A specific branch of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh al-jihad) regulates the waging of the jihad of the sword (jihad bis saif). In this article, a detailed exposition is presented of the Egyptian Islamic Group’s (IG; Al-Gama’a Al-Islamiyya) use of fiqh al jihad against Al-Qaeda. The present author’s ‘jihad-realist’ approach is first briefly described; the IG’s critique of AQ systematically outlined; and in conclusion, implications are derived for counter-radicalisation strategies.

Militant Islamist Sayyid Imam's legal critique of Al Qaeda's anti-U.S. mass casualty terrorism holds great potential utility for counterterrorist messaging strategy. In this article, a jihad–realist Islamist theological–jurisprudential methodology is first defended as the means most productive for delegitimizing Al Qaeda among high value, religiously motivated recruits. Second, Sayyid Imam's specific allegations and detailed Sharia proofs against Al Qaeda are presented. Finally, implications are drawn for U.S. counterterrorist messaging focusing especially on the utility of wielding this theological–juridical approach as compared to other “counternarrative” approaches, and the vital need to accurately characterize Islamism and its relation to terrorism.

Studiens huvudsakliga syfte var att undersöka och förklara begreppen ”jihad” och "heligt krig" och svara på ifall dessa begrepp kunde användas för att rättfärdiga terrorism, samt förklara den politiska islam, al-Qaida och det Muslimska Brödraskapets kopplingar till terrorism idag. Undersökningen gjordes med hjälp av kvantitativa metoder och framförallt genom litteraturstudier. Resultatet visade att det inte finns någon definitiv förklaring till begreppet jihad, utan det finns åtminstone två sätt att tolka det på, samt att våld genom jihad kan rättfärdigas genom att tolka och ta koranverser ur sin kontext.

2006年1月25日巴勒斯坦舉行立法議會(PLC)選舉，哈馬斯(Hamas)出乎意料贏得議會過半席次，擊敗執政黨法塔(Fateh)，並依法律組成新政府。 以美國為首的西方國家對哈馬斯勝選感到十分震驚，因為西方國家迄今仍將哈馬斯列入恐怖組織名單。美國表示除非哈馬斯宣布永久放棄暴力及承認以色列生存權，否則拒絕與哈馬斯接觸。 哈馬斯勝選將衝擊以巴和平進程(peace process)的發展。1991年馬德里和會（Madrid Conference）後，以巴之間開啟談判大門，並於1993年雙方簽訂奧斯路協議(Oslo Accord)。然而，哈馬斯不但堅決反對奧斯路協議，更多次在以色列境內發動自殺炸彈攻擊，導致以巴之間衝突不斷，而哈馬斯則被國際社會認為是以巴和平進程的障礙。 事實上，哈馬斯並不完全是西方媒體所描述的恐怖組織。哈馬斯以伊斯蘭作為其政治理念，在各地設立醫院、學校與活動中心等社會福利設施，並強調結束以色列佔領的重要性，獲得多數巴勒斯坦人民認同與支持，以及受到阿拉伯國家與伊斯蘭世界的援助。 本文將先探討哈馬斯成立背景、組織結構、理念與發展經過，再深入分析哈馬斯對以巴和平進程的認知與策略。 本文認為，未來以巴和平進程必須將哈馬斯納入其中。若國際社會一味的排斥與孤立哈馬斯政府，不僅不能促進以巴和平進程，反而使巴勒斯坦社會更趨於孤立與激進，造成以巴局勢動盪不安，進而影響中東區域安全與穩定。 / On January 25, 2006, Palestine held a legislative election; unexpectedly, Hamas won more than half of the seats in the council and defeated the Fateh which dominated the Palestinian Council in the last decade. As s result, a new government was formed by Hamas. Western countries, especially the United States, were astonished at Hamas’s victory. Since the United States still lists Hamas as a terrorist group, Washington insists that Hamas must denounce violence and recognize the Israel’s right to exist, otherwise the U.S. would refuse to deal with Hamas. Hamas’s victory seems to undermine the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. After the Madrid Conference in 1991, Israel and Palestine signed the Oslo Accord in 1993. However, Hamas strongly opposed the Oslo Accord, and launched many suicide attacks within Israel that resulted in the bloody confrontations. In fact, Hamas is not a terrorist group. Hamas uses Islam as the political value to establish hospitals, schools and centers for activities in the occupied Palestinian territory and emphasize the importance of ending Israel’s occupation. Hamas is supported by the most Palestinian as well as by the Arab countries and the Islamic World. This paper first examines Hamas’s background, organizational structure, and its development. Then Hamas’s position toward the Israeli-Palestinian peace process and its peace strategy will be analyzed. This paper argues that if the international community deliberately excludes the Hamas government from the peace process, it will neither promote the peace process nor result in peace.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur kvinnans roll framställs inom Islamiska statens tidskrifter, Dabiq och Rumiyah. Studien är grundad på en textanalytisk undersökningsmetod med IS texter i fokus.   Frågeställningarna som berörts i denna studie är följande:    Hur framställs kvinnans roll inom IS?  Vilka argument använder IS?  Vilka källor refererar IS till?  I studiens analys framkommer en ambivalent syn på kvinnans roll, det vill säga även om IS avvisar kvinnor från att delta i strid medger de att kvinnorna är grunden till deras stora framgång i jihad. Männen inom IS styr vad som är gångbart sensationellt i kvinnans roller vilket resulterar i ett patriarkaliskt maktperspektiv som cementerar hur kvinnor och män ska vara. Kvinnans roller utökar IS globala utsträckning med hjälp av producering, propaganda samt rekrytering för att stärka IS nätverk av kvinnor och medverkar till IS överlevnad.

