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Entre contraintes et bonnes intentions: Les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. L’exemple de la communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) en Côte d’Ivoire et ailleurs (Libéria, Sierra Leone, Guinée Bissau) de 1990 à 2003.Ndiaye, Papa Samba 06 September 2011 (has links)
ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case.
The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors.
To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature.
RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages.
La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.
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Trabalho e formação em comunicação e saúde: análise discursivo-ideológica dos manuais sobre emergências e desastres produzidos por organismos internacionais (OMS e OPAS)Lindenmeyer, Luciana Pereira January 2011 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2011 / Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Escola Politécnica de Saúde Joaquim Venâncio. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Profissional em Saúde. / A dissertação analisa, numa perspectiva crítico-ideológica, o discurso de dois manuais produzidos por organismos internacionais (OMS e OPAS) situados no campo da Comunicação e Saúde (C&S) e direcionados, em específico, para as situações de “emergência e desastre”. O estudo se justifica pela concentração da literatura deste campo na crítica à comunicação instrumental e suas formas de superá-la, exigindo uma produção científica no que diz respeito ao trabalho e à formação. Para tal, este trabalho apresenta, primeiramente, as relações entre a comunicação, a hegemonia e a mundialização no capitalismo atual. Discute ainda, de forma sucinta, o surgimento da C&S e as políticas que regem este contexto, assim como o trabalho e a formação dos profissionais que atuam neste campo. Problematiza, também, as questões da sociedade divida em classes e da pedagogia das competências no contexto do trabalho e educação. Aborda ainda a importância dos organismos internacionais da área da saúde na consolidação de um discurso hegemônico para o trabalho no campo da C&S. A partir do referencial teórico-metodológico da crítica discursivo-ideológica, foram definidas quatro categorias de análise do discurso nos manuais: população; emergências e desastres; trabalho e formação; e comunicação e saúde. O resultado do estudo foi a comprovação de um conjunto articulado de sentidos que produzem o discurso hegemônico, a saber: o controle da participação popular atrelado à fragmentação da população; a emergência e o desastre como isolados da produção social; a saúde como efeito; a comunicação como instrumental; e o trabalho e a formação como comportamentais. / The paper examines, from a perspective critical-ideological, the discourse of two manuals produced by international organizations (WHO and PAHO) situated in the field of Communication and Health and directed, in particular, for situations of "emergency and disaster." The study is justified by the concentration of the literature of this field in the critique of instrumental communication and ways to overcome it, requiring a scientific production in relation to work and education. To this end, this paper presents, firstly, the relationship between communication, hegemony and globalization in contemporary capitalism. It also discusses, briefly, the emergence of the field of Communication and Health and policies governing this context, as well as work and education of professionals working in this field. Also discusses the issues of society divided into classes and pedagogy skills in work and education. It also discusses the importance of international organizations in health for the consolidation of a hegemonic discourse to work in the field of Communication and Health. From the theoretical and methodological critique of the discursive and ideological, were defined four categories of discourse analysis in hand, namely: population, emergencies and disasters, work and training, and communication and health. The study results are evidence of a coordinated set of meanings that produce the hegemonic discourse, namely: the control of popular participation linked to the fragmentation of the population, emergency and disaster as isolated from social production, the effect of health, communication as instrumental, and work and training as a behavioral.
