O tema central desta tese é a esperança escatológica. Através de uma pesquisa histórico-bíblica, o autor desta tese busca identificar o significado que os conceitos tiqwah e elpis tinham para os seus receptores judaico-cristãos originários. Jürgen Moltmann, ao propor uma hermenêutica política da esperança, busca retomar este tema a partir dos contextos nos quais ele se originou. Toda a concepção de esperança cristã desenvolvida por Moltmann tem seus desdobramentos na dimensão pública da missão do cristão no mundo. Portanto, a esperança escatológica produz uma etologia que lhe é própria. Nela, a esperança é instrumentalizada pela fé que assume o mundo como locus de ação transformadora, tornando, através da prática do amor, a redenção cosmo-antropológica uma possibilidade alcançável na efetivação dos princípios éticos da justiça e da verdade. Neste sentido, na etologia da esperança, o outro se torna referência da missio spei, e é para ele, como parte de uma realidade maior (kósmos), que o sentido redentivo da história escatológica está direcionado teleologicamente. É para o futuro que a esperança escatológica projeta seu olhar e deseja ver sua utopia se realizar plenamente. Já o binômio saúde e doença, como novo paradigma hermenêutico de teologicidade do neoprotestantismo brasileiro, concebe a esperança num contorno soteriológico diferente, no qual o presente vivido, aqui-agora, é compreendido como o locus em que se materializa a dimensão histórica da salvação do crente. A cura integral do anthrôpos é o sinal contundente de que a soteria bíblica tem, na dimensão histórica imediata, seu significado psicossomático cabalmente confirmado. É para este éon que o olhar da fé neoprotestante busca sua auto-realização integral. Neste sentido, a espiritualidade neoprotestante desenvolve uma etologia desescatologizada, que afirma a transcendência deste mundo e perde de seu horizonte hermenêutico a dimensão futúrica da esperança escatológica tal como se preconizou no protocristianismo. No entanto, existe a possibilidade de estabelecer um diálogo construtivo entre estas duas epistemologias da fé: a moltmanniana e a neoprotestante brasileira. Achar este ponto em comum é a tarefa que se propõe satisfazer o autor desta tese. / The central subject of this thesis is the escathological hope. Through a Historic-Biblical research, the author of this thesis searchs to identify the meaning that the concepts tiqwah and elpis had for their Jewish-Christians receivers originary. Jürgen Moltmann, when propose a politic of hope hermeneutic searchs to retake this subject leaving from the contexts in which it has originated. All the Christian hope conception developed by Moltmann has its unfoldings in the public dimension of the Christians mission in the world. Therefore, the escathological hope produces an ethology that it is proper to itself. In it, the hope is instrumentalized by the faith that assumes the world as locus of transformer action, becoming, through the practical of love, the cosmo-anthropologycal redemption a reachable possibility in the efetivation of the ethical principles of justice and truth. In this direction, in the ethology of hope, the other becomes reference of the missio spei, and its for it, as a part of a bigger reality (kósmos), that the redentive meaning of escathological history is directed teleologically. It is to the future that the eschatological hope projects its look and desires to see its uthopy carry through fully. Already the binomial health-disease as new hermeneutic paradigm of teologicity of Brazilian neoprotestantism, conceives the hope in a different soteriologic contour, in which the lived present, here-now, is understood as the locus where the historical dimension of the believer`s salvation materializes. The integral cure of the anthrôpos is the forceful sign that the Biblical soteria has, in the immediate historical dimension, its psychosomatic meaning completely confirmed. Its for this éon that the neoprotestant look of faith search its integral auto-accomplishment. In this direction, the neoprotestant spirituality develops a desescathologized ethology that affirms the transcendence of this world and loses of its hermeneutic horizon the futuric dimension of the eschatological hope such as if it praised in the protochristianism. However, the possibility to establish a constructive dialogue enters these two faith epistemologies: the moltmannian and the Brazilian neoprotestant exists. Finding this point in common its the task that the author of this thesis proposes to satisfy.

Jürgen Hering, der erste Generaldirektor der Sächsischen Landesbibliothek – Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Dresden (SLUB) beging am 15. September 2017 seinen 80. Geburtstag.

