<p>Detta är en studie över Sverige, Norge och Danmarks legala möjligheter att inrikes nyttja sin försvarsmakt för att bekämpa terrorism. De lagliga förutsättningarna skiljer sig idag mellan länderna vilket, i sin tur, innebär att ländernas möjligheter att snabbt sätta in tillräckliga resurser för att möta ett angrepp, varierar. Även angreppets karaktär är avgörande huruvida försvaret får nyttjas. Kriminalitet och ytterligheten terrorism är polisens uppgift men försvaret har möjligheter, men med varierande grad, i samtliga tre länder att stödja polisen. Preliminär lagstiftning och undantagstillstånd är inte genomförbart i alla tre länderna. Möjligheten och organisationen för att använda försvarets resurser beror dock på hur staten i fråga reglerat detta. Vad skillnaderna beror på kan dels vara historiskt beskaffat, dels bero på medvetna val. Danmark med sitt NATO-medlemskap är ett land med starkt utåtriktad säkerhetspolitik och försvaret kan nyttjas relativt obehindrat. Den andra NATO-medlemmen, Norge, har sina oljeplattformar vilka kan ses som skyddsvärda och med andra möjligheter för försvarets nyttjande. För alliansfria Sveriges del är försvarets möjlighet till nyttjande hårt reglerat i till och med grundlagen.</p> / <p>This study explores the legal possibilities for Sweden, Norway and Denmark to use their own armed forces to combat terrorism. At present, the legal requirements differ from country to country so therefore each country’s ability to rapidly deploy sufficient resources when faced with an attack will vary. The nature of the attack will decide whether defence may be deployed. Crime and extreme terrorism are tasked by the Police but the Ministry of Defence is encouraged to lend support to the Police in all these 3 countries. Provisional law and martial laws are not feasible in all three countries. The state’s regulations will dictate opportunity and organisation to deploy defense resources. The differences between each country can be part historical, part-conscious choice. Denmark with its NATO membership is a country with strong, lateral-thinking views on security and the Ministry of Defence can be deployed with relative ease. The other NATO member, Norway, has its oil platforms which can be seen as worthy of protection and as an opportunity for use by the Ministry of Defence. The ability to deploy is strictly regulated for Sweden.</p>

Detta är en studie över Sverige, Norge och Danmarks legala möjligheter att inrikes nyttja sin försvarsmakt för att bekämpa terrorism. De lagliga förutsättningarna skiljer sig idag mellan länderna vilket, i sin tur, innebär att ländernas möjligheter att snabbt sätta in tillräckliga resurser för att möta ett angrepp, varierar. Även angreppets karaktär är avgörande huruvida försvaret får nyttjas. Kriminalitet och ytterligheten terrorism är polisens uppgift men försvaret har möjligheter, men med varierande grad, i samtliga tre länder att stödja polisen. Preliminär lagstiftning och undantagstillstånd är inte genomförbart i alla tre länderna. Möjligheten och organisationen för att använda försvarets resurser beror dock på hur staten i fråga reglerat detta. Vad skillnaderna beror på kan dels vara historiskt beskaffat, dels bero på medvetna val. Danmark med sitt NATO-medlemskap är ett land med starkt utåtriktad säkerhetspolitik och försvaret kan nyttjas relativt obehindrat. Den andra NATO-medlemmen, Norge, har sina oljeplattformar vilka kan ses som skyddsvärda och med andra möjligheter för försvarets nyttjande. För alliansfria Sveriges del är försvarets möjlighet till nyttjande hårt reglerat i till och med grundlagen. / This study explores the legal possibilities for Sweden, Norway and Denmark to use their own armed forces to combat terrorism. At present, the legal requirements differ from country to country so therefore each country’s ability to rapidly deploy sufficient resources when faced with an attack will vary. The nature of the attack will decide whether defence may be deployed. Crime and extreme terrorism are tasked by the Police but the Ministry of Defence is encouraged to lend support to the Police in all these 3 countries. Provisional law and martial laws are not feasible in all three countries. The state’s regulations will dictate opportunity and organisation to deploy defense resources. The differences between each country can be part historical, part-conscious choice. Denmark with its NATO membership is a country with strong, lateral-thinking views on security and the Ministry of Defence can be deployed with relative ease. The other NATO member, Norway, has its oil platforms which can be seen as worthy of protection and as an opportunity for use by the Ministry of Defence. The ability to deploy is strictly regulated for Sweden.