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A atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento no Brasil (1959-2006) / The role of the Inter-American Development Bank in Brasil (1959-2006)Scherma, Márcio Augusto 1983- 12 December 2007 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa as linhas de atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID) no Brasil, desde sua criação, em 1959, até o ano de 2006 (final do primeiro governo Lula), tendo como preocupação central detectar uma possível mudança no modo de atuação do BID a partir de fins da década de 80 e início dos anos 90, período de crise na América Latina. A hipótese da dissertação é que, embora tenha o BID sido influenciado pelo receituário do ¿Consenso de Washington¿ e por idéias mais liberais oriundas dos Estados Unidos durante os 70-80, as raízes do Banco garantiram a ele um papel mais independente do que outras instituições, fazendo com que, no caso do BID, as conhecidas ¿condicionalidades¿ nos empréstimos fossem menos relevantes e contassem com menos exigências. Acreditamos que e exemplo brasileiro é interessante para demonstrar isso, já que as chamadas ¿reformas neoliberais¿ ocorrem mais tardiamente no Brasil do que em outros países da América Latina; o que nos levou a questionar qual fora o real papel de organizações internacionais como o BID no processo de adoção destas reformas. Escolhemos o caso específico do BID por ser, esta instituição, a maior fonte multilateral de crédito brasileira / Abstract: This dissertation examines the lines of action of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) in Brazil, since its creation in 1959, until the year 2006 (end of the first government Lula), with the main objective of detecting a possible change in the mode of action of the IADB from the end of the decade of 80 and the early 90, a period of crisis in Latin America. The hypothesis of this dissertation is that although the IADB has been influenced by the prescriptions of the "Washington Consensus" and some kind of liberal ideas from the United States during the 70¿s-80¿s, the bank¿s roots assured it more independence than others institutions, so that in the case of the IADB, the well-knowned "conditionalities" in loans were less relevant and contracted with fewer requirements.
We believe that the brazilian example is interesting to demonstrate this, because the so-called "neoliberal reforms" occured later in Brazil than in other Latin American countries; what led us to question what was the real role of international organizations such as the IADB in the process of adopting these reforms. We have chosed the specific case of the IADB because this institution is the largest source of multilateral credit of Brazil / Mestrado / Política Externa / Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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[en] THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN COMPLIANCE: A CASE STUDY OF THE EUROPEAN ENLARGEMENT / [pt] O PAPEL DAS ORGANIZAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS NA AQUIESCÊNCIA: UM ESTUDO DE CASO SOBRE O ALARGAMENTO EUROPEUREGINA KFURI BARBOSA 09 October 2006 (has links)
[pt] Com o objetivo de estudar a questão da aquiescência às
normas no sistema
internacional, esta pesquisa enfoca o projeto da União
Européia (UE), e mais
especificamente da Comissão Européia, para o alargamento
do bloco para a
Europa Central e do Leste (ECL). A UE criou normas de
condicionalidade para a
adesão dos países da ECL, que incluíam uma economia de
mercado, democracia
liberal e respeito aos direitos humanos. Através de ações
da Comissão Européia, a
UE trabalhou para que os países da ECL cumprissem essas
normas. Os autores
que trabalham com a questão da aquiescência costumam
dividir-se entre os
defensores do uso de sanções (enforcement) e os que
defendem a busca de
soluções para situações de violação da regra
(administração). Segundo esta última
perspectiva, uma estratégia que vise administrar a
aquiescência por meio de
construção de capacidades e transparência deve ser mais
eficaz em garantir o
cumprimento da norma. A hipótese desta pesquisa é a de que
as ações da
Comissão para o alargamento pautaram-se pela administração
da aquiescência às
normas de condicionalidade. / [en] With the goal of studying compliance in the international
system, this
research focuses the project of the European Union (EU),
and more specifically of
the European Commission, for the enlargement to the
Central and Eastern
European countries (CEECs). The EU established
conditionality norms for
membership of those countries, which included a market
economy, liberal
democracy and respect to the human rights. Through actions
of the European
Commission, the EU worked so that the countries of CEE
accomplished those
norms. The debate about compliance is framed in terms of
contending
perspectives: enforcement theorists, who advocate the
coercive use of sanctions,
and the management scholars, who advocate a problem-
solving approach.
According to the latter, a strategy that seeks to manage
compliance through
capacity building, rule interpretation, and transparency
is more effective in
guaranteeing compliance than a coercive one. The
hypothesis of this research is
that the actions of the Commission for the enlargement
were based on the
management perspective of compliance with the
conditionality norms.