This essay studies the implicit and explicit perspectives of Bruce Lincoln, Jürgen Habermas, Talal Asad, Saba Mahmood, Charles Taylor, José Casanova and their approach to secularism as a phenomenon. This is done by categorizing them into three categories. The categories,enlightenment-centered theorists, critical theorists and implicit-theological theorists, all have explicit accounts and implicit forms of reasoning that shape and contextualize their respective approach. The Enlightenment-centered theorists tend to regard secularism as a neutral and peace-keeping statecraft. This approach implicitly contains the idea of a clear division between secular and religious. This implicit form of reasoning I argue is problematically non-reflexive to the theorist’s own standpoint and risks becoming a form of secular ideology. The theorists categorized as critical theorists view secularism more as a type of discourse where what is seen as religious and the secular is inherently fluid. This is then analyzed by them as a special strategy for Western sovereignty. The perspective of the implicit-theological theorists is similar both to the Enlightenment-centered and the criticaltheorists' perspective in that secularism is primarily peace-keeping and that the categories are often fluid. I show that their approach contains theological assumptions that religion responds to a realm which challenges the immanent world. In the last chapter of the essay, I give a normative evaluation of the three approaches to secularism where I argue that while the enlightenment-centered theorists have useful explanatory models, the critical and to a lesser extent implicit-theological approach to secularism are more fruitful for religious studies. They allow for more flexibility in studying the relationship between secular and religious groups as they do not determine the categories in advance. The essay also contains a concluding discussion on the type of problems for philosophy of science and religious studies that arise when secularism and what is seen as the secular is deconstructed.

Jürgen Habermas has argued that democracy depends on all citizens recognizing the legitimacy of the law. Therefore, political argument must appeal only to public reason which is secular. Religious citizens must translate their reasons into a secular language accessible to the public. This dissertation argues that religious arguments are justified in public discourse if they refrain from dogmatism. Moreover, there is nothing inherent in secular reasons that make them publicly accessible or likely to generate consensus among members of a pluralistic society. If we treat religious arguments as simply arguments with controversial premises, it becomes less clear why religious arguments are singled out as particularly problematic for liberal democracies, since many secular political arguments share this feature. Granted, religious reasons are unlikely to secure consensus, but this does not count against them if consensus is not the goal of democratic discourse. This dissertation makes the case that Habermas, and other liberal theorists such as Rawls, have placed too much emphasis on consensus as the goal of democracy. Moreover, what they refer to is not practical consensus achieved pragmatically through compromise, but an idealized consensus that is the achievement of secular reason. This is problematic for two main reasons: there is no normative reason to think we ought to attain such consensus and such consensus is unlikely to be achieved in practice. Thus, there seems to be no normative force to the claim that religious citizens out to translate their arguments in secular language.

In the tumultuous political climate following Brexit, a new energy has been given to the idea of establishing transnational lists for the European elections. With the ever-increasing need for democratic legitimacy on the EU stage, the system of transnational lists is viewed by many as a salvation to the problem with democratic deficit within the European Union. The idea of transnational lists was voted in the European Parliament during the plenary session in Strasbourg on February 2018 but rejected after a debate on a clearly divided issue. By analysing the debate from 2018, this study aims to investigate what are the conditions, found in the debate, that could make transnational lists in the European Parliament possible.  When analysing the debate from 2018, five significant conditions for transnational lists were identified. These conditions were democracy, question of federal states, the aspect of spitzenkandidaten, solidarity and the size of Member States. Interestingly, the conditions were observed to be both obstacles and possibilities for transnational lists. Taken together, these results suggest that there is an association between the above-named conditions and the failure of the proposition for transnational lists, alternatively, to a future breakthrough.

