Uppsatsens syfte är att ta reda på vad det finns för sociologiska aspekter som påverkar när individer röstar på Sverigedemokraterna, för att kunna ta reda på detta har jag utformat tre frågeställningar.  Jag har valt att använda mig av både sociologiska och socialpsykologiska begreppen, dessa begrepp är interaktionsritualer, grupper, jaget, identitet och stereotyper.Valet av metod baserade jag på vilken av metoderna som skulle ge det bästa svaret på mitt syfte och mina frågeställningar. Därför har jag valt att använda mig utav den kvalitativ metod då jag t.ex. kan ställa följdfrågor till intervjupersonerna och jag får en bättre inblick av hur respondenterna tycker och tänker när de svarar på frågorna och jag kan även se hur de reagerar när jag ställer frågorna och hur de använder sig av sitt kroppsspråk. Jag har valt att dela upp resultatet och analysen i fyra olika rubriker och detta gjorde jag för att det skulle vara lättare att se vad som är det viktigaste och mest intressantast i mina intervjuer men även se vad mina intervjupersoner gav för svar på mina frågeställningar. För att sedan koppla begreppen till resultatet som jag har fått från intervjuerna.   I diskussionen skriver jag om vad som hade kunnat gå bättre respektive sämre i min uppsats. För att sedan skriva om de svar jag har fått på mitt syfte och mina frågeställningar utifrån begreppen, materialet. Slutligen diskuterar jag svaren på mitt syfte och mina frågeställningar utifrån min synvinkel. / The essay's purpose is to find out the sociological aspects that influence when individuals vote for the Sweden Democrats.   I have chosen to use both sociological and social psychological concepts. These concepts are interaction rituals, groups, self, identity and stereotypes. The choice of method is based on methods that I think would give the best answer to my purpose and my questions. That is why I have chosen to use the qualitative method then for example I can put supplementary questions to the interviewees and I get a better insight of what the respondents think when replying to the questions and I can also see how they react when I ask the questions and how they use their body language.   I have chosen to divide the result and analysis in four different headings because it will be easier to see what is the most important and most interesting in my interviews, but also see the interview persons answers to my questions. Then connect the idea to the results I have received from the interviews.   In the discussion, I write about what could go better or worse in my essay. And then write about the response I have received on my purpose and my questions based on concepts and material. Last I answer to my purpose and my questions from my point of view.

The following essay is a study about how migrant workers and immigration policies were discussed from Livsmedelsarbetareförbundets union press, Mål och Medel, to the members of the union between the years 1960-1973. To find this out I set these questions:   What sort of information appear in Mål och Medel concerning migrant workers and immigrant policies, and how does this change over time?   How does Mål och Medel present the immigrant workers opinions?   The method for the study is based on analyzing articles, interviews and others texts found in Livsmedelsarbetareförbundets union press, Mål och Medel, and what they want to inform the members of the union about.   The study’s results have found that during the early parts of the 1960s immigrant workers were not included in the union press at all. Towards the late 1960s the immigrants were discussed, but in a manner which implied that immigrants are naturally exploited and therefore must the immigration be controlled better. It also discussed immigrants had some sort of “adaptation problem” to the Swedish norm. The immigrants were expected to adapt themselves to become more like the normal “Swedish worker”.  In the early 1970s the immigrant workers become gradually more included with the rest of the union members and are considered to be a great asset in Swedish workforce. During this period Mål och Medel also publishes immigrant workers opinions and frequently discusses the possibilities for education in Swedish for the foreign part of the workforce.

