Au Tchad, le triptyque « armées, sécurité et rébellions » est indissociable, tant il mêle des acteurs armés qui ont dominé la scène nationale depuis l’indépendance du pays en 1960. L’entrelacs des intérêts et des combats a aussi provoqué l’implication d’intervenants extérieurs nombreux, la France et la Libye en premier lieu. Tous ont participé à cette séquence historique, de 1969 à 1990, dominée par l'émergence d'une rébellion, le Front de libération nationale du Tchad (FROLINAT), qui finira par s'emparer du pouvoir et engendrer une guerre civile suivie d'une guerre de libération des provinces du Nord. La France s’engage au Tchad en 1969 dans sa première véritable guerre depuis l’indépendance de l’Algérie, et dès lors restera actrice du destin de ce pays, sous tous les régimes successifs, de Tombalbaye au régime d’Hissène Habré. Elle cherche à conserver son appréciation autonome de situation, et renseigner sur les groupes rebelles du Tchad, la Jamariyya libyenne, voire ses propres alliés, afin de donner à ses décideurs politiques et militaires des clés de compréhension et d’action. Dans cette guerre d’un genre nouveau et méconnu des citoyens français, le renseignement et les actions spéciales constituent des armes fondamentales au cœur des engagements opérationnels, de l’évolution des différents types de capteurs, et des tensions interservices entre le SDECE/DGSE et les autres services chargés de renseignement. Parce qu'elle veut conserver son rang en Afrique notamment dans la bande sahélo-saharienne, concurrencée par les Etats-Unis, défiante vis-à-vis de la Libye et de l'Union soviétique; parce qu'elle est très impliquée dans les affaires intérieures du Tchad, parfois avec excès; et enfin parce que ses adversaires la contraignent à une adaptation permanente de posture et de capacités militaires, la France va faire du Tchad son point focal en Afrique, le laboratoire de ses futurs engagements, à la frontière entre légalité et légitimité, entre actions conventionnelles et spéciales, entre raison d'Etat et diplomatie. / In Chad, the triptych « armed forces, security and rebellion » is inextricably linked, so much it mixes armed players that dominated the scene since the independence in 1960. The interlacing of interests and fights also led to the involvement of external players, making Chad an enduring challenge for France, Libya, United-States and many others. Those countries, along with local players, participated to this historical sequence, 1969-1990, dominated by the apparition of the FROLINAT’ rebellion, that will finally seize power and generate a civil war followed by a liberation war of the Northern provinces. Thus France will commit itself in Chad in 1969, in its first real African war since the independence of Algeria, and by then will remain actress of Chad’s destiny whatever the political system is, from Tombalbaye to Hissène Habré’s reign. France will try to keep its autonomous situation awareness and collect intelligence on the Chadian rebel groups, the Jamariyya, or even its own allies, in order to provide to the political and military decision-makers some keys for understanding and acting. In this new type of warfare, unknown by the French population, intelligence and special actions manage to be fundamental weapons at the core of operational commitment, sensors evolutions, and interagency tensions between the SDECE/DGSE and the other intelligence services. Because France wants to keep its rank in Africa, especially in the Sahelian strip, challenged by the United-States, defying Libya and hampered by the Soviet Union; because it is deeply committed in the internal affairs of Chad, sometimes too deeply; and finally because its adversaries do compel it to an everlasting adaptation of its posture and military capabilities, France will make Chad its focal point in Africa, the laboratory of its future deployments, at the edge between legacy and legitimacy, between conventional and special actions, between raison d’Etat and diplomacy.

