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Den här studien syftar till att analysera hur idén om främlingskap (ghurbah) framställs i olika övergripande sammanhang inom islam. Grunden i analysen ligger i Predikningar och föreläsningar av religiösa lärda muslimer i sociala medier, klassiska islamiska källor såsom Koranen och hadither, nashider (islamisk sång) samt artiklar från två jihadistiska tidningar Dabiq och Rumiyah. Valet av metod är baserad på att utföra en kvalitativ idéanalytisk studie där främlingskap som en idé beskrivs och förklaras. Analysen sker med hänsynstagande till ideologisk bakgrund och tidigare forskning. Avslutningsvis visar studiens resultat att främlingskap är ett förekommande fenomen i äldre islamiska källor, bland jihadister och i deras propagandaprocess, muslimernas religiösa erfarenhet i väst, kvinnors deltagande i samhället, individens egen omgivning samt narrativ konstruktion. Främlingarna (ghuraba) har specifika egenskaper som varierar beroende på den övergripande situationen de befinner sig i.

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Yes / The ideology and politics of Hindu nationalism has always been predicated on an antagonistic discursive construction of ‘dangerous others,’ notably Muslims but also Christians. This construct has served to define India as first and foremost a Hindu nation, thereby de facto relegating religious minorities to the status of not properly belonging to the nation. However, under the leadership of the current Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Hindu nationalism has acquired an unprecedented political force. A key consequence of this has been that the discursive construction of dangerous others is now increasingly being written into law, through a process of Hindu nationalist statecraft. The result is, we argue, not just a de facto but increasingly also a de jure marginalization and stigmatization of religious minorities. We substantiate this argument by analysing the intent and effect of recent pieces of legislation in two Indian states regulating, among other things, religious conversions, inter-faith relationships, and population growth. Conceiving of such laws as dog-whistle legislation, we argue that they are, in fact, geared towards the legal consolidation of India as a Hindu state. We also analyse the intimate entanglement between these laws and the collective violence of vigilante groups against those minorities that Hindu nationalists frame as dangerous, anti-national others.

Sur le thème du djihad, le discours islamiste radical qui se propage dans le cyberespace, suite aux attentats du 11 septembre, se nourrit d’une interaction entre la reconfiguration d’un héritage religieux et la technique numérique. En cela, la rhétorique déployée par les acteurs centraux d’Al Qaida fait émerger un espace de représentation et d’action inédit d’une violence prônée au nom du djihad. Ce concept, initialement fruit d’une construction juridique qui en fait une « doctrine déontologique », se retrouve vidé de sa substance normative et symbolique pour se rigidifier dans une clôture réflexive et n’être plus qu’un faire-valoir à des théories et des pratiques terroristes. Il s’agit, dés lors, de saisir les dynamiques qui sont à l’œuvre autour des captures de sens opérées par les acteurs du discours radical contemporain. Fondamental est l’enjeu de la mémoire collective et la manière dont le discours radical la capte de manière sélective pour la détourner au profit d’un bricolage conceptuel. Associée aux modalités techniques du medium Internet, la virtualisation constitue un puissant vecteur d’action performative. À cet égard, une analyse des interactions liant de manière consubstantielle action physique et action discursive, activisme et discours, contribuera à prendre la mesure d’une pragmatique discursive dans ses épaisseurs à la fois sémantiques et contextuelles. / Concerning the topic of djihad, radical Islamist discourse that spreads in the cyberspace following the attacks of September 11, feeds on an interaction between the reconfiguration of a religious heritage and the digital technology. Thus, the rhetoric deployed by the central actors of Al Qaeda generates a new space of performance and action of a violence advocated in the name of djihad. This concept, which initially is the result of a legal construction which makes it an “ethical doctrine”, becomes emptied of its normative and symbolic substance to stiffen in a reflexive closure used to assert the theories and the terrorist practices. Henceforth, it is necessary to grasp the dynamics at work in the seizures of the significations operated by the actors of contemporary radical discourse. Fundamental is the issue of the collective memory and the way that the radical discourse captures it, selectively, to divert it for the benefit of a conceptual bricolage. Associated with the technical modalities of the Internet medium, the virtualization is a powerful vector of performative action. In this regard, an analysis of the interactions linking in a consubstantial way the physical and discursive action, activism and discourse, will take the measure of the discursive pragmatics in its both semantic and contextual thickness.

