Em 1750, era assinado entre as Coroas da Espanha e de Portugal o Tratado de Madri. Este determinava, entre outras coisas, a troca da Colônia de Sacramento pelas missões ao leste do rio Uruguai, o que levaria os guaranis que ali viviam a transmigrar para a outra margem do mesmo rio. Na medida em que estes indígenas apresentaram resistência, foram mandadas tropas para realizar esta função. É nesse contexto que se percebe a atuação de Sepé Tiaraju: como membro de uma elite missioneira, elaborada pelos padres jesuítas, que se revoltou contra as determinações de deixar suas terras. Analisando a trajetória de Sepé, percebe-se a construção de sua liderança e autoridade perante os demais. A abordagem versa sobre a forma e a maneira de como sua liderança foi construída: através das redes de relação e da forma de como estas foram elaboradas. Ao mesmo tempo, o modo como o prestígio de Sepé, e das autoridades indígenas em geral, é estabelecido também é abordado. A opção metodológica cai sobre a micro-história, sobretudo a sustentada por Carlo Ginzburg, buscando uma leitura atenta aos detalhes da fonte. Além disso, o método de pesquisa traçado pela etno-história, que combina elementos da História e da Antropologia e insere o indígena na História da conquista da América, também é utilizado, fazendo da pesquisa uma releitura da documentação disponível sobre Sepé à luz da “Nova História Indígena”. / In 1750 the Treaty of Madri was signed between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal. It supposed, among other points, the exchange of the Colônia de Sacramento for the missions at east of the Uruguai river, which would force the Guaraníes that lived there to migrate to the other side of the river. As the indigenes resisted, troops were sent to do the task. It is in this context that the role of Sepé Tiaraju is noted: as a member of a Missions elite, organized by the Jesuit priests, which had rebeled against the resolution of leaving their land. Analyzing Sepé's trajectory, it's perceived the development of his leadership and authority over the others. This approach examines the ways and means how his leadership was built: through the relationship networks and the way they were made. At the same time, it's explained the way that Sepé's and the authorities' reputation is established. The methodological option is the microhistory, mainly the part sustained by Carlo Ginzburg, seeking a careful reading of the source details. Moreover, the research method delineated by etnohistory, that combines elements from History and Anthropology and put the indigene in the History of the conquest of America, is also used, converting the research into a rereading of the available documentation under the light of the “New Indian History”.

This diploma thesis deals with the processing of international trademark application under the Madrid Agreement and the Protocol to this Agreement. The aim of the work is to evaluate the functionality and benefits of the Madrid system on the basis of an analysis of the international filing procedure (i.e. through the Madrid system), supported by a comparison with national filing. The work responds to the question of whether the Madrid system fulfills its purpose, i.e. whether it simplifies registration of trademarks abroad, whether the international filing is financially advantageous and time-savings, and what other benefits it brings. On the other hand, the author seeks to identify and point out the disandvantages and potential pitfalls of the system. The work thus provides to potential applicants all the necessary information to determine whether to use the international way of trademark registration and what to do for a successful registration.

This ethnographic study intends to explain the recent mobilization practices within the LGBTQ movement in contemporary Madrid in reference to the strategic use of identity and networking in collective action. It describes the Spanish movement as an ideologically polarized heterogeneous aggregate. The active challenging groups criticize the dominant part of the movement for giving up its original message of sexual liberation and diluting it in consumerism by supporting capitalist tendencies and the power of leading political parties. Via launching protest campaigns and collaborating in internationally supported networks with other ideologically related social movement communities, the challenging groups demand civil rights for all people, regardless of their sexual orientation or identity. They mobilize upon the collective identity of "precariousness" while integrating elements of queer and transgender theory into their radical leftist oriented politics in order to transform the Spanish society. By bringing on new critical ideas and adherents, the success of the leftist oriented challenging groups has an impact on the direction of the politics of the dominant group, which thereby is forced to adopt such ideas into their politics. Despite the disunity and antagonistic character of the movement, the...

