Thèse--Lettres. / Contient un choix de textes et documents. Bibliogr. p. 433-471.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ruhr-Universität Bochum, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 317-367).

Submitted by Eliezer Santos (eliezer.santos@mackenzie.br) on 2018-05-30T19:41:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia abud Luz.pdf: 2101728 bytes, checksum: 457c6c83e00cc23ea1cc9e4ee5d13e6d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paola Damato (repositorio@mackenzie.br) on 2018-09-21T14:17:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia abud Luz.pdf: 2101728 bytes, checksum: 457c6c83e00cc23ea1cc9e4ee5d13e6d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paola Damato (repositorio@mackenzie.br) on 2018-09-27T18:39:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia abud Luz.pdf: 2101728 bytes, checksum: 457c6c83e00cc23ea1cc9e4ee5d13e6d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-27T18:39:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia abud Luz.pdf: 2101728 bytes, checksum: 457c6c83e00cc23ea1cc9e4ee5d13e6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie / The martyrdom of Hussein and his companions at Karbala, Iraq, was a major turning point in Islamic history in order to draw the religious doctrine and Shiite identity, a fact that highlighted the differences (primarily political) between Sunni and Shiite. The narrative of the event, evoking the ideas of suffering, compassion, justice and even sacrifice for a greater good, throughout history overlaid as a political tone and became part of critical speeches on politics, social and economic aspects, directed at the “external enemies”, such as imperialism, or within, such as local leaders pressures. In the lebanese context the reading of Karbala‟s narrative and the martyrdom of Imam Hussein as made from 1960s by Musa Al-Sadr and later by Ayatollah Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah rescued the revolutionary and political potential of Karbala‟s narrative by presenting the Imam‟s martyrdom as an act of courage and religiosity that had as one of the objectives to defy a political order perceived as oppressive and deviant of Islamic values (such as justice). From the experience of process such as conflicts between Shiite communities in southern Lebanon and soldiers of Palestinian armed resistance, incursions by Israel‟s defense forces into the country (1978 and 1982) and the intensification of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990), that a militant shiite discourse articulated in the interaction of the concepts of martyrdom, jihad and resistance was forged, sought space and adherents among shiites and manifested through Hezbollah, a self-declared resistance movement that took advantage of the use of violence against foreign targets (Israel‟s defense forces) and their internal allies in Lebanon, such Southern Lebanese Army. This research sought to investigate the link between the interpretation of Shiite doctrine, especially the founding aspects of the aforementioned division of Islam, such as martyrdom (mainly Karbala‟s narrative) and jihad, and Hezbollah‟s activities in Lebanese territory since its inception in 1978 until 2009, when the party participated in the governmental dialogue aimed of stabilizing Lebanon after the political crisis established in 2005, agreed to participate in the cabinet and published a new manifesto. / O martírio do Imam Hussein e seus companheiros em Karbala, Iraque, foi um importante ponto de inflexão na história islâmica no sentido de desenhar a doutrina religiosa e a identidade xiita, fato que evidenciou as diferenças (inicialmente políticas) entre sunitas e xiitas. A narrativa do acontecimento citado, que evoca as ideias de sofrimento, compaixão, justiça e até mesmo de sacrifício por um bem maior, ao longo da história revestiu-se de um tom político e passou a integrar discursos de crítica política, social e econômica, direcionada a “inimigos” externos, tais como o imperialismo, ou internos, tais como as pressões de líderes locais. No contexto libanês a leitura da narrativa de Karbala e do martírio do Imam Hussein feita a partir da década de 1960 por Musa Al-Sadr e posteriormente pelo Ayatollah Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah resgatou o potencial revolucionário e político da narrativa de Karbala ao apresentar o martírio do Imam como um ato de coragem e religiosidade que tinha como um dos objetivos desafiar uma ordem política percebida como opressora e desviante de valores islâmicos (como o de justiça). A partir da experiência de processos como os conflitos entre as comunidades xiitas do sul do Líbano e os soldados da resistência armada palestina, as incursões das forças de defesa de Israel no país (1978 e 1982) e a intensificação da guerra civil libanesa (1975-1990), que um discurso xiita militante articulado na interação dos conceitos de martírio, jihad e resistência foi forjado, buscou espaço e adeptos entre os xiitas e manifestou-se através do Hezbollah, um auto-declarado movimento de resistência que lançou mão do uso de violência contra alvos estrangeiros (forças de defesa de Israel) e seus aliados internos, como o Exército do Sul do Líbano. A pesquisa buscou investigar o vínculo entre a interpretação feita da doutrina xiita, sobretudo de aspectos fundantes da referida divisão do Islã, tais como o martírio (principalmente a narrativa de Karbala) e o jihad, e a atuação do Hezbollah no território libanês desde a sua fundação em 1978 até o ano de 2009, quando o partido participou do diálogo governamental que visava a estabilização do Líbano após a crise política instaurada desde 2005, aceitou participar do gabinete ministerial e publicou um novo manifesto.