O objeto da presente pesquisa constitui-se na análise imanente dos pressupostos da \"guinada linguístico-pragmática\" de Jürgen Habermas verificada no interior de sua magnum opus - a Teoria do agir comunicativo, publicada em 1981. O objetivo a que nos propusemos alcançar é a elucidação do modo peculiar como Habermas absorve as aquisições teóricas da pragmática linguística (em especial J. L. Austin e J. R. Searle) visando a construção de sua teoria da comunicação, cujo ponto central é a postulação do consenso entre sujeitos capazes de linguagem e ação como o \"fim último\" ou télos do agir comunicativo. A hipótese teórica - ou de trabalho -, que acreditamos ter sido confirmada ao longo de nossa pesquisa, é a de que Habermas, mesmo sendo um árduo defensor da razão e do \"projeto da modernidade\", compartilha ponto comum com os pensadores do período que se convencionou designar pós-modernidade: o chamado \"idealismo linguístico\", isto é, apreensão dos atos comunicativos como entidades autônomas, porque separados das relações materiais e sociais dos homens. / The object of this research is the immanent analysis of the Jürgen Habermas \"linguistic-pragmatic turn\" presuppositions, verified in his magnum opus - The Theory of Communicative Action, published in 1981. The goal we set ourselves to achieve is to elucidate the peculiar way as Habermas absorbs the theoretical acquisitions of linguistic pragmatics (especially J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle) for the construction of a theory of communication, whose focal point is the postulation of consensus between subjects capable of speech and action as the telos of communicative action. The theoretical hypothesis that we believe have been confirmed throughout our research is that Habermas, despite being a vehement defender of reason and the \"Project of modernity\", shares common ground with the thinkers of that period is conventionally designate postmodernity: the so-called \"linguistic idealism\", i. e. the seizure of communicative acts as autonomous entities, because separed of socials and materials relations of men

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:40:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 29 / Nenhuma / Esta tese envolve uma investigação pragmático-sistêmica sobre o conceito de serviço público. Trata-se, portanto, de uma observação específica do serviço público, ou seja, o seu conceito. O problema, portanto, é como o Direito responde à pergunta “o que é serviço público”. O problema acima será abordado a partir da matriz pragmático-sistêmica. A hipótese é investigar como o conceito de serviço público levará (ou não) à distinção serviço público/não serviço público. O conceito de serviço público será abordado a partir de suas funções, e esta é uma outra hipótese dessa tese – a de que o funcionalismo é adequado para a observação sociológica de categorias dogmáticas do Direito. O caminho, tortuoso, labiríntico e recursivo, é feito com a ajuda de sete funções atribuídas ao conceito de serviço público (e, conseqüentemente, ao próprio serviço público), a saber: função de distinguir, de oscilar, de selecionar, de estabilizar, de indicar símbolos, de acoplar e de deflagrar. A matriz teórica será a pragmáticasistêmic / This thesis involves a pragmatic-systemic research on the concept of public service. It is therefore a particular point of public service, its concept. The problem that drives this, thus, is how the legal system responds to the question "what is public service". The above problem is observed from pragmatic-systemic perspective. The hypothesis of the study is that the investigation of the concept of public service will lead to distinguish public service / non-public service. The concept of public service will be approached from his functions, and this is another hypothesis - that the functionalism is suitable for the sociological observation of dogmatic categories of the legal system. The path is winding, labyrinth and recursive, and is done with the help of seven functions assigned to the concept of public service (and, consequently, the public service itself), namely to distinguish function of differentiate, to select, to stabilize, of state symbols, and to couple outbreak. The matrix theory is the pragmatic

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-10T14:37:15Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-07-08T12:04:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-08T12:04:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Este trabalho tem por objetivo expor as idéias de direito e modernidade levando-se em conta a perspectiva de Jürgen Habermas, na qual se estabelece um novo modelo de razão - no caso a razão comunicativa -, como novo paradigma para a superação da crise instaurada na modernidade, reflexo da crise de legitimação do próprio direito. O referido trabalho tem um caráter bibliográfico, fundamentando-se na análise das obras de Habermas que tratam do assunto, bem como de renomados comentadores do mesmo. Partiu-se da concepção de direito desenvolvida pelos grandes teóricos sociais clássicos, procurando-se destacar o papel do diagnóstico weberiano, que toma como eixo norteador a idéia de racionalidade instrumental, criticado por Habermas por carecer de um maior rigor conceitual na identificação das patologias da modernidade, tarefa essa que o diagnóstico habermasiano pretende realizar levando-se em conta o trabalho reconstrutivo que tal diagnóstico realiza sobre as mais importantes concepções sobre a modernidade e o direito. / This paper aims to show the law and modernity ideas under Jürgen Habermas perspective, which establishes a new model of reason as paradigm of overcome the crisis instituted at modernity, which reflects the legitimacy crisis of law itself. This is a bibliographic work, based upon Habermas publications on the matter, as well as wellknowed commenteres of this author. The start point was the law conception developed by great classic sociological thinkers, with emphasis on the diagnosis role of Max Weber, centred upon the instrumental rationality idea, criticized by Habermas for lacking greater conceptual precision at modernity pathologies identification. The Habermas diagnosis tries to accomplish that goal by a reconstructive work over modernity and law most important conceptions, considering the idea of communicative reason.

