While issues remain under-researched, peace agreement success has been linked primarily to the proper treatment of the parties’ security-related concerns. This study explores why some peace agreements succeed while others fail by using an issue-based approach arguing that issues are an expression of underlying grievances, which have caused the rebel groups to engage in armed conflict. Therefore, peace agreements that do not address the issues, which reflect grievances, will fail. I tested the hypothesis and the proposed theoretical relationship through the structured focused comparison of three peace agreements: The Lomé Peace Agreement, the Accra Peace Agreement and the Final Agreement National Government – Popular Liberation Army. The method employed in this study comprised first, determining the salience the rebel groups assigned to their issues -for which it was necessary to create a measure for issue salience- and second, examining the peace agreement’s provisions to determine if the rebel group’s issues were addressed. The results show that peace agreements that included the salient issues of the groups failed; however, peace agreements that did not include them, succeeded. Hence, the findings suggest that the inclusion of the rebel group’s issues in the peace agreement cannot account for the agreement’s success or failure.

While transnational rebellion and rebel recruitment have received much attention in previous literature, the combination of the two, transnational rebel recruitment, has been relatively understudied. This study aims to cover this research gap by further developing Jeremy Weinstein’s theory on resource endowments to test their effect on transnational rebel recruitment. It seeks to answer the research question: “How do resource endowments impact transnational rebel recruitment?”. A distinction will be made between domestic and transnational rebel groups to test the theoretical argument. It will be argued that rebel groups can have a variation in their economic and social endowments, which both have a domestic an transnational variant. The main hypothesis reads: transnational rebel groups that have much transnational resource endowments are more likely to recruit transnationally. This study will employ a structured focused comparison on strategically picked cases using Mill’s method of difference. The selected cases that will be compared are the transnational rebel group NPFL in Liberia (1989-1995) and the domestic rebel group NRA in Uganda (1981-1986). This study finds support for the theory and the main hypothesis.

Over 35 years of gross economic mismanagement and business failures led Liberia's gross domestic product to collapse by 90% in less than two decades. As a result of a general lack of business skills, up to 80% of Liberian small-business entrepreneurs fail in business beyond the first year. Based on the theory of constraints, the purpose of this exploratory multiple case study was to explore the business skills that Liberian small-business entrepreneurs used to succeed in business beyond the first year. Data came from semistructured face-to-face interviews with 5 central regional Liberian small-business entrepreneurs who had succeeded in business beyond the first year. Participant observation, the use of company documents, and the use of member checking allowed for methodological triangulation and verification of the themes. Analysis of data involved using pattern-matching technique and date coding to evaluate, organize, code, and analyze the raw data. There were 3 prominent themes that emerged among entrepreneurs during data analysis: business knowledge, bookkeeping, and pricing skills. The data from the results indicated, within this particular context, Liberian small-business entrepreneurs used business skills for knowledge, finance, and marketing. Focusing on these practices may lead to increased profit and business success beyond the first year for other Liberian small-business entrepreneurs. The findings from the study could provide mechanisms for social change by giving Liberian small-business entrepreneurs additional ideas for using their business skills in their businesses. Furthermore, the findings may aid the Liberian communities to create training programs and curriculums for numerous Liberian colleges and institutions for future Liberian small-business owners.

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The negotiation process of a peace agreement is an uncertain period where adversaries can have a difficult time credibly guaranteeing their commitment to an approaching agreement. However, violence is often ceased before a peace agreement is signed, demonstrating their importance for understanding non-violent and violent behavior by warring actors. Furthermore, research finds that rebels at times comply with laws of war during conflict and negotiations. Hence, the purpose of this study is to derive a better understanding of rebel groups’ non-violent behavior, and whether it relates to the commitment problem and the negotiation process. This paper argues that by complying with international law, rebels can convey a signal with a peace-making objective, increasing the likelihood of a successful negotiation. Through a qualitative, structured and focused comparative case analysis of the FMLN in El Salvador and the NPFL in Liberia, the study finds that rebel’s compliance with IHL may serve as a costly signal that mitigates the credible commitment problem and leads to the signing of a successful peace agreement. However, further research is needed to support this hypothesis.