Beginning in March of 1920, the Galveston coastwise longshoremen’s strike against the Morgan-Southern Pacific and Mallory steamship lines was a pivotal moment in the history of organized labor in Texas. Local and statewide business interests proved their willingness to use the state apparatus by calling on Governor William P. Hobby and the Texas National Guard to open the Port of Galveston. Despite this, the striking dockworkers maintained the moral support of many local citizens from a variety of social classes, including small merchants and officials of the Galveston municipal government. By February of 1921, however, the segregated locals representing the striking longshoremen had fallen victim to the divisive racial tactics of the shipping companies, who implemented the open-shop policy of non-discrimination in hiring on their docks. Further demonstrating the capital-state alliance, the Texas legislature passed Governor Hobby’s notorious Open Port Law in October 1920, making it virtually illegal for dockworkers and others to engage in strikes deemed harmful to commerce. This legislation and the nearly yearlong strike not only destroyed the coastwise longshore unions in Galveston, but ushered in a decade of repression from which Texas’s organized labor movement did not recover for many years.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Tsypkin, Mikhail. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Poland, martial law, solidarity, strikes. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-69). Also available in print.

Objective of the research – to educe the evolution the regime of the martial law in the Republic of Lithuania 1919 – 1940, factors determining it, while analyzing and assessing the most important political, institutional, social aspects of this phenomenon and their interactions. / Tyrime yra siekiama atskleisti Karo padėties režimo Lietuvos Respublikoje 1919 – 1940 m. raidą, išanalizuoti bei įvertinti šio reiškinio svarbiausius politinius, institucinius, socialinius aspektus, jų sąveikas.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe pateikiama valstybės ir jos valdymo samprata, organizacijos pertvarkymo sėkmę lemiantys faktoriai, į kuriuos reikėtų atsižvelgti konstruojant valstybės valdymo modelį karo padėties laikotarpiui. Pateikiama susisteminta mokslinėje literatūroje surinkta informacija apie veiksnius, turinčius įtakos organizacijos pertvarkymui ir funkcionavimo tęstinumui nepaprastųjų situacijų atveju – išorinės grėsmės, lemiančios valstybės saugumo politikos kryptis, pateikiant Skandinavijos šalių ir Lietuvos saugumo politiką nulėmusių faktorių lyginamąją analizę; teisinio reguliavimo ypatumai, kuriais nustatoma valstybės valdymo mechanizmas nepaprastųjų situacijų atveju; organizacijos militarizavimo tikslai ir dėsningumai; visuomenės įtaka ekstremalių situacijų atvejais; moksliniai metodai, kuriais remiantis vertinamas organizacijos pasirengimas užtikrinti veiklos tęstinumą ekstremaliomis sąlygomis. Tyrimo logika pagrindžiama aprašant tyrime naudojamus metodus, įvardinti valdymo sistemos tęstinumo tyrimui pasirinkti kriterijai. Praktinėje analitinėje dalyje patvirtinta grėsmių ir rizikų įtaka valdymo sistemos funkcionavimui ir pateiktas institucijų pasirengimo vykdyti veiklą karo padėties metu spragų priežastingumas. Tyrimo išvados ir rekomendacijos pateikiamos darbo pabaigoje. / The concept of organization’ management, organizational structure and factors for it‘s successful transforming to be considered during of martial law period has been analyzed in the Master’s degree final work. Summarised information on factors that affects the organization’s transformation process and abilities to it’s operational continuity in emergency situations – external threats, determining national security policies by Scandinavian and Lithuanian security policy factors; a comparative analysis of the peculiarities of legal regulation, that determines the state’ operational management mechanism in emergency situations; the patterns and goals of the organization’ militarization; impact and role of society in emergency situations and scientific methods used for the evaluation of organisation’ readiness to operate in emergency situations – is introduced in this paper. The research logic is justified by the methods used in the analysis according to the criterions’ selected for this particular research. Practical analytical part of the thesis contains results that confirms the impact of threats and risks on the organization’ functioning and identifies gaps and causality of the institutions ill-preparedness to operate during martial law period. The research conclusions and recommendations are presented at the end of this paper.

This thesis traces the origins of a colonized and militarized Hawai`i, ultimately leading to the years of military rule, 1941-1945. It examines the ways in which the Hawaiian Islands differed from the United States mainland prior to and throughout the war years, and demonstrates that Hawai`i's history is much richer than the "Remember Pearl Harbor" framework acknowledges. Focusing on long time residents (Islanders or locals), rather than on the large population of migrant Americans also in the archipelago during the war, it addresses ways in which military rule controlled and Americanized the people of Hawai`i. Finally, it illuminates the ways in which local stories challenge national ones: How were America and Hawai`i different places in 1941? / Graduate

This thesis examines the reasons why certain Protestant churches in Taiwan during the martial law period advocated democratization, while others did not. It uses an institutional and organizational theory to better understand the inner workings of these churches to understand their norms and values in terms of their overall group culture. This is set against previous English-language research that focused primarily on the ideals of essentialized or reified religions, broadly defined, without looking at the variations that exist between different churches. It argues that in order to understand the actions of these churches towards democratization, we must look at the whole of each organization. The norms and values, on their own, are insufficient to explain their motivations.