This study has as purpose to verify the best possible strategies that can be used both in encounter and evangelization of Muslims in order to avoid persecution of Christians and destruction of their property in Africa, especially in Northern Nigeria. This Twenty first Century has witnessed numerous violent attacks against Christians which resulted in vandalization and looting of their property. Many lives of Christian men and women have been sacrificed amidst the violence. As a result, some Christians decided to flee the affected areas, abandoning in the process mission work to Muslims in order to safeguard their lives. This study proposes as research method the use of the pastoral cycle to arrive at these methods. From the study, it was discovered that several factors were responsible for the Islamic attacks against Christians in Northern Nigeria. Many negative effects had been noted as a result, mostly serious negative emotional scars left in the heart of the Christians believers and missionaries living and working in Northern Nigeria. Based on the findings of this study, new approaches towards coexistence and especially for the evangelisation of the Muslims in Northern Nigeria, especially in view of reduced bloody encounters. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

The present study covers the causes of victory and defeat in the light of chapter eight of the Holy Qur'an. It has been prompted by the current situation facing Muslims in many parts of the world, which is characterized by despair, reversals and loss, This study is thus reflexive in nature. In order to obtain a satisfactory response to this predicament, the relevant text in addition to several of its commentaries were scrutinized. The latter search remained unsatisfactory since their focus of inquiry was merely exegetical and failed to reveal any didactic element, which is crucial for obtaining guidance. This work has successfully managed to deduce this aspect from the text which amplifies the importance of extensive sacrifice for gaining glory. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Islamic studies)

The Arab-Israeli conflict is examined from its religious aspect, presenting people's experience of religion without passing judgement. Selected concepts are compared and contrasted and interpreted hermeneutically. The roots of the antagonism are traced back historically, showing that it comprises more than a claim to the same geographical territory. Each religion's notion of statehood is described. Internally Jewish-Zionist friction over the ceding of territory arises through divergent interpretations of the same texts; Islam, Nationalism and religious rivalry, being at variance, have engendered Arab tensions. Their respective doctrines on war and peace suggest, broadly speaking, a Jewish-Zionist leaning to shalom, and Islam-Arab Nationalism to jihad (struggle). While the religious perspective does leave an opening for a solution to the conflict, pragmatism may lead to compromise. Finally the suggestion is made that the religious dimension is necessary for a holistic understanding of political issues / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Religious Studies)

O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio. / This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.

O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio. / This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.