The ongoing Syrian conflict has been subject to considerable amount of political polemics. Nevertheless, little scholarly work has been conducted in order to comprehend the complexities as well as underlying reasons behind the intensity, scope, and duration of the conflict in Syria. Through qualitative methodology, this research examines the character of the Syrian conflict, by conducting an in-depth and nuanced case study of the Syrian civil war. While some theories of intrastate conflict and civil wars, concentrate on the domestic character of internal conflicts within states, transnational theories focus on external factors in examining intrastate conflicts. Both theoretical framework fail to take into account the broader picture of intrastate conflict and civil war. This study makes a contribution to the intrastate and civil war theories by introducing an expanded model for analyzing intrastate conflicts and civil wars. With respect to the Syrian conflict, utilizing this approach is instrumental in order to more efficiently and thoroughly comprehend the character of the Syrian conflict. Secondly, this study determines that states, which are multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-cultural, and geostrategically and geopolitically significant, tend to have protracted civil war and intrastate conflict. This research concludes that the unrecognized character of the Syrian conflict is unique due to the notion that it is operating, and being influenced, by four concentric forces of tensions, which are occurring simultaneously. In addition, it is critical to understand the interactions, contradictions, and excesses created by these four concentric circles of tensions. These interactions, contradictions and excesses shape the nature, scope, intensity, violence, death toll, and duration of the conflict and civil war in Syria.

This dissertation explores why some Muslim clerics adopt the ideology of militant Jihad while others do not. I argue that clerics strategically adopt or reject Jihadi ideology because of career incentives generated by the structure of cleric educational networks. Well-connected clerics enjoy substantial success at pursuing comfortable careers within state-run religious institutions and they reject Jihadi ideology in exchange for continued material support from the state. Clerics with poor educational networks cannot rely on connections to advance through the state-run institutions, so many pursue careers outside of the system by appealing directly to lay audiences for support. These clerics are more likely to adopt Jihadi ideology because it helps them demonstrate to potential supporters that they have not been theologically coopted by political elites. I provide evidence of these dynamics by collecting and analyzing 27,142 fatwas, articles, and books written by 101 contemporary clerics. Using statistical natural language processing, I measure the extent to which each cleric adopts Jihadi ideology in their writing. I combine this with biographical and network information about each cleric to trace the process by which poorly-connected clerics become more likely to adopt Jihadi ideology. / Government