This thesis analyses the commercial relations between Scotland and the geo-political area known as the Iberian world in the early modern period. Despite being geographically one of the largest areas of Europe, as well as arguably the politically most weighty, there has, until this thesis, been no scholarly research on Scottish trade relations with this area. Though the archives suggest regular and sustained contact, very little is known about Scottish-Iberian connections beyond the overtly political. When compared to northern Europe the region of Iberia and its dominions differed significantly, not only due to a different branch of Christianity being practised there but also due to the influence of the Habsburg empire and the power it was perceived to give the Spanish Habsburgs. Looking predominantly at Scottish commercial contacts with Spain, the Spanish Netherlands and Portugal, this project considers a number of angles such as England's impact on Scottish commercial relations with Iberia. For example, very little would be known about Scottish commercial relations with Iberia in the late-sixteenth century if it were not for the Anglo-Spanish war of that period. The central role of conflict in Scottish-Iberian relations continues into the seventeenth century, with the Cromwellian/Stuart struggles with the Dutch Republic and later disputes between the new state of Great Britain and Habsburg Spain all affecting trade. This thesis demonstrates the important role of triangular and entrepôt trade, which was popular with Scottish merchants who wished to obtain Iberian goods without the risks of sailing into North African corsair territory. Scots did not merely pick up Iberian goods from the entrepôt markets of London and the Dutch Republic they also organised trade to Iberia and its dominions via other Scots, providing evidence of a complex trade network. Further, this thesis has sought to ascertain that, despite the lack of a large Scottish community such as those seen in Poland-Lithuania and Scandinavia, Scottish commercial relations with Iberia were valuable both to the Scottish economy and its merchants. This thesis which continues the work of the Scotland and the Wider World Project, addresses a lack of scholarly work regarding Scottish commercial connections with this key geo-political area.

This dissertation is concerned with the development of mathematical aquifer models that combine hydrological, hydrochemical and isotopic data. One prerequisite for the construction of such models is that prior information about the variables and parameters be quantified in space and time by appropriate statistical methods. Various techniques using multivariate statistical data analyses and geostatistical methods are examined in this context. The available geostatistical methods are extended to deal with the problem at hand. In particular, a three-dimensional interactive geostatistical package has been developed for the estimation of intrinsic and nonintrinsic variables. This package is especially designed for groundwater applications and incorporates a maximum likelihood cross-validation method for estimating the parameters of the covariance function. Unique features of this maximum likelihood cross-validation method include: the use of an adjoint state method to compute the gradient of the likelihood function, the computation of the covariance of the parameter estimates and the use of identification criteria for the selection of a covariance model. In addition, it can be applied to data containing measurement errors, data regularized over variable lengths, and to nonintrinsic variables. The above methods of analysis are applied to synthetic data as well as hydrochemical and isotopic data from the Tucson aquifer in Arizona and the Madrid Basin in Spain. The dissertation also includes a discussion of the processes affecting the transport of dissolved constituents in groundwater, the mathematical formulation of the inverse solute transport problem and a proposed numerical method for its solution.

Thesis advisor: Alan L. Kafka / This study finds that, in most cases analyzed to date, past seismicity tends to delineate zones where future earthquakes are likely to occur. Network seismicity catalogs for the New Madrid Seismic Zone (NMSZ), Australia (AUS), California (CA), and Alaska (AK) are analyzed using modified versions of the Cellular Seismology (CS) method of Kafka (2002, 2007). The percentage of later occurring earthquakes located near earlier occurring earthquakes typically exceeds the expected percentage for randomly distributed later occurring earthquakes, and the specific percentage is influenced by several variables, including magnitude, depth, time, and tectonic setting. At 33% map area coverage, hit percents are typically 85-95% in the NMSZ, 50-60% in AUS, 75-85% in CA, and 75-85% in AK. Statistical significance testing is performed on trials analyzing the same variables so that the overall regions can be compared, although some tests are inconclusive due to the small number of earthquake sample sizes. These results offer useful insights into understanding the capabilities and limits of CS studies, which can provide guidance for improving the seismicity-based components of seismic hazard assessments. / Thesis (MS) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Earth and Environmental Sciences.