Intervention in Libya is an anomaly in President Barack Obama's foreign policy during his eight years in the office. This thesis aims to analyze the decision-making process leading to this unprecedented step. Using Graham Allison's Bureaucratic Politics Model, the purpose of this analysis is to investigate the influence of some presidential advisors and allies on his final decision. Data for this study were collected using President Obama's public statements, biographies of several members of the administration, and secondary academic sources. After some general context, the thesis closely examines the selected period from the first protests in Libya on February 15 to the beginning of the Operation United Protector on March 31. This timeframe of forty-five days is further divided into the week-by-week process tracing analyses. The development on the ground in Libya is merged with changes of attitude in the American administration and changing alliances among the members of the advisory team of the President. The Bureaucratic Politics Model is used to analyze specific tactics used by American officials to impose their preferred scenario. The study also tests the applicability of several new methodological approaches within the Bureaucratic Politics Model like the palace politics perspective,...

1 Abstract Humanitarian intervention is one of the most contentious issues of contemporary international politics. The roots of the concept of humanitarian intervention can be traced back to the just war theory. Having examined the practice of states, I lean towards the opinion that the international custom legalizing humanitarian intervention has not fully crystallized. Although the realist school comes up with a few very convincing points, I think that the Charter of the United Nations, as it stands now, does not allow to carry out a humanitarian intervention. The International Court of Justice case law does not consider humanitarian intervention legal. The concept of human security became one of the fundamental sources of legitimization of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. It also served as one of the principles, upon which the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty had built the doctrine of The Responsibility to Protect. The principles of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine were passed by the UN General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit. A year later, these principles were referred to in a Security Council resolution on the protection of civilians in armed conflict. Although the United Nations General Assembly resolutions are not legally binding, their come from the fact...

Diploma thesis Relation between the concepts of humanitarian intervention and regime change: the case of Libya is concerned with the study of military interventions after 1989 in the context of current theoretical discourse. It's main goal is assessing the 2011 NATO operation Unified Protector. The key question of thesis is, whether the intervention, due to the extensive reading of UNSC Resolution 1973, mandate still can be described in the terms of humanitarian intervention concept (in accordance with international law paradigm of R2P), or whether it rather had been a regime change. Based on primary data analysis, the paper shows that actors (most significantly the USA, France and Great Britain) contributing with a theoretically impartial military force, despite the immediate positive humanitarian outcome, helped significantly to overthrow the regime of Muammar Gaddafi. Due to the specifics of the operation, it can rather be described as a hidden regime change - a definition is also offered in the thesis. Based on the theoretical framework created by Michael Reisman, the author also assesses legitimacy of such deeds. The text is divided into three main chapters. Chapter one gives an account of broader context of just war theories, humanitarian intervention and regime change concepts. In the second...

As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the Russian Federation plays an important role in the debate over humanitarian interventions. These are defined by the Responsibility to Protect principle that allows international military intervention into internal political crisis of other countries in case the security of civilian population is in danger. Russia sent its army to Georgia in 2008 and Crimea in 2014 referring to this principle. However, it was Russia's reluctance to approve any intervention that governed the diplomatic negotiations during the Libyan civil war in 2011. The importance of the problem of various understanding of the R2P principle by different world powers is still crucial and is also clearly visible on the ongoing conflict in Syria. This thesis focuses on the approach of the Russian Federation to the Responsibility to Protect principle. It determines general factors that influence the issue of humanitarian intervention in the framework of Russian foreign policy, and puts Russian attitude to the overall context of the discussion about this principle. The thesis confirms the assumption that the R2P principle has become a Russian foreign policy instrument, which has been misused within the Russian sphere of interest and used to obstruct the interventions initiated by the...