The objectives of the study were to determine infant and young child feeding (IYCF) knowledge of Household Health Promoters (HHPs) and examine its relationship with demographic characteristics. Quantitative, non-experimental descriptive design was used. Seventy-one randomly selected HHPs participated in the study. A structured questionnaire was used to collect the data. The results showed that the mean IYCF knowledge score was 77.8% (N=71). The knowledge of the respondents was not uniform across the components of IYCF which ranged between 19.72% for duration of breastfeeding to 100% for colostrums feeding. None of the socio-demographic characteristic was significantly associated to the mean knowledge score. The study identified that refresher training should be provided to the HHPs on IYCF with emphasis on the aspects of IYCF with scores below the mean / Health Studies

This Master’s level research project investigates how gender shapes the resettlement challenges that liberian refugees have faced in Nova Scotia. The study investigates the impact of the reframing of gender relations during resettlement processes in both material and symbolic domains of life in Halifax. While male Liberian refugees are found to have a comparative advantage over their female counterparts, due in large part to the priority given to educating young men in rural Liberia, they also have higher expectations of education and employment once settled. Women seem to benefit symbolically if not materially from the reframing of gender relations in Canada, as compared to Liberia.

Après la commission de violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire et dans le cadre parfois d’une transition ou d’une situation post conflictuelle difficile, les Commissions vérité ont été de plus en plus créées au sein des Etats. Parce qu’elles sont destinées à l’examen de violations de règles établies en droit international, se pose la question de leur rapport avec ce droit. Par leurs spécificités formelles et la flexibilité de leurs règles, leur utilisation du droit international et leur prise en compte des victimes, elles constituent un cadre particulièrement novateur dédié à l’examen des violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire. Cependant, instances non judiciaires et eu égard aux évolutions du droit international, elles conduisent à s’interroger sur la responsabilité pour ces violations et des obligations internationales de l’Etat à cet égard, et à exiger la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité pénale pour la commission des violations les plus graves qu’elles ont constatées. / In time of transition or in post conflict situations, many truth Commissions have been increasingly created within many States to deal with a past caracterised by many human rights and international humanitarian law violations. Because they are dedicated to investigate violations of established rules of international law, the question emerge on their relationships with international law. Their formal characteristics and their flexibility, their use of international law and the focus and attention they give to the victims of these violations, make them appear to be an innovative mean allowing specific review of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. However, because there are non-judicial bodies and taking into consideration the developments of international law, they raise questions about responsibility for these violations and international obligations of the State in this regard, and lead to the requirement of prosecution and the implementation of criminal liability for the serious violations they reported.

The objectives of the study were to determine infant and young child feeding (IYCF) knowledge of Household Health Promoters (HHPs) and examine its relationship with demographic characteristics. Quantitative, non-experimental descriptive design was used. Seventy-one randomly selected HHPs participated in the study. A structured questionnaire was used to collect the data. The results showed that the mean IYCF knowledge score was 77.8% (N=71). The knowledge of the respondents was not uniform across the components of IYCF which ranged between 19.72% for duration of breastfeeding to 100% for colostrums feeding. None of the socio-demographic characteristic was significantly associated to the mean knowledge score. The study identified that refresher training should be provided to the HHPs on IYCF with emphasis on the aspects of IYCF with scores below the mean / Health Studies

