out in Eastern Europe, during the liberal transition on the occasion of the communist collapse. The yugoslav decomposition and the individual mutations seem to be the result of a global transition process, territorial, political and socioeconomic at once, that takes the whole “Other Europe” at a glance. Thus, the serbian elites would just have experience a process of “conversion” to “liberalism” and the country would have been subjected to structural transformations because of the Tito’s regime collapse. However, the uncommon nature of the yugoslav self-management experience induces us to question the past of a country which went through many political and socioeconomic transitions, a good while before the eighties ones. These last-mentioned are able to explain the emergence of an exclusive nationalism, which has its source upstream from the eighties. This doctoral thesis intends to analyse the intellectual and cultural origins of the final yugoslav divisions by studiing the political evolution of a group which tells the Tito’s Yugoslavia: the humanist marxists of the University of Belgrade, from the birth of the humanist sensibility in the twenties, among writers, to the purge of the intellectual cercles of Belgrade in the seventies by the titist regime. This diving in the communist past of Yugoslavs reveals that neither the World War II nor the eastern communism collapse are the only historical matrix of the rise of nationalisms in Yugoslavia.