The narrative of the United States is of a "nation of immigrants" in which the language shift patterns of earlier ethnolinguistic groups have tended towards linguistic assimilation through English. In recent years, however, changes in the demographic landscape and language maintenance by non-English speaking immigrants, particularly Hispanics, have been perceived as threats and have led to calls for an official English language policy.This thesis aims to contribute to the study of language policy making from a societal security perspective as expressed in attitudes regarding language and identity originating in the daily interaction between language groups. The focus is on the role of language and American identity in relation to immigration. The study takes an interdisciplinary approach combining language policy studies, security theory, and critical discourse analysis. The material consists of articles collected from four newspapers, namely USA Today, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle between April 2006 and December 2007.Two discourse types are evident from the analysis namely Loyalty and Efficiency. The former is mainly marked by concerns of national identity and contains speech acts of security related to language shift, choice and English for unity. Immigrants are represented as dehumanised, and harmful. Immigration is given as sovereignty-related, racial, and as war. The discourse type of Efficiency is mainly instrumental and contains speech acts of security related to cost, provision of services, health and safety, and social mobility. Immigrants are further represented as a labour resource. These discourse types reflect how the construction of the linguistic 'we' is expected to be maintained. Loyalty is triggered by arguments that the collective identity is threatened and is itself used in reproducing the collective 'we' through hegemonic expressions of monolingualism in the public space and semi-public space. The denigration of immigrants is used as a tool for enhancing societal security through solidarity and as a possible justification for the denial of minority rights. Also, although language acquisition patterns still follow the historical trend of language shift, factors indicating cultural separateness such as the appearance of speech communities or the use of minority languages in the public space and semi-public space have led to manifestations of intolerance. Examples of discrimination and prejudice towards minority groups indicate that the perception of worth of a shared language differs from the actual worth of dominant language acquisition for integration purposes. The study further indicates that the efficient working of the free market by using minority languages to sell services or buy labour is perceived as conflicting with nation-building notions since it may create separately functioning sub-communities with a new cultural capital recognised as legitimate competence. The discourse types mainly represent securitising moves constructing existential threats. The perception of threat and ideas of national belonging are primarily based on a zero-sum notion favouring monolingualism. Further, the identity of the immigrant individual is seen as dynamic and adaptable to assimilationist measures whereas the identity of the state and its members are perceived as static. Also, the study shows that debates concerning language status are linked to extra-linguistic matters. To conclude, policy makers in the US need to consider the relationship between four factors, namely societal security based on collective identity, individual/human security, human rights, and a changing linguistic demography, for proposed language intervention measures to be successful. / <p>Diss. Luleå : Luleå tekniska universitet, 2011-01-31</p>

Syftet med denna undersökning har varit att analysera debatter om invandrings- och flyktingpolitik i Sveriges riksdag mellan åren 1965 och 1993 för att synliggöra vilka svårigheter och möjligheter de olika riksdagspartierna såg med invandring och flyktingar. Vidare ville jag även bidra med empiri i frågan om när svensk flyktingpolitik började gå mot en mer restriktiv riktning. Metoden som har använts i undersökningen av källmaterialet är en kombination av argumentationsanalys och kvalitativ textanalys. Undersökningsperioden har avgränsats till tre nedslag: 1965 till 1970, 1975 till 1980 och 1985 till 1993.   I resultaten kunde jag se en utmaning i invandrarnas integration som krävde särskilda åtgärder. Vissa partier kunde dock se fler fördelar med invandring så som arbetskraftsinvandringens positiva påverkan på den svenska arbetsmarknaden och flyktinginvandringens effekt som innebar en ökad välvilja och solidaritet bland det svenska folket. Vissa partier uttryckte dock en oro att en för omfattande flyktinginvandring skulle leda till mer främlingsfientlighet i samhället. Vid slutet av undersökningsperioder märktes en polarisering i debatten där vissa partier hade tydliga kommunitaristiska uppfattningar som innebar att Sveriges befolkning inte fick påverkas negativt av en för generös flyktingpolitik. Andra partier uttryckte kosmopolitanistiska åsikter som innebar att de ansåg att det svenska samhällets problem inte kunde jämföras med de svåra situationerna och problem som flyktingarna befann sig i.   När det gäller frågan om när svensk flyktingpolitik började gå mot en restriktiv riktning visade riksdagsdebatterna en mer ansträngd situation redan efter 1985 och vissa beslut som diskuterades i riksdagen som ledde till en minskning av asylsökande skedde under året 1989. / The purpose of this study has been to analyse the debates about immigration and refugee policy in the Swedish parliament between the years 1965 and 1993 in order to find out which difficulties and possibilities the different parties saw connected to immigration and refugees. I also aimed to contribute with empiricism regarding the question of when Swedish refugee policy started going towards a more restrictive direction. The method used in the research was a combination of argumentation analysis and qualitative textual analysis. The research period has been delimited to the following years: 1965 to 1970, 1975 to 1980 and 1985 to 1993.   In the result I could see a challenge connected to the immigrants’ integration which demanded special measures from the state. Certain parties could see more advantages of immigration such as the labour migrations positive effects in the Swedish labour market and refugee migrations effect which contributed to rising tolerance and solidarity among the Swedish people. Some parties, however, expressed a concern about increased refugee immigration leading to a rise of xenophobia within the society. By the end of the research period there was a noticeable polarization of the debate which meant that some parties had obvious communitarian opinions which meant that the Swedish citizens shouldn’t be negatively affected by what was considered a too generous refugee policy. Other parties showed cosmopolitan ideas and believed that the problems of the Swedish society couldn’t be compared to the difficulties that refugees had to deal with.   Regarding the question of when Swedish refugee policy started heading towards a more restrictive direction, the debates showed a strained situation as early as 1985 but the decisions which were discussed in parliament which led to a reduction of asylum seekers took place during 1989.

