Esta dissertação procura analisar o artigo 219 da Constituição Brasileira sob a ótica das políticas econômicas do desenvolvimento. Em seu texto, o referido artigo garante como parte integrante do patrimônio nacional o mercado interno, prescrevendo seu incentivo a fim de proporcionar o desenvolvimento econômico, social e cultural, bem como a autonomia tecnológica e o bem-estar de toda a população. Partindo dos pressupostos teóricos da Constituição Federal de 1988 como sendo uma constituição dirigente, esta dissertação foca-se sobre o referido dispositivo encarando-o como artigo pertencente à chamada constituição econômica formal. Assim, esta pesquisa se propõe a estudar os três principais discursos nacionais sobre o desenvolvimento econômico, ao mesmo tempo em que busca na literatura econômico-constitucional as melhores análises sobre o referido artigo. / This study intends to analyze the article 219 of the Brazilian Constitution, under the view of the policies for economic development. In its text, the referred article grants the Brazilian internal market as part of the national patrimony. Further, the article prescribes its economic stimulus, intending to provide cultural, social and economic development, as well as social welfare and technological independence. Assuming that the Brazilian Constitution is a typical José Canotilhos directive constitution model, this study focuses on the referred article, facing it as a part of the Brazilian economic constitution. Thereby, proposes to study the three main national thesis about economic development, as the same time as it searches on the Brazilian constitutional and economic literature the best analysis on the cited article.

Based on the premise ‘what we measure affects what we do’, this work seeks to address the following key question: What are the characteristics of the knowledge produced by the Rule of Law Index, WGI Rule of Law Indicator, Doing Business Indicators and the Global Competitiveness Index about the rule of law and business regulation respectively, and to what extent can this knowledge be used to assess and compare legal systems? My objective is to address the gap between, on the one hand, policy and scientific approaches to indicators and, on the other hand, legal scholarly approaches. The former tend to be specialized, mathematical and outcome-oriented, focusing on how to produce appropriate measures of social –and legal- phenomena. The latter assume an external point of view and are often verbal and critical. They focus generally on the genealogy, shortcomings and governance aspects of a particular set of indicators. This work provides new insights through a fourfold analysis: (i) an analysis of the context in which transnational legal indicators emerge, (ii) an analysis of their process of commensuration of legal phenomena, (iii) an analysis of their analytical value in jurisprudence and comparative legal studies, and (iv) an analysis of their normative effects on national legal systems. / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Uganda, like several developing countries, is a recipient of development assistance. This assistance, which is provided by rich developed countries, supports among others human rights programmes in these countries. Development partners that provide this assistance wield considerable influence arising from the assistance they provide. This study seeks to determine what role development assistance plays in the promotion and protection of human rights in Uganda. The study establishes that, similar to several African countries such as Malawi, Zambia, Kenya and Ghana, Uganda is aid-dependent. Although Uganda is committed to reducing this dependence, it is concluded that without this vital lifeline of development assistance, Uganda would not be able to fully fund and run its human rights programmes or development budget. The study further establishes that international cooperation and the provision of development assistance are embodied in international human rights treaties and declarations. However, while there is an obligation to provide development assistance, stipulated in international human rights treaties, the study establishes that some development partners do not recognise this obligation. A model convention providing for the obligation to provide development assistance is elaborated in this study. The study arrives at the conclusion that development partners through the provision of development assistance have advanced the human rights agenda in Uganda, though sometimes impedding the development of an authentic domestic human rights culture. The study recommends that there is a need to reverse this situation. The study concludes with several recommendations aimed at making Uganda own its human rights agenda. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

Ethic education This diploma work deals with newly implemented school subject "Ethic education" at the school system in the Czech Republic. "Ethic education" has been defined as a project, where main topic is to develop pro-social behaviour. This diploma work specifies elementary educational aims of this project and analyses its particular educational components: contain, methods, style, topics. It also deals with the process of implementation into the Czech school system, in what social context has ethic education has been developing, how it is embodied into Framework Education Programme documents and how psychology as a science looks at moral development of a human being. Author looks at the ethic education through prism of universal principles and outcomes, such as Christian ethics and natural moral law.

The objective of my thesis was to provide a comprehensive survey on ownership as a legal institute and one of man's important values. It should be presented in the historical context and its development should be drawn up both over the course of several centuries and through various communities of people, whether under a totalitarian regime or free. My thesis consists of 4 major parts. Part 1 is dedicated to Roman law and includes chapters on the subject of ownership, acquisition of property, protection of ownership and limitations of ownership. Part 2 describes the development of ownership in our country. Specifically it analyses the General Civic Code - ABGB, Civic Code - 141/1950 Coll. and Civic Code - 40/1964 Coll. My objective was also to give at least a partial insight into the legal regulations regarding ownership in other states. Given the fact that this is an extensive matter, it appeared to be most effective to do a survey of ownership at the constitutional level in EU countries, namely Spain, Germany, Luxembourg, France, Greece, Portugal, Lithuania and Hungary, see Part 3 hereof. I assumed a more detailed treatment of ownership at the constitutional level would be applied in western countries. However, this hypothesis turned out to be wrong at least in the cases of Spain and Luxembourg....