Diploma thesis "United Nations Performance and Responsibility to Protect" applies the research framework of the performance of international organizations on the cases of two humanitarian crises with the involvement of the United Nations in connection to the "Responsibility to Protect" norm. The cases examined, are the intervention in Libya (2011) and the crisis in the Sudanese province of Darfur (2003). The thesis uses the comparative method and evaluates the occurrence and measure of the sources of performance, which it defines in its theoretical framework. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

La recherche propose de faire la démonstration qu’il existe une certaine relation de cause à effet entre la prise en compte des paramètres du confort visuel dans la conception des établissements scolaires et la performance scolaire des utilisateurs. Dans ce sens, nous essaierons de montrer comment la façon dont l’éclairage naturel sera introduit dans une salle de classe sera un facteur déterminant du confort visuel. En termes de méthodologie, nous avons retenu une approche qualitative qui permet de répondre, de manière simple et efficace, aux objectifs de cette recherche. Dans un premier temps, nous établissons un état de l'art du concept de l’éclairage naturel et du confort visuel en milieu scolaire. Ensuite, nous proposons une méthode d'analyse et d'évaluation qui s’articule autour de deux phases : - l’une consiste à analyser la qualité environnementale des établissements scolaires en Libye. L'objectif de cette phase est d’arriver à une classification typologique des salles de classe existantes dans notre zone d’étude ;- l’autre consiste à incorporer des simulations par maquette, qui nous permettent la collection des informations maximales dans le temps le plus court, par une série de photos enregistrant les conditions de confort visuel. Cela nous permet de montrer de façon simplifiée l’impact des caractéristiques des salles de classe étudiées, notamment leurs orientations, qui peuvent avoir une influence directe ou indirecte, positive ou négative, sur le confort visuel et par extension sur la performance scolaire de ces utilisateurs.D'après les résultats obtenus, nous avons constaté que les établissements scolaires en Libye, tels qu’ils sont conçus et réalisés actuellement, ne répondent guère aux besoins de leurs utilisateurs et ont sur eux un impact considérablement négatif. Enfin, à la lumière de l'ensemble des constatations, nous discutons les conséquences de nos résultats obtenus pour la conception architecturale des futurs établissements scolaires en Libye, et nous proposons ensuite d’établir une liste des recommandations appropriées au contexte climatique de la zone d'étude pour la conception des salles de classe, afin de les mettre à la disposition des architectes et des autorités pour d’éventuelles utilisations et approfondissements, qui permettent non seulement de rénover des édifices existants mais aussi d’améliorer la conception des futures constructions. / The research deals with demonstrating that there is some cause-and-effect relationship between the inclusion of visual comfort parameters in the design of schools and academic performance of the users. We try to show how the way natural light is introduced into a classroom will be a determinant of visual comfort.In terms of methodology, we used a qualitative approach which allows identifying, quickly and easily, the context of this research. At first, we establish a state of the art of the concept of day lighting and visual comfort in schools. Then, we propose a method of analysis and evaluation based on two phases:- One is to analyze the environmental quality of schools in Libya. The objective of this phase is to arrive at a typology of existing classrooms in our study area;- The other is to incorporate model simulations, which allow us to obtain the maximum information in the shortest possible time, by a series of photographs recording the conditions of visual comfort. This allows us to understand, in a simple way, the impact of the studied classroom characteristics, including their orientations, which may have a direct or indirect influence, positive or negative, on visual comfort and by extension on the academic performance of the users.According to the results, we found that the Libyan schools, as they are currently designed and implemented, do little to address the needs of their users and have a considerable negative impact on them.Finally, in the light of all these findings, we discuss the implications of our results for the architectural design of future schools in Libya. We then propose to establish a list of recommendations appropriate to the climatic context of the study area for the design of classrooms in order to make them available to architects and authorities for possible uses and further investigations. This allows not only to renovate the existing buildings but also to improve the design of future buildings.

The thesis Framing of News Photography in the Czech Press on the Example of the Civil War in Libya explores the visual coverage of the conflict by Czech print media. The theoretical part of the thesis deals with the theory of framing. It also focuses on the role of media in armed conflicts, visual behavior of media, the specifics of war photography and its framing. Furthermore the thesis explores the important relationship between image and text. The research draws on extensive literature on media framing as well as foreign research and combines quantitative and qualitative analysis. The practical part is based on the theory of Johan Galtung and his concepts of war and peace journalism, which can be seen as two competing frames. One of the first visual quantitative analysis to apply Galtung's theory was carried out by Shahira Fahmy and Rico Neumann. This study was used as a basis for the thesis. The aim of the research was to determine what visual frames are used to cover the war in the Czech press. Quantitative research focused on three sets of characteristics - picture position and sources, content and formal elements and framing. The most important part of the analysis was to determine the roles of the individuals in the images. The roles were essential for determining of the frames. The purpose...