Denna uppsats syftar till att analysera EU:s förslag till en gemensam europeisk invandrings- och asylpolitik som presenterades av Kommissionen den 17 juli 2008. Foucaults begrepp governmentalitet och hans förståelse av diskurs har använts som analytiska verktyg för att hjälpa till att påvisa logiken bakom förslaget. För att göra detta studeras vilka diskurser som ligger till grund för förslaget samt vilken typ av diskurs som förslaget förmedlar och vilken effekt denna kan tänkas ha på samhällsklimatet och relationerna människor emellan inom EU. Kärnan till analysen är formandet av den europeiska befolkningen och en europeisk identitet. Invandringspolitik kan sägas handla om att sköta distributionen av människor och sätta upp ramar för vem som ska inkluderas i vilken befolkning och under vilka förutsättningar. EU:s invandringspolitik säger därför en hel del om vilka människor som unionen önskas bestå av, och även vilken relation organisationen önskar ha till den egna befolkningen. Centrala punkter är bevarandet av välfärden inom unionen och etablerandet av en europeisk gemenskap. En strategi som diskuteras angående skapandet av denna gemenskap är etableringen av idén om hotet mot Europa, och på vilket sätt detta kan sägas vara ett sätt för EU att motivera bevakningen av den egna befolkningen. Vidare undersöks sambanden mellan skapandet av en europeisk gemenskap eller europeisk identitet och tendenser mot en ökad eurocentrism baserad på samma värderingar som den nationalism som EU skapades för att motverka. Den bild som EU producerar av Europa och den europeiska befolkningen innebär indirekt en formulering av det som finns utanför och de som inte anses tillhöra denna gemenskap. Denna uppsats ämnar påvisa hur detta tillsammans med den bild som EU förmedlar av invandrare och invandring kan antas påverka attityderna och relationerna inom Europa. / This thesis aims at analysing the EU's proposal for a common immigration and asylum policy for Europe that was presented by the Commission on the 17th of July 2008. Foucault's notion governmentality and his understanding of discourse have been used as analytical tools to help demonstrate the logic behind the proposal. To do this focus is put on which discourses it is that constitutes the foundation of the proposal, which type of discourse that is created through the proposal and what effects it could be considered having on the European society and the human relations within the EU.The core of the analysis is the shaping of the European population and a European identity. Immigration policies are concerned with dealing with the distribution of people, and creating frames for who gets to be included in which population and under which circumstances. The EU's immigration policy therefore says a lot about which people are wanted within the union, and also which type of relationship the organisation wishes to have with its population. Key points are the maintenance of the welfare within the union and the establishment of a European community. One strategy that are discussed concerning the achievement of this community is the establishment of the idea about the threat against Europe, and in what way this could be a way for the EU to motivate the surveillance of its own population. Further the connections are studied between the creation of a European community or European identity and tendencies towards an increased eurocentrism based on the same values as the nationalism the EU was created to prevent. The picture the EU produces of Europe and the European population also indirect imply a formulation of what is outside and those not considered being a part of this community. This thesis aims at showing how this, along with the picture the EU presents of immigrants and immigration, can be assumed to affect the attitudes and relations within Europe.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to analyze equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swe-dish immigration policy based on Habermas theory about openings/closures and analyze the reasons to the differences between Danish and Swedish immigrant policy. Therefore this study has two question formulations, the first one was "Is there any equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy based on Habermas theory of openings and closings?" and the second was "Why are there equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy?" The results show that based on Habermas theory there are equalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy. On the question why, the re-sults show us that the factors who give the difference are work, people’s attitude to immi-grants and party politics.</p><p>Keywords: Denmark, Sweden, Immigration policy, opening, closing.</p>

Diss. Linköping : Linköpings universitet, 2006.