Pendant l’état de guerre en Pologne, après le 13 Décembre 1981 nombreux militants étaient à l'étranger. Les membres de l'opposition du mouvement Solidarité vivaient également à Paris. Ils étaient: Seweryn Blumsztajn, Slawomir Czarlewski, Danuta Nowakowska, Mirosław Chojecki, Jacek Kaczmarski, Andrzej Wolowski, Zbigniew Kowalewski, Andrzej Seweryn, Piotr Chruszczyński et autres. Le Comité de Coordination a été fondée le 16 Décembre 1981. Dans sa déclaration, les membres ont demandé à l'opinion publique internationale pour protester contre les événements de Pologne et d'aider les syndicalistes en Pologne. Le siège de Paris avait plusieurs cellules: le Bureau, le secrétariat, section de l'information, le soutien et la Pologne section culturelle. Les activités du Comité ont été possible grâce à l'appui fourni par les syndicats français - CFDT, CFTC, FO, CGC et FEN. Il est resté en contact avec de nombreux organismes de bienfaisance et de soutien organisé pour « Solidarnosc » clandestine. / During the martial law after the 13th of December 1981 many activists were abroad. Members of the opposition of Solidarity movement lived also in Paris. They were: Seweryn Blumsztajn, Slawomir Czarlewski, Danuta Nowakowska, Mirosław Chojecki, Jacek Kaczmarski, Andrzej Wołowski, Zbigniew Kowalewski, Andrzej Seweryn, Piotr Chruszczyński and others. The Coordinating Committee was founded on 16th of December 1981. In its statement the members called to the international public opinion to protest against the events in Poland and to help trade unionists in Poland. The Paris headquarters had several cells: the Bureau, the Secretariat, information section, the support Poland and cultural section. The activities of the Committee was possible thanks to the support provided by the French trade unions - CFDT, CFTC, FO, CGC and FEN. He stayed in contact with many charities and organized support for underground "Solidarity".

臺灣位於東亞，不論由其人口結構及歷史背景，臺灣的法律制度即以傳統中國法律制度為主體，並內化於臺灣人民生活之中。然自十九世紀末以來，臺灣之法律制度由殖民之日本政府及後來之中華民國政府強勢引進近代西方之法律制度，臺灣的法律制度亦逐漸由傳統中國法律制度改以近代西方法律制度所取代 。然傳統東亞的法律觀向來將法律視為統治之工具，而人民亦將法律視為遵守之準則，至於法律本身之意涵或精神似乎即無人關心，臺灣雖引進近代西方法律制度，然即有上該之問題。另外近代西方法律制度與本土的傳統中國法律制度有極大之差距，導致形式之法律與內化之法文化有極大之落差，則如何將形式之法律落實於生活及內化於臺灣人民心中，在臺灣即為不容忽視之一重要問題。又臺灣自西元1987年解除戒嚴以來，不論於政治、社會或教育之環境，均產生劇烈之變化，簡而言之即政府對人民之箝制愈來愈寬鬆，政治朝向民主化。但民主社會下，臺灣社會卻讓人有紊亂、淺層民主之疑惑，許多人即發現問題似乎在於所謂民主基石之法治在臺灣尚未落實，而法治社會建立之急切性亦足顯示法治教育之重要性。 然臺灣之官方法治教育於解嚴後，似乎並沒有真正跟上其民主之進程，理論與實際操作之落差，亦衍生臺灣法治教育之現場問題叢生，官方或將法治教育簡略為所謂之犯罪預防教育或法條背誦教育。民間團體之領導人，此包括法律界、家長甚至第一線教學現場之教師，亦逐漸發現此中重要之問題，而積極向美日等國取經，希冀從外國之經驗，改變臺灣法治教育之現狀。本研究試圖從臺灣法制文化背景、解嚴後臺灣大環境之變化分析中，以釐清法治教育對臺灣之重要性；並從解嚴後臺灣法治教育不論由官方或民間之變革中，透過文獻探討、比較分析及深度訪談之方式，提出有關臺灣法治教育現況問題之所在、應變革之方向及建議，以期對臺灣法治教育的未來有些許之助益，並衷心期待二十一世紀之臺灣擁有健全的公民社會，並成為一個真正民主法治的國家。