En septembre 1969, un coup d’État mené par Kadhafi et ses compagnons donnera lieu à un modèle de gouvernement fondé sur la notion de la Jamahiriya qui trouve ses références théoriques dans le contenu du Livre Vert de Kadhafi. L’avènement de la Jamahiriya, qualifié de « Révolution », prétend mettre en œuvre l’exercice du pouvoir directement par le peuple (jamahir), à travers des congrès et des comités populaires. De fait, la première question qui se pose à nous est de cerner le type d’État en vigueur en Libye. Soulever ce point, c’est aussi s’interroger sur la place occupée par les droits de l’homme dans l’architecture institutionnelle libyenne. Et sous cet angle, l’idée qui s’impose est que l’organisation les droits et libertés relèvent de documents successifs : Déclaration de 1969 ; Charte verte des droits de 1988, loi de consolidation des libertés de 1991. Aussitôt surgit la question de la valeur juridique de ces textes dans la hiérarchie des normes, étant entendu qu’il n’existe pas en Libye une constitution proprement dite. C’est là une problématique essentielle, puisque de cette qualification dépend le degré de garantie des droits et libertés. On mesure alors l’importance d’une étude des principaux traits de la législation libyenne. Reste à ajouter que la reconnaissance des droits théoriquement affirmés, est tributaire de l’ordre « révolutionnaire » qui impose l’obligation de respecter et de protéger la Jamahiriya. Aborder ce point, c’est montrer les entraves que peut constituer le régime politique quant à la protection des Droits ; c’est également s’interroger sur le rôle du juge en tant que gardien des libertés. L’analyse de cet aspect implique une approche de l’étendue et des limites du contrôle des actes de l’État, qu’il soit un contrôle administratif ou un contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois, sachant que la combinaison de ces deux techniques sert en principe à offrir aux citoyens une garantie et l’assurance d’exercer pleinement leurs droits et libertés. Or, là encore, les moyens juridictionnels conçus pour assurer la protection des droits fondamentaux risquent de se heurter à la nature du régime qui met en avant la protection de la « révolution » au dépend de toute autre liberté. C’est autrement soutenir que le système institutionnel dans son entier constitue une restriction à la protection des Droits. Évoquer cette réalité, c’est éclairer les entraves relevant de la pratique même du pouvoir. En définitive, la nature du régime et l’idéologie de la Jamahiriya conditionnent la forme d’expression des droits fondamentaux. C’est là tout l’enjeu du rapport entre pouvoir et libertés publiques que nous proposons d’étudier dans le cadre de ce travail. / In September 1969, a coup led by Gaddafi and his companions will result in a model of government based on the concept of the Republic which finds it’s theoretical references in the content of the Green Book of Gaddafi. The advent of the Republic, also called "Revolution", claimed to implement the exercise of power by the people (Jamahir) through congresses and people's committees. In fact, the first question that faces us is to identify the type of state force in Libya. Raising this point is also questioning the place of human rights in Libya's institutional architecture. And in this light, the idea must be that the organizations of human rights and freedoms are relieving from successive documents: Declaration of 1969; Green Charter of Human Rights of 1988, Freedoms Consolidation Act 1991. Soon after arose the question of the legal status of these texts in the hierarchy of norms, provided there is no constitution in Libya itself. This is a key issue, since from this qualification depend the degree of guarantee of rights and freedoms. The importance of a study of the main features of Libyan legislation is measured. It remains to add that the recognition of the rights affirmed in theory, depends on the order "revolutionary" which imposes the obligation to respect and protect the Republic. Address this point is to show the obstacles that may be the political regime on the protection of rights; it is also questioning the judge's role as a guardian of freedom. The analysis of this aspect involves an approach to the scope and limitations of the control of state action, whether administrative supervision or control of the constitutionality of laws, knowing that the combination of these two techniques are used in principle to provide citizens with a warranty and insurance to fully exercise their rights and freedoms. Yet again, the judicial remedies designed to ensure the protection of human rights are likely to face the kind of diet that emphasizes the protection of the "revolution" at the expense of all other freedoms. It is in another way to support that the institutional system as a whole constitutes a restriction on the Protection of the Rights. Discussing this reality is exposing the barriers within the same practice of power. Ultimately, the nature of the regime and the ideology of the Libyan determine the form of expression of fundamental rights. That's the whole point of the relationship between public power and freedoms that we propose to study in the context of this work.