Syftet med min studie var att belysa och jämföra språkpolitiken i Sverige och Tyskland med särskilt fokus på styrdokument som gäller språkundervisning av nyanlända vuxna invandrare. Frågeställningarna som studien skulle besvara var följande: Vad är det som anges i den nationella lagstiftningen om den enskildes tillgång till språk både vad gäller modersmål och andra språk? Hur organiseras undervisningen i andraspråk för vuxna nyanlända i Sverige respektive Tyskland? Vilka likheter och skillnader finns mellan Tyskland och Sverige vad gäller organisation av andraspråksutbildning för nyanlända vuxna? Jag använde mig av en kvalitativ metod, där materialurvalet bestod av tyska och svenska lagtexter inom relevant område. Resultatet visade att Sveriges språklag garanterar den enskildes tillgång till språk både vad gäller modersmål och annat språk än modersmål. Tyskland saknar språklag, som tyder på att Tyskland inte känner behovet av att reglera det tyska språket i förhållande till andra språk. Tyska är ett starkt språk inom ett nationellt och internationellt sammanhang. Undervisningen för nyanlända vuxna invandrare förankras i Sverige och Tyskland genom lagstiftning, dock finns mer olikheter än likheter när man jämför paragrafernas innehåll. Medan Sverige påvisar pedagogiska drag i förordningen kring SFI samt obegränsat tillgänglighet utmärker sig den tyska integrationskursen genom språkideologi. Detta sker i form av språktest som förutsättning för tilldelning av medborgarskap samt begränsningar i rätten att delta.

The aim of this essay is to understand why segregation differs in two like-minded municipalities, is the explanation in their history or in the way each of the cities work with their segregation issues? The result showed that both aspects are contributing and have affected the segregation that is seen today. Trollhättan has a much higher level of segregation than Kungälv because of their former housing and immigration politics and the differences in the current work of the municipalities. Their different views on segregation have directly affected the outcome. We have worked with three different theories as to why segregation might occur. One claims that the physical design is what creates segregation while the other one focuses on humans characterizing certain areas as segregated. The last theory deals with neoliberal planning in order to understand how different societal actors influence segregation through different approaches to planning. We have used a qualitative method in which semistructured interviews have been in focus. Both Kungälv and Trollhättan claim that the physical design is the reason for their segregation, but in our discussion we reached the conclusion that all theories play a role in the segregation that is occuring. / Uppsatsens syfte är att förstå varför segregeringen skiljer sig åt i två kommuner med mycket gemensamt, ligger förklaringen i historien eller i kommunernas nutida arbetssätt? Resultatet blev att bägge aspekterna är bidragande och har därför påverkat den segregering som finns idag. Att Trollhättan har en mycket högre grad segregering än Kungälv beror alltså på den forna bostadsoch invandringspolitiken och skillnaderna i kommunernas nutida arbete. Deras olika synsätt på segregering har direkt påverkat utfallet. Det finns tre teorier som vi har arbetat efter, den ena teorin menar att det är den fysiska utformningen som skapar segregering och den andra teorin menar att det är människorna som stigmatiserar områden som segregerade. Den sista teorin behandlar neo-liberal planering för att förstå hur samhällets olika aktörer påverkar segregering genom olika synsätt på planering. För att komma fram till vårt resultat har vi använt oss av kvalitativ metod där semistrukturerade intervjuer har varit i fokus. Både Kungälvs och Trollhättans informanter menar att den fysiska utformningen är orsaken till deras kommuns segregering, men i diskussionen kommer vi fram till att alla teorier är bidragande till segregerings problematiken i respektive kommun.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swe-dish immigration policy based on Habermas theory about openings/closures and analyze the reasons to the differences between Danish and Swedish immigrant policy. Therefore this study has two question formulations, the first one was "Is there any equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy based on Habermas theory of openings and closings?" and the second was "Why are there equalities/inequalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy?" The results show that based on Habermas theory there are equalities between the Danish and Swedish immigration policy. On the question why, the re-sults show us that the factors who give the difference are work, people’s attitude to immi-grants and party politics. Keywords: Denmark, Sweden, Immigration policy, opening, closing.