Les violences souvent meurtrières qui ont jalonné l’histoire de l’Algérie contemporaine ont ouvert des plaies béantes qui questionnent profondément les rapports entre société, Etat et organisations contestataires du pouvoir. En ce sens, l’Algérie constitue un laboratoire multidimensionnel où s’appréhendent les relations complexes entre Etat et Nation, exercice du pouvoir et effets de cet exercice sur les populations, idéologies et valeurs, de même que déterminisme dogmatique et autodétermination des peuples. Dans cet entrelacs d’antagonismes exprimés à grande échelle, chaque Nation devient un contexte particulier de potentialisation d’un terrorisme qui s’enracine dans les équilibres et tensions géopolitiques. A un autre niveau, intra-sociétal quant à lui, chaque pays, à l’exemple de l’Algérie, cristallise par ailleurs une histoire et une culture qui lui est propre et dans laquelle se sont forgés autant d’idéaux et de discours politiques dont les effets se sont révélés tour à tour structurants et sources de terreur. Par édulcoration, s’impose l’importance d’explorer la notion de terrorisme d’Etat et d’envisager son recours à la violence, à la force et à l’idéologie comme autant de facettes d’un même spectre d’expression du pouvoir d’Etat. A l’échelle de l’événement enfin, le fait consacré par un sens souverain contribue à un processus de réification dont l’aboutissement peut témoigner d’un terrorisme en marche dont on ne perçoit pas toujours l’existence. La fragmentation des espaces, de même que la territorialisation des vécus individuels dans l’espace social et national, témoignent d’un terrorisme disséminé, invisible parfois, encore que souterrain, aux émergences aussi multiples que l’autorise la multiplicité des acteurs participant à l’édification de l’histoire du pays – tels que les MIA, FIS, GIA algériens. Les traces et stigmates qu’ils laissent sur les populations locales procèdent de rapports de force au sens d’une microphysique du pouvoir telle qu’élaborée par Foucault. De cette grille de lecture, et à l’exemple de l’Algérie, nous entendons explorer dans cette thèse les mécanismes par lesquels la terreur substantialise une société et par lesquels le terrorisme procède de son institutionnalisation à un degré plus élevé de récupération. Fin de toute analyse, cette thèse questionne la place de la violence dans le processus de réification des représentations sociales et culturelles de même que ses possibilités de sublimation. / The often deadly violence that have marked out the history of contemporary Algeria opened open wounds that question deeply the relationship between society. In this sense, Algeria constitutes a multidimensional laboratory where are apprehended the complex relationships between State and Nation, exercising power and effects of this exercise on the populations, ideologies and values, as well as dogmatic determinism and self-determination of peoples. In this interlacing of antagonism expressed on a large scale, each Nation becomes a particular context of potential terrorism rooted in geopolitical balance and tension. Concerning the intra societal mechanism, each country, following the example of Algeria, crystallizes a history and a culture on its own in which many forged ideals and political discourses whose effects appeared in turn structuring and sources of terror. By sweetening, is essential the importance to explore the concept of terrorism of State and to consider its recourse to violence, force and ideology as so many facets of the same expression spectrum State power. At the scale of the finally event, the fact devoted by a sovereign direction contributes to a process of reification whose result can testify to a terrorism moving which we do not always perceive. The fragmentation of spaces, just as the regionalization of individual experiences in the social and national space, show a disseminated terrorism, sometimes invisible, although underground, with emergences as multiple as authorizes the multiplicity of actors involved in the construction of the country's history such as MIA, MADE, Algerian GIA. The traces and scars which they leave on the local populations proceed of power struggles within the meaning of a microphysics of power as worked out by Foucault. Of this grid of reading, and the Algeria following example, we intend to explore in this thesis the mechanisms by which terror substantializes a society and by which terrorism precedes of its institutionalization to a higher degree of recovery. End of any analysis, this thesis questions the place of violence in the process of reification of the social and cultural representations just as its sublimation opportunities

No description available.

Magister Artium - MA / Includes bibliographic references (leaves 184-195)"In this thesis, I contrast Qutbs approach towards jihad with that which is found in the primary sources of Islam and as espoused by the proponents of the four schools of thought, as well as key Islamic scholars. This study also attempts to explore the conceptual confusion between terrorism, jihad, and legitimate defense and resistance by comparing the legislation on jihad in Islam with that which exists in international law and conventions. I then turn my attention to the focal point of this study, the writings of Sayyid Qutb on jihad..."