Das politische Phänomen ‚fragiler Staaten’ betrifft die Grundfesten des Völkerrechts, und hat dennoch wenig Beachtung in der Rechtswissenschaft gefunden. Staaten, die formal rechtlich anerkannt sind, aber faktisch kaum in der Lage sind, grundlegende staatliche Funktionen auszuüben, beeinträchtigen Funktion und Effektivität der Völkerrechtsordnung. Die Völkerrechtsordnung hängt entscheidend von der Existenz einer effektiven Regierung ab, die zumindest in der Lage ist, Rechte und Pflichten auszuüben und an den internationalen Beziehungen teilzunehmen. In der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit beispielsweise ist die Existenz eines Staates mit rechtlich anerkannter und faktisch handlungsfähiger Regierung eine Grundvoraussetzung für den Transfer finanzieller Ressourcen. Diese Arbeit zeigt mit Blick auf Recht und Praxis der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, dass ‚fragile Staaten’ zwar kein rechtliches Phänomen sind, aber der Umgang von Internationalen Organisationen mit den Herausforderungen fragiler Staatlichkeit durchaus von rechtlicher Relevanz ist. Sie untersucht die formellen und informellen Regeln, die Entwicklungsorganisationen wie die Weltbank für den Umgang mit Staaten mit kaum handlungsfähiger Regierung erlassen haben. Das Resultat ist eine kritische Analyse des sozial konstruierten Phänomens und seiner folgenreichen Übersetzung in rechtliche Regularien. / The political phenomenon of ‘fragile states’ concerns international law’s very foundations, and has yet received little attention from legal scholarship. States that have the legal status of states, but are in fact unable to fulfill even the most basic functions, pose a fundamental problem to the functioning and effectiveness of the international legal order. It crucially depends on the existence of governments with the minimum level of capacity necessary to exercise rights and obligations, and to partake in international cooperation. In development cooperation, for instance, the existence of a state with an authorized and competent government is a basic condition for the transfer of financial assistance. This study looks at the law and practice of development cooperation to show that ‘fragile states’ are a phenomenon beyond law, but how international organizations have addressed the challenges of engaging with fragile states may well be of legal significance. It analyzes the formal and informal rules that development organizations – the World Bank, and a range of regional organizations – have adopted to address the lack or severe limitation of government effectiveness in certain countries. The result is a critical analysis of the discourse on fragile states, and how it has shaped the rule-making activities of international organizations.

There is growing consensus that unless resource-rich developing countries improve their domestic governance systems, rising exploitation of mineral, oil and gas resources may result in long-term adverse developmental outcomes associated with the “resource curse”. Despite the consensus, reforms do not abound. This dissertation investigates the obstacles to such reforms, and the mechanisms and strategies that can possibly overcome these obstacles. I argue that two trapping mechanisms are binding these countries to a “weak governance curse”. One mechanism is the phenomenon of path dependence, which makes a dysfunctional governance path initiated at a past historical juncture resistant to change over time. The other mechanism is rent-seeking behaviour associated with high resource rents, which creates perverse incentives for political and economic actors to resist reforms. The Law and Development literature has recently produced a rich body of knowledge on governance reform in developing countries, yet it has largely neglected the potential role of innovative global regulatory mechanisms, beyond development assistance, in this process. I argue that this evolving literature ought to draw from global regulation studies to investigate the interaction between unconventional global regulatory mechanisms and domestic governance reform. In this thesis I analyze whether extraterritorial home country regulations, such as anti-bribery, anti-money laundering and securities disclosure regulations, and transnational public-private partnerships, such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, may offer institutional opportunities for external and internal actors to facilitate policy reforms in resource-rich and governance-poor countries. My conclusion is twofold. First, there is reason for cautious optimism regarding the potential for unconventional global regulatory mechanisms to provoke positive feedback effects in domestic governance reform. These mechanisms can open innovative institutional pathways of influence to outsiders and insiders promoting governance reform. Second, instead of searching for a regulatory silver bullet, the most promising way to promote reforms in resilient dysfunctional governance systems is to make use of the wide range of conventional and unconventional mechanisms available. A constellation of regulatory instruments opens up the possibility for outside and inside reformers to benefit from a different policy mix of available mechanisms, depending on the specific circumstances of a given country at a particular time.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

There is growing consensus that unless resource-rich developing countries improve their domestic governance systems, rising exploitation of mineral, oil and gas resources may result in long-term adverse developmental outcomes associated with the “resource curse”. Despite the consensus, reforms do not abound. This dissertation investigates the obstacles to such reforms, and the mechanisms and strategies that can possibly overcome these obstacles. I argue that two trapping mechanisms are binding these countries to a “weak governance curse”. One mechanism is the phenomenon of path dependence, which makes a dysfunctional governance path initiated at a past historical juncture resistant to change over time. The other mechanism is rent-seeking behaviour associated with high resource rents, which creates perverse incentives for political and economic actors to resist reforms. The Law and Development literature has recently produced a rich body of knowledge on governance reform in developing countries, yet it has largely neglected the potential role of innovative global regulatory mechanisms, beyond development assistance, in this process. I argue that this evolving literature ought to draw from global regulation studies to investigate the interaction between unconventional global regulatory mechanisms and domestic governance reform. In this thesis I analyze whether extraterritorial home country regulations, such as anti-bribery, anti-money laundering and securities disclosure regulations, and transnational public-private partnerships, such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, may offer institutional opportunities for external and internal actors to facilitate policy reforms in resource-rich and governance-poor countries. My conclusion is twofold. First, there is reason for cautious optimism regarding the potential for unconventional global regulatory mechanisms to provoke positive feedback effects in domestic governance reform. These mechanisms can open innovative institutional pathways of influence to outsiders and insiders promoting governance reform. Second, instead of searching for a regulatory silver bullet, the most promising way to promote reforms in resilient dysfunctional governance systems is to make use of the wide range of conventional and unconventional mechanisms available. A constellation of regulatory instruments opens up the possibility for outside and inside reformers to benefit from a different policy mix of available mechanisms, depending on the specific circumstances of a given country at a particular time.