From 2002 to 2006, ten Palestinian women committed suicide attacks against Israeli civilians and military personnel, resulting in more fatalities and wounded noncombatants on average than attacks by male perpetrators. Rather than examining individual women’s motivations to become a suicide bomber, this research endeavor seeks to shift focus from this prevailing analytical approach to a sociological analysis of how militant organizations frame female participation to the public. Social movement perspectives and an extension of Erving Goffman’s work on frame analysis theoretically inform an examination of media produced by the two non-secular militant organizations of Hamas and Palestine Islamic Jihad. Organizations attempt to mitigate the “broken frame” introduced by female incorporation into an overwhelmingly male enterprise by strategically creating new frames that exalt and reinterpret extant social norms. Organizations frame female perpetrators as un-feminine individuals prior to their actions but, through the act of martyrdom, frame them as feminized symbols of the threat posed to Palestinian society, and its gender order, by Israeli military presence in the occupied territories. Martyrdom is framed, physically and symbolically, as a transformative experience. An application of frame analysis to violent social movements offers researchers the opportunity to understand how groups attempt to garner support and advance their interests within their populations and abroad. / text

This study examines who is part of the Swedish network of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism and whether the social network is a case of „new social movement‟. Through a social network analysis of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremists in Sweden the results shows that there is a loose Swedish network with global nodes. The social network in Sweden is analyzed through the framework of New Social Movement theory and the connections between the global jihad and the Swedish network are examined. The result is that the network cannot be seen as a case of „new social movement‟. However, several individuals of the network can be seen as part of the global jihad and therefore a case of „new social movement‟. More academic research is needed on violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism in Sweden, especially on why and how these actors are radicalized. In addition, more research is needed on how to prevent and counter violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-02-17T13:19:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 eniomarcosdeoliveira.pdf: 802456 bytes, checksum: 01c465b9307086f57c6a3d8c915b8f51 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-02-20T18:01:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 eniomarcosdeoliveira.pdf: 802456 bytes, checksum: 01c465b9307086f57c6a3d8c915b8f51 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-20T18:01:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 eniomarcosdeoliveira.pdf: 802456 bytes, checksum: 01c465b9307086f57c6a3d8c915b8f51 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-19 / Este trabalho se propõe a pesquisar as relações de Francisco de Assis com o Islã, as motivações que o levaram a se encontrar com o sultão Malek-al-Kamil durante a V Cruzada no ano de 1219 na cidade de Damieta, no Egito. Aborda o contexto das cruzadas, a resposta do mundo muçulmano através do jihad. Tenta mostrar a abertura dialogal de Francisco de Assis a partir de seus escritos e a influência do encontro com o sultão nos escritos posteriores, bem como na regra que Francisco dá a toda ordem no intuito de organizar a missão junto aos sarracenos. Faz uma análise dos escritos de Francisco tendo como referência elementos da piedade muçulmana. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar o contexto e as motivações que levaram Francisco de Assis a se encontrar com o sultão do Egito e como esse encontro marcou sua vida e seus escritos. / L’objet de ce travail est l’étude des rapports de François d’Assise avec l’Islam, les motivations qui l’ont amené à rencontrer le sultan Malek-al-Kamil pendant la V Croisade, en 1219, dans la ville de Damieta, en Egypte. Il traite le contexte des croisades, et la réaction du monde musulman à travers le « Jihad ». Il essaie de montrer l’ouverture de dialogue de François d’Assise à partir de ses écrits ; il montre comment la rencontre avec le sultan a influencé ses écrits postérieurs ; et comment la règle que François a laissé à son institut prévoit l’organisation de la mission auprès des sarrasins. Il fait une analyse des écrits de François en ayant comme référence des éléments de la piété musulmane. Ce travail avait comme objectif la recherche du contexte et des motivations qui ont amené François d’Assise à se rencontrer avec sultan de l’Egypte, et comment cette rencontre a marqué sa vie et ses écrits.

No description available.

The ideology of jihad as propounded by the Islamic Resistance Movement of Palestine (H&dotbelow;amas) is the subject of this thesis. It examines what this organization specifically means by jihad. To properly ascertain this meaning, the ideology of jihad from two different time periods has been examined. In the first period, the "classical" age, the ideology of several jurists concerning jihad is introduced. It can be seen that during this period jihad was applicable to both the expansion and protection of Islamic social/political hegemony. In the second, or modern period, the interpretations of jihad by four thinkers commonly known as "Islamic revivalists" are presented. The definitions of jihad in this era were mostly responses of defending and liberating land from colonialism and imperialism; however, in some cases it was also understood as a means to implement the shari'a in Muslim societies. The jihad of H&dotbelow;amas can, for its part, be seen as an amalgam of these ideologies, in that it is largely connected to liberating the land of Palestine from Israeli rule, establishing an Islamic state, and continuing to assist in struggles in other areas beyond the borders of Palestine.