Programa de Doctorado de Enfermería: Práctica y Educación

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-18T17:02:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana Saab.pdf: 1431454 bytes, checksum: 91d3dd276795e9f3636f53ff43c68b3e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T17:02:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana Saab.pdf: 1431454 bytes, checksum: 91d3dd276795e9f3636f53ff43c68b3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-26 / This paper refers to the signing of the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinians in September 1993 from the understanding that the necessary terms in order to solve the historical conflict are not discussed in the peace process. The reading of the first document to be signed, the Declaration of Principles (DOP), reveals that the contents of the peace proposal and the bilateral negotiations formula do not alter the existing asymmetry of power between Palestinians from the PLO and the State of Israel, which makes the uneven process extremely favorable to the continuation of the Israeli military occupation over the territories of Gaza and the West Bank. The paper therefore focuses its analysis on the negotiation process previous to the signing of the DOP and the political and economic context of those responsible for Oslo, in order to establish what were the interests involved and how they influenced the drafting of the terms of the Declaration. During the research, it becomes clear that the Oslo agreements only benefited the actors involved in secret negotiations in Norway, namely the PLO and Israeli Labor Party, which allows us to state that the peace process was not representative of the various Palestinian and Israeli political sectors. The study also reveals that the peace proposal made to the Palestinians in Oslo is an Israeli formulation, that refers back to the beginning of the peace process in the Middle East in 1978, whose main goal was the normalization of diplomatic relations between Israel and the Arab neighboring states . Thus, the conditions discussed in Oslo were based on an old assumption that regional peace does not imply in the creation of a Palestinian state, but only the right to self-representation of the Palestinian residents in the occupied territories. These conditions were accepted by Yasser Arafat as a strategy to gain political prestige and return to the territory of Palestine. We conclude therefore that the Oslo peace process was not a legitimate initiative to establish a fair and equal peace in the region, as claimed by Israel and the United States, but an agreement made between the Israeli Labour Party and the PLO, drafted to enabled the Israeli territorial expansion over the West Bank and Gaza, to dismiss the question of refugees and not recognize the Palestinian’s right to national self-determination / Este trabalho retoma a assinatura dos Acordos de Oslo entre israelenses e palestinos em setembro de 1993 a partir do entendimento de que os termos necessários para a resolução do conflito histórico não são discutidos no processo de paz. No decorrer da análise do texto do primeiro documento a ser assinado, a Declaração de Princípios (DOP), percebe-se que o conteúdo da proposta de paz e a fórmula de negociações bilaterais adotada não propõem uma alteração da assimetria de poder existente entre palestinos da OLP e o Estado de Israel, o que torna o processo desigual e extremamente favorável à continuação da ocupação militar israelense sobre os territórios da Faixa de Gaza e da Cisjordânia. O trabalho, portanto, foca sua análise no processo de negociação anterior à assinatura da DOP e no contexto político e econômico dos responsáveis por Oslo para estabelecer quais foram os interesses envolvidos em fechar um acordo e de que maneira eles influenciaram a redação dos termos da declaração. Durante a pesquisa, notamos que os Acordos de Oslo beneficiaram exclusivamente os atores envolvidos nas negociações secretas na Noruega, a OLP e israelenses do partido trabalhista, o que nos permite afirmar que o processo de paz não foi representativo dos diversos setores políticos palestinos e israelenses. O estudo também revela que a proposta de paz oferecida aos palestinos em Oslo é uma formulação israelense que remete ao início do processo de paz no Oriente Médio no ano de 1978, cujo principal objetivo foi a normalização das relações diplomáticas entre israelenses e os Estados árabes vizinhos. Assim, as condições negociadas na ocasião de Oslo partiram de um antigo pressuposto de que a paz regional não pressupõe a criação do Estado palestino, mas apenas o direito de autorrepresentação dos residentes dos territórios ocupados. Essas condições foram aceitas pela liderança de Yasser Arafat como estratégia para obter prestígio político e retornar ao território da Palestina. Concluímos, portanto, que o processo de paz de Oslo não se tratou de uma legítima iniciativa para estabelecer a paz de maneira justa e igualitária na região, conforme divulgado por Israel e pelos Estados Unidos, mas de um acordo entre o partido trabalhista e os palestinos da OLP, elaborado de uma maneira que possibilitou a expansão territorial israelense sobre Gaza e Cisjordânia, desconsiderou a questão dos refugiados e não reconheceu o direito à autodeterminação nacional palestina