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Hégémonie et recontextualisation discursives du néolibéralisme :Analyse lexicométrique de 40 ans de rapports annuels de l’OCDE, de la Banque mondiale et de l’OITLeterme, Cédric 25 January 2017 (has links)
Le « tournant néolibéral » des années 1970 a fait l’objet d’analyses diverses et parfois contradictoires. Notre thèse se propose d’en enrichir la compréhension à travers une analyse discursive comparée de trois organisations internationales étroitement concernées par ces évolutions :la Banque mondiale, l’OCDE et l’OIT. Nous partons en effet du principe que le « tournant néolibéral » fut aussi un tournant discursif et que les organisations internationales en furent des acteurs et relais clés. Des relais parce que les tenants de la stratégie néolibérale ont cherché à la déployer dans et à travers ces institutions, mais des acteurs aussi parce que pour ce faire, les « néolibéraux » ont dû tenir compte des pratiques discursives et extra-discursives pré-instituées qui caractérisaient ces organisations internationales jusque-là. C’est ainsi que selon nous, mêmes des institutions hégémoniques comme la Banque mondiale et l’OCDE n’ont pas seulement reproduit la stratégie et le discours néolibéraux, elles l’ont aussi (et surtout) co-produit et co-déterminé selon leurs propres caractéristiques historiques et institutionnelles, avec des conséquences potentiellement diverses (voire conflictuelles). Et c’est encore plus le cas d’une institution comme l’OIT, dont le mandat et la structure la rendent structurellement incompatible avec le projet néolibéral. Sans véritable possibilité de s’y opposer de front, mais sans pouvoir également s’y conformer totalement sauf à renier jusqu’à sa propre raison d’être, il nous semble que la seule solution qu’il lui restait consistait dès lors à y « répondre stratégiquement », notamment d’un point de vue discursif. Pour le démontrer nous avons donc entrepris de réaliser une analyse lexicométrique de trois corpus de textes composés respectivement de tout ou parties des rapports sur le développement dans le monde de la Banque mondiale, des rapports d’activités de l’OCDE et des rapports annuels du Directeur Général de l’OIT publiés entre 1970 et 2015. À travers elle, nous avons cherché à comprendre les logiques de recontextualisation discursive qui ont accompagné le déploiement hégémonique néolibéral. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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[en] THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES AND THE IMMEDIATE RESOLUTION OF HONDURAS-EL SALVADOR CONFLICT (1969) / [pt] A RESOLUÇÃO IMEDIATA DA GUERRA DO FUTEBOL, ENTRE HONDURAS E EL SALVADOR, PELA ORGANIZAÇÃO DOS ESTADOS AMERICANOS (1969)EDUARDA PASSARELLI HAMANN 28 July 2003 (has links)
[pt] Honduras e El Salvador, desde a época de suas
independências, em 1821, têm uma relação bastante
conflituosa. Após várias tentativas de resolução pacífica
de suas disputas fronteiriças, alguns fatores
demográficos, políticos e sócioeconômicos são agregados à natureza da
relação desses dois Estados e dão origem, em julho de
1969, a um confronto armado conhecido por - Guerra do Futebol -
ou - Guerra das Cem Horas -.A resolução imediata, ou
administração, da Guerra do Futebol foi realizada
pela Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), através da
atuação coordenada de quatro de seus órgãos: a Comissão
Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, o Conselho
Permanente, o Secretário Geral e a Reunião de Consulta dos Ministros
das Relações Exteriores. A principal contribuição do
presente trabalho, trazida à tona através da
análise da ação coletiva da OEA no caso em estudo,
permite concluir que esta organização exerceu três importantes
papéis, que contribuíram para a resolução imediata da
Guerra do Futebol, a saber: (i) ator autônomo; (ii)
modificador do comportamento do Estado; e (iii)
arena/espaço de discussão. Ademais, trata-se de
um conflito que não conta com a participação, direta ou
indireta, do membro mais poderoso da OEA, o que configura
uma exceção à política intervencionista norteamericana
para a América Latina na década de 1960. / [en] Honduras and El Salvador, since their independences in
1821, have a conflicting relationship. After countless
attempts to achieve a peaceful resolution in their frontier
disputes, new factors - demographic, political and
socioeconomical - are added to the nature of the
relationship between these two states and would give rise,
in July 1969, to a armed conflict known as - Soccer War - or
Hundred-years War -. The immediate resolution of the
Soccer War was accomplished by the Organization of the
American States (OAS), through a coordinated action of four
of its main bodies, that is, of the Inter-American
Commission of Human Rights, the Permanent Council, the
Secretary-General and the Meeting of Consultation of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs.The main contribution of this
study, brought up through the analysis of the OAS
collective action in this case, leads to the conclusion
that this organization has played three main roles, which
have largely contributed to the immediate resolution of the
Soccer War, namely (i) autonomous actor; (ii) modifier of
state behavior; and (iii) forum/space for dialogue.