A content analysis of "Islamic State" (IS) propaganda material released around the movement's proclamation of a Caliphate in 2014, this study is an attempt at analysing ways in which presented arguments express a coherent narrative of symbolic meaning. Using Robert Benford & David Snow's ideas on the so-called three core framing tasks as a clarifying template, I discuss ways in which the analysed material argues for the legitimacy and relevance of the IS movement. IS propagandists argue that the Muslim umma is under attack, and that Muslims need to unite under a common authority that can protect their religion, restore their strength, and counteract their humiliation. The IS Caliphate is presented as a hopeful sign, but is in need of committed recruits who are willing to sacrifice for what is presented as the greater good. As the analysed propaganda is particularly focused on this latter (motivational) aspect of the narrative, it focuses extensively on formulating arguments that reinforce it. I hold that many of these arguments can be traced back to what can be described as appeals to virtues like sincerity, authenticity, and truthfulness – and that all of these are also used to argue for the credibility of the IS Caliphate as an Islamic authority. Arguing that this Caliphate will serve the role of an aiding sword of Islam, it is furthermore presented as a necessary and vigorous structure aimed at protecting "truth" and at eradicating "falsehood".

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Valeria Camargo.pdf: 1164029 bytes, checksum: e748d6c883d897f31ab4731ac8c6f737 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The terrible suicide terrorist attacks the so called human bombs - generally associated to Muslim radical groups have been submitted to misunderstood interpretations. Anti-Islamic authors impute this actions to Islam as a whole, as being consequence of a concept of jihad understood as a holy war , or a conflict of civilizations that Muslim carry on in order to overcome the enemies of Islamic faith and culture. On the other hand, radical groups consider these actions as a political defense of Islam or as an altruistic suicide and a kind of martyrdom for Allâh´s cause. In face of these interpretations, the thesis aims to point out a new view by going deep into the Islamic sources, namely Koran and Ahadith. First, an explanation is made about Islamic sources. The most important texts on the subject have been collected according to some key words, by following the hypothesis that the true meaning of jihad is not an aggressive and violent action. Jihad must be understood in a wild sense of practicing virtues, love and social justice. So, suicide terrorism is never altruistic but a real suicide; not a martyrdom but an anti-social behavior that is definitively condemned by Koran and Ahadith. In order to emphasize this position, the thesis points out the spiritual and mystic aspects of Islamic faith and its social solidarity. It also rejects the interpretations and generalizations of anti-Islamic writers who impute to Islam the responsibility and the strategic logic of the suicide terrorism / Os terríveis ataques terroristas suicidas as chamadas bombas humanas - que em geral são associados a grupos islâmicos fundamentalistas têm sido objeto de interpretações enviesadas. Autores não-islâmico e anti-islâmicos atribuem o suicídio terrorista ao Islã como um todo, a refletir um conflito de civilizações ou uma guerra santa com base numa leitura belicosa e expansionista de jihad. Por outro lado, grupos islâmicos extremistas os acolhem como ações políticas cujos perpetradores são considerados suicidas altruístas e mártires pela causa de Allâh. Ante essas interpretações, a tese vai em busca de uma leitura a partir das fontes islâmicas, em especial, o Alcorão e os Ahadith. Após uma explicação sobre o Islamismo e suas fontes, realiza um inventário dos principais textos que as fontes oferecem em torno do objeto e os agrupa a partir de alguns temas chave. Em seguida passa a uma análise interpretativa dos textos coletados, tendo como guia a hipótese de que o verdadeiro sentido de jihad descarta a belicosidade agressiva e contém um sentido amplo de esforço e virtudes, de amor ao próximo e de justiça social. As ações das bombas humanas devem ser consideradas como atos de suicídio e homicídio; são anti-sociais e não têm nenhum respaldo nos livros sagrados. Por isso, a tese se preocupa em ressaltar, nas fontes e interpretações islâmicas, os aspectos espirituais, místicos e socialmente solidários do Islã. Rejeita também as interpretações e generalizações anti-islâmicas que são feitas a partir dos ataques suicidas terroristas