En este trabajo se describe el origen y el funcionamiento de dos instituciones singulares en el tratamiento de la infancia y la juventud delincuente y socialmente conflictiva en la España del siglo XIX: la Cárcel de Jóvenes de Madrid (1840-¿1848?) y la Casa de Corrección de Barcelona (1836-1884). Se trata de dos ensayos notables, por cuanto en el ámbito territorial español apenas se llevaron a cabo iniciativas en el ámbito penitenciario-asistencial destinadas específicamente a la infancia y juventud delincuente o en riesgo. El trabajo está estructurado en tres partes. En la primera parte se dan las claves para entender la problemática social de los menores delincuentes en la España del ochocientos, dando cuenta del marco legal en que se encuadraban, y apuntando las fórmulas punitivas, correctivas, asistenciales y educativas que se destinaron a ellos. En la segunda parte, se aborda el estudio de la Cárcel de Jóvenes de Madrid y de la asociación que impulsó su creación (Sociedad para la mejora del sistema carcelario, correccional y penal de España), siendo Ramón de la Sagra uno de los principales gestores de dicha Cárcel. Debido a la desintegración de la Sociedad entre finales de 1843 y principios de 1844, la Cárcel fue perdiendo los elementos y formas de funcionamiento singulares con que había surgido. La tercera y última parte, acoge el estudio de la Casa de Corrección de Barcelona, que empezaba sus andaduras en 1836, bajo un prisma básicamente represivo, y cuya reapertura en 1856 supondrá un verdadero renacimiento al convertirse desde esa fecha en un centro específicamente pensado para menores delincuentes y predelincuentes. En este viraje tendrá un papel significativo José María Canalejas, que pasaría a dirigir la institución entre 1858 y 1863, introduciendo un sistema de reeducación insólito en las instituciones benéficas y penitenciarias del momento. La falta de recursos económicos y la inadecuación de los edificios en que se ubicó la Casa de Corrección a lo largo de los años fueron una constante en la trayectoria de la institución, que a finales de siglo pasaría a ser gestionada por una congregación religiosa, pasando a convertirse en Escuela de Reforma (1884), y más adelante, recibiendo el nombre de Asilo Toribio Durán (1890), de cuya historia no se ocupa este trabajo. El estudio se completa con bibliografía y varios anexos, entre los que destacan diversas bases de datos en que se recogen los nombres de los internos (incluidas las niñas y mujeres, para el caso del centro barcelonés), con indicación de las fechas de ingreso, de salida, y otros datos vinculados a su procedencia, estancia y salida de la institución. / This work describes the origin and the way to work of two special institutions when managing the childhood and the youth of offenders and those socially conflictive during the XIX century in Spain: the Cárcel de Jóvenes de Madrid (1840-¿1848?) – a Prison for Youths in Madrid- and the Casa de Corrección de Barcelona (1836-1884) – a House for Correction in Barcelona. We are talking about two remarkable essays, as in the Spanish territory few initiatives took place in the field of penitentiary-care that focus on the childhood and youth of offenders of at risk of being one.

El objeto de la presente tesis doctoral, La recepción de la obra wagneriana en el Madrid decimonónico, es realizar una “historia del efecto”, ordenando cronológicamente las interpretaciones wagnerianas (audiciones en concierto y representaciones de ópera) y los escritos de Richard Wagner (o sobre el compositor) publicados en la prensa diaria y especializada. Aunque existen algunos antecedentes aislados, la documentación parece indicar que el estrepitoso fracaso de Tannhäuser en París (1861) marca el inicio de la recepción “masiva” de la obra del compositor alemán en nuestro país. A partir de ese momento, observamos una fuerte polarización de opiniones ante la figura de Wagner, su pensamiento estético y su idea de Gesamtkunstwerk. En este sentido, se plantea un debate que cuestiona la esencia formal de la ópera, estableciéndose una contraposición de las escuelas nacionales italiana y alemana (belcanto versus wagnerismo). Sin embargo, la influencia del pensamiento krausista hará que esta discusión tenga en España características propias, proponiéndose, como solución, una ópera nacional que aúne lo universal y lo particular, lo tradicional y lo moderno. Asimismo, las controversias entre wagneristas y antiwagneristas son catalizadoras de otras querellas filosóficas, morales e ideológicas presentes a lo largo del periodo de investigación (1861-1893/94). Precisamente, en las conclusiones de esta tesis intentamos poner de relieve la dialéctica ortodoxia / heterodoxia, base de la oposición Parsifal / Nietzsche característica de la España finisecular (misticismo versus egotismo). Este debate se produce en un contexto enormemente sincrético y caracterizado por el denominado “espíritu decadentista”, marcado por el spleen, es decir, el agotamiento del modelo cultural europeo occidental.