Moreover, it is worth noting that the most powerful member
of the OAS has not participated, nor direct or indirect, to
the achievement of the immediate resolution of this
conflict, which can be considered as an exception to the
North-American interventionist politics towards
Latin America in the 1960s.
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Entre contraintes et bonnes intentions: Les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. L’exemple de la communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) en Côte d’Ivoire et ailleurs (Libéria, Sierra Leone, Guinée Bissau) de 1990 à 2003.Ndiaye, Papa Samba January 2011 (has links)
ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case.
The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors.
To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature.
RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages.
La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.
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L'Union africaine et la promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité en Afrique / The African Union and the promotion of peace, security and stability in AfricaNtwari, Guy-Fleury 01 December 2014 (has links)
La promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité est un objectif fondamental de l’Union africaine, l’Organisation continentale panafricaine. Cet objectif constitue désormais une fonction juridique essentielle pour laquelle a été mise en place au sein de l’Organisation un mécanisme approprié : l’architecture de paix et de sécurité (APSA). Bâtie sur une articulation juridique actualisée, au cœur de laquelle se trouve le Conseil de paix et de sécurité, cette fonction se trouve placée dans des conditions juridiques, devant permettre à l’Union africaine d’agir efficacement dans les situations d’atteinte à la paix, à la sécurité et à la stabilité. Plus d’une décennie après la mise en place de la nouvelle Organisation, le caractère fondamental de cette fonction pousse dès lors à s’interroger sur sa place exacte, à la lumière des capacités de l’Organisation à l’assurer à l’épreuve des faits. Cette interrogation éclaire les conditions d’émergence de la fonction mais place sa dynamique de mise en oeuvre dans un contexte ambivalent marqué tout à la fois par le caractère extensif des compétences de l’Organisation dans ce domaine mais également par la portée limitée de celle-ci face à la multiplication des conflits. / The Promotion of Peace, security and stability is a fundamental objective of the African Union, the Pan African continental organization. This aim is a now a core legal function for which has been established an appropriate scheme within the Organization: the Architecture of Peace and Security in Africa (APSA). Within an updated legal articulation, at the heart of which is the Peace and Security Council, this function is placed in legal conditions that must allow the African Union to act effectively in the cases of breach of peace, security and stability. More than a decade after the establishment of the new organization, the fundamental nature of this function, pushes therefore to question its proper place, in light of the capacity of the Organization to ensure it, at the facts test. This question illuminates emergence conditions of this function but identifies also an ambivalent dynamic in its implementation, marked at once by the extensive nature of the competences of the Organization in this area but its limited scope when facing increasing conflicts.
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Role of Small States in International Relations: Comparative Analysis of the Czech Republic and Israel / Role malých států v mezinárodních vztazích: Komparativní analýza České republiky a IzraeleHlavsová, Aneta January 2014 (has links)
This study is titled Role of Small States in International Relations: Comparative Analysis of the Czech Republic and Israel and its main purpose is to analyze a typical small state's behavior in the international arena on the examples of the Czech and Israeli foreign policy. It is divided into four respective sections -- a theoretical framework, historical background, and the two case studies, and it strives to answer a foundational question whether the Czech Republic and Israel can be considered small players in international relations based on the theoretical definition of the notion of a small state as well as the countries' current foreign policy approaches and tools.
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Nové trendy diplomacie - good governance / New trends of diplomacy - good governanceĎurková, Petra January 2011 (has links)
This thesis deals with the presumption that multilateral diplomacy is a possible means to promote good governance. The first part described the origin, definition and criticism of the concept of good governance. Another part deals with transformations of diplomacy and international relations after the Cold War. Contemporary diplomacy must respond to globalization, interdependence, technological development, changing international environment and increase the number of actors in international relations. The last part is devoted to multilateral diplomacy, international organizations and especially their connection with good governance. In my thesis I came to the conclusion that multilateral diplomacy can be a useful tool for promoting the objectives of good governance and management of the state. The best space for the use of multilateral diplomacy as a means of promoting good governance is intergovernmental organization.
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