In Lübeck fand 2010 eine Bürgerkonferenz zum Thema Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen statt. 20 Bürger unterschiedlichen Alters und mit heterogenen Bildungshintergründen informierten sich über das Thema Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen, diskutierten ihre Überzeugungen und Erfahrungen und verfassten am Ende ein gemeinsames Votum. Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen war bei den Bürgern definiert als ein Gedankenkonstrukt darüber, welche Werte und Kriterien in der medizinischen Versorgung als wirklich wichtig empfunden werden, und welche weniger wichtig erscheinen. Aus diesen Überlegungen können Rangfolgen medizinischer Interventionen und Therapien erarbeitet werden. Diese Konferenz betreffend beantwortet diese Arbeit die Forschungsfragen, ob Bürger in der Lage sind ein solch komplexes Thema wie Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen sinnvoll und weiterführend zu diskutieren, zu welchen inhaltlichen Ergebnissen sie dabei kommen und welche Bedeutung diese Ergebnisse für die Gesamtdebatte haben können. Die Lübecker Bürger haben einen gelungenen Diskurs geführt, was in dieser Arbeit anhand von Kriterien des Diskursethikers Jürgen Habermas herausgearbeitet wird. Mit dieser Methode eine Bürgerkonferenz zu analysieren wurde dabei innerhalb dieser Arbeit ein neuer Weg beschritten. Außerdem wird bezüglich der inhaltlichen Diskussion gezeigt, welche wichtige Bedeutung der Bürgerdiskurs für die Gesamtdebatte hat. Die Bürger haben einzelne neue Aspekte angesprochen, aber vor allem zeigt sich in der Analyse, dass die Lübecker Bürger einen Schwerpunkt bei Werten und Kriterien setzen, die das einzelne Individuum betreffen. Der Vergleich der inhaltlichen Ergebnisse der Lübecker Bürgerkonferenz mit den inhaltlichen Ergebnissen einer kanadischen citizens jury zu diesem Themenkomplex zeigt viele Parallelen und gibt damit den Hinweis darauf, dass ein länderübergreifender gemeinsamer Bürgerwille besteht.

The study seeks to investigate whether weblogs can act as virtual public spheres, where people can meet to discuss issues of interest to them. It uses the Mail & Guardian Online’s Blogmark as a case study. Weblogs – highly interactive online journals comprised of links and postings in reverse chronological order – are fast becoming an avenue of choice for many internet users wanting to share opinions and news with others online. Because of their unique read-and-write characteristics, some have equated them to the 18th century coffeehouses, around which the early forms of citizen involvement in public affairs began in early capitalist Europe. Despite their growing popularity, however, not much scholarly work has been dedicated to the practice of blogging in Africa, and particularly in South Africa. The study’s theoretical framework is drawn from Jürgen Habermas’s concept of the public sphere. While noting some of the criticisms of the Habermasian model, it is argued that the concept is instrumental in our understanding of the relationship between the media and democracy. The study, however, adopted a re-worked model of the concept of the public sphere. This model argues for the need to have a multiplicity of public sphericules (instead of one single public sphere as advocated by Habermas), around which individuals can congregate to discuss issues of common concern to them. Using a combination of qualitative content analysis, self-completion questionnaires and a semi-structured interview, the study found Blogmark to be an example of how emerging internet genres such as weblogs can be vehicles of citizen involvement in public life. A range of issues were discussed in the blog, from politics, race and ii i gender issues, to personal anecdotes, relationships, and sex. However, while some posts exhibited high levels of interactivity, with many bloggers joining in to offer their opinions, some read like online monologues. The study argues that although blogging is a practice that is still limited to a few privileged individuals, with the everrising size of the ‘blogosphere’, weblogs such as Blogmark are making a small but not insignificant contribution to the number of voices that can be heard in the public realm.