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study was to describe the factors that led to the creation of warlords in Angola and Sierra Leone so as to better understand the dynamics and origins of warlord politics. The two warlords that were focused on, and compared, were Jonas Savimbi (Angola) and Charles Taylor (Liberia and Sierra Leone). Authors like Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2006, 2007) and Collier and Hoeffler (2004) contributed toward the base of this study. Their work captured the issues contributing toward the warlord phenomenon and generated thought surrounding the context in which these warlords arose. John Mackinlay (2000) was used to describe and analyse the origins of warlordism and how the warlord phenomenon has changed with the onset of new wars, especially in the late 20th and 21st centuries (Kaldor, 2006). Furthermore, the work of Thomas H. Greene (1984) was used in guiding this thesis into a systematic study, focusing mainly on the leadership, following, organization, techniques and external support of both Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor as examples of contemporary warlords. Through utilizing the contributions of the above authors on this topic, the similarities and differences between the two warlords were explored. The study found that while Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor emerged from different eras and contexts (Savimbi out of the Cold War and Taylor as a result of globalization), they both became typical warlords. Savimbi only became a warlord after 1992. Before, Savimbi used Maoist ideology while an insurgent against Portugal, whereafter he became a rebel in the Angolan civil war. Taylor was a warlord in diamond-rich neighbouring Sierra Leone. Both used identity politics to gather a following while Taylor used brute force and the manipulation of the youth. They both manipulated illicit criminal networking and operated internationally, smuggling diamonds. The main difference, however, is that Taylor was an insurgent in Liberia where he seized power in 1990 and became president in 1997, while a warlord in neighbouring Sierra Leone. Savimbi, on the other hand, never attained presidential power even though he participated in the 1992 Angolan elections which he lost, whereafter he ceased to be a revolutionary, and became a real warlord without the external support he previously had. Savimbi was assassinated in 2002 and Taylor abdicated in 2003, currently standing trial in the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. He stands trial for the human right atrocities committed in Sierra Leone. Their legacies live on. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie was om die faktore te beskryf wat gely het tot die ontstaan van krygshere (“warlords“)in Angola en Sierra Leone, en om die dinamika van krygsheerpolitiek beter te verstaan. Die twee krygshere waarop gefokus en vergelyk was, is Jonas Savimbi (Angola) en Charles Taylor (Liberië en Sierra Leone). Die denke van skrywers soos Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2006, 2007) en Collier & Hoeffler (2004) het bygedra tot die basis van hierdie studie. Hulle werk het ingesluit die aspekte wat bygedra het tot die krygsheer fenomeen, en het besinning aangemoedig oor die agtergrondsfaktore waaruit hierdie twee krygshere ontstaan het. John Mackinlay (2000) se werk is gebruik om die oorsprong van krygsheerpolitiek te beskryf, asook hoe die krygsheerfenomeen verander het met die uitbreek van “nuwe oorloë“ (Kaldor, 2006), veral aan die einde van die 20ste en 21ste eeue. Verder is die werk van Thomas H. Greene (1984) gebruik om hierdie tesis ‘n sistematiese struktuur te gee wat gefokus is op die leierskap, volgelinge, organisasie, tegnieke en eksterne ondersteuning van Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor. Hierdie twee persone is albei voorbeelde van kontemporêre krygshere in die jongste verlede. ‘n Vergelykende studie verg dat ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee krygshere verken word deur gebruik te maak van die bydraes van bogenoemde skrywers. In die studie is bevind dat alhoewel Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor uit verskillende eras en agtergrond kom (Savimbi uit die Koue Oorlog en Taylor as gevolg van globalisasie), albei tipiese krygshere geword het. Savimbi het Maoistiese ideologie gebruik terwyl hy ’n insurgent teen Portugal was. Daarná het hy ’n rebel in die Angolese burgeroorlog geword. Hy het eers na 1992 ‘n krygsheer geword nadat hy die verkiesing verloor het en sy buitelandse steun verloor het. Taylor, aan die ander kant, was ‘n krygsheer in die diamantryke buurland, Sierra Leone. Altwee krygshere het identiteitspolitiek gebruik om volgelinge te kry, terwyl Taylor ook brutale krag en die manipulasie van die jeug gebruik het. Hulle het beide internasionale diamante gesmokkel deur kriminele netwerke te gebruik. Die groot vi verskil is egter dat terwyl Taylor ‘n krygsheer in Sierra Leone was, was hy ook ‘n insurgent in Liberië, waar hy in 1990 mag gekry het en in 1997 president geword het. Savimbi, aan die ander kant, het nooit presidensiële mag verkry nie, alhoewel hy deelgeneem het aan die 1992 Angolese verkiesing. Hy het daarna opgehou om ‘n revolusionêr en ‘n rebel te wees en het ‘n ware krygsheer geword (sonder die eksterne ondersteuning wat hy voorheen gehad het). Savimbi is in 2002 vermoor en Taylor het in 2003 abdikeer. Taylor is tans onder verhoor in Den Haag waar hy tereg staan by die Internasionale Strafhof vir oorlogsmisdade en menseregteskendings in Sierra Leone. Beide hierdie krygshere se nalatenskap leef egter voort.