Le but de cette recherche est celui d’analyser le développement structurel d’une présence coloniale courte, chronologiquement successive. À partir d’une étude d’histoire comparée, on entend décrire le processus d’installation, création et gouvernance d’une double administration coloniale européenne, celle de l’Italie fasciste et de la France, installée au Fezzan, région du désert sud-occidental libyen. Nous montrons d’abord, dans une perspective de longue durée, comment l’urgence de contrôler les espaces amples du Sahara libyen détermine, du côté des Empires, la nécessité stratégique de créer une macro-région coloniale, à gérer uniquement par l’élément militaire. Le noyau central de la thèse analyse la manière dont les structures de ces administrations ont été conçues et mises en place par les militaires européens, ainsi que leur impact réel sur le tissu social de la région. Enfin, en guise de conclusion, nous évoquons les éléments de rupture et de continuité parmi les deux expériences, et les conséquences de l’action des administrations coloniales en termes de construction idéntitaire de la Libye indépendante. / Desert Libya’s region of Fezzan presents an interesting case of a consecutive colonial military administration. A fascist italian period of ten years is followed by a french shortest-term direct administration of eight years. The research highlights the emergence to bridge an historical gap. In the framework of a comparative study, the main goal of the thesis is to investigate the development of the administrative changeover from fascist Italy to France in the region, illustrating the establishment of the double administration managed by soldiers of the two colonial powers, its impact toward the social regional structures and its elements of continuity and change. The period we take into consideration extends from 1930 to 1951, between the full realization of the italian colonization of Libya, through the so-called fascist “pacification”, and the transition process of the Independent Libyan State. This leads to explore a final understanding hypothesis, concerning the repercussion of this military continuum administration on the independence process of Libya. / Il presente studio analizza lo sviluppo strutturale di una breve presenza coloniale, temporalmente consecutiva. Nel quadro di una ricerca di storia comparata, l’obiettivo è quello di descrivere il processo di instaurazione, esecuzione e governance di una duplice amministrazione coloniale europea: quella dell’Italia fascista e della Francia nel Fezzan libico. Si tratta anzitutto di precisare in che modo le zone desertiche del Sud libico divengono, progressivamente, un oggetto di contesa strategica tra le potenze imperiali, tali da rendere necessaria l’urgenza del ricorso ad una gestione amministrativa a carattere esclusivamente militare. Il nucleo centrale dell’elaborato indaga sulla maniera in cui dette strutture amministrative sono state concepite e messe in pratica da parte dei rispettivi militari impegnati sul posto, e il loro effettivo impatto sul tessuto sociale regionale. Nelle conclusioni, si evocano gli elementi di continuità e discontinuità tra le due esperienze; inoltre, tenuto conto del periodo storico preso in considerazione, compreso tra la piena realizzazione del colonialismo italiano in Libia e l’avvio del processo di transizione che porta il Paese nord africano verso l’indipendenza, si analizzano le conseguenze della gestione amministrativa in termini di costruzione identitaria dello Stato postcoloniale.