Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order. Public reaction to the use of force was strong and the government, particularly Gen. J.C. Smuts, was severely criticised resulting in a defeat in the 1924 election. Over the period 1921 to 1932 indigenous populations in South Africa and South West Africa such as the Israelites (1921), the Bondelswarts (1922), the Rehoboth Basters (1925) and the Ukuambi (1932), were suppressed through punitive expeditions by the police and military forces of the Union of South Africa. The indigenous populations were a.o. grieved by the government’s implementation of branding laws, enforced indentured labour, dog and hut tax. The government’s prevailing racial policy of that time, manifested in a master and servant attitude towards the indigenous populations, exacerbated an existing grievance of restrictive political rights. The government reacted quickly and economically in suppressing any indigenous population’s protests involving militant action. Although the use of aeroplanes was criticised, it was a force multiplier and greatly assisted the small number of police and military forces deployed in minimising casualties on both sides. The government also had to suppress militant Afrikaner uprisings during the First and Second World Wars. In 1914 and 1915, prominent Afrikaner leaders and veterans of the Anglo-Boer War reacted militantly against the government’s participation in the First World War. Gen. L. Botha and Gen. Smuts were the architects of their suppression through quick mobilisation of the Active Citizen Force, using mostly Afrikaans speaking volunteers. The period between the two world wars saw the growth of the Afrikaners on a political, social and limited economical level. This gave rise to further dispute on political and social levels when the government once again opted to fight alongside Britain in the Second World War. Old animosities between the Afrikaners and British were relived and militant elements within Afrikaner society mobilised to impede this participation. The government resorted to using the Union Defence Forces and SA Police to facilitate internment, for spying and to guard strategic objectives in an effort to prevent sabotage and other serious damage to the war effort. Smuts received severe criticism from mostly Afrikaners who were against participation in the war, and the general public who had to suffer under the conditions of martial law. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van militêre mag in die onderdrukking van interne onrus is ‘n algemene verskynsel in die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika. Sedert 1652 het die Europese koloniale besetting van Suid-Afrika gepaard gegaan met geweld. Boerekommando’s en Britse militêre regimente en vrywilligereenhede het die vrede in verafgeleë gebiede gehandhaaf en die plaaslike bevolkings onderwerp, net soos ander koloniale moondhede, byvoorbeeld, Frankryk in Noord-Afrika en Duitsland in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika gedoen het. Die periode van 1912 tot 1945 was geen uitsondering nie, maar met die verskil dat opstande ook onder die blanke bevolking onderdruk is. In 1907, 1913, 1914 en 1922 het die blanke industriële werkers sodanige onderdrukking ervaar. Werksonsekerheid en loongeskille was die dryfkrag agter die stakings en die stakers se militante optrede het die regering gedwing om militêre mag te gebruik om die opstande te onderdruk, nadat die polisie se pogings om wet en orde te handhaaf, misluk het. Die publiek was sterk gekant teen sulke hardhandige optrede en Genl. J.C. Smuts het veral onder kritiek deurgeloop, wat tot sy politieke nederlaag gelei het. Opstandige inheemse bevolkings in Suid-Afrika en Suidwes-Afrika soos die Israeliete (1921), die Bondelswarts (1922), die Rehoboth Basters (1925) en die Ukuambi (1932) het deurgeloop onder strafekspidisies van elemente van die Unie van Suid-Afrika se polisie en weermag. Die inheemse bevolking is gegrief deur die regering se implimentering van brandmerkwette, geforseerde kontrakarbeid, hut- en hondebelasting. Die regering se rassebeleid van die tyd het ‘n meester-en-onderdaan-houding teenoor die inheemse bevolkings geskep, wat die teer kwessie van beperkte politieke regte vererger het. Opstande deur inheemse bevolkings wat militant van aard was, is op ‘n vinnige en ekonomiese manier onderdruk, dog het skerp kritiek uitgelok. Die benutting van vliegtuie om die opstande te onderdruk was ‘n magsvermenigvuldiger wat die klein polisie- en weermag gehelp het om verliese tydens die onderdukking van opstande aan beide kante te beperk. Die regering het ook opstande van Afrikanergroepe tydens die Eerste en Tweede Wêreldoorlog onderdruk. In 1914-1915 het prominente Afrikanerleiers en veterane van die Anglo-Boereoorlog militant opgeruk teen die regering in verset oor die regering se deelname aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Genl. L. Botha en Genl. Smuts was die argitekte van die vinnige onderdrukking van die opstande deur die Aktiewe Burgermag op te roep en hoofsaaklik Afrikaanssprekende vrywilligers te gebruik. Die periode tussen die twee Wêreldoorloë is gekenmerk deur die groei van die Afrikaner op politieke, sosiale en in ‘n beperkte mate, ook ekonomiese gebied. Hieruit het verdere onenigheid op politieke en sosiale vlak onstaan toe die regering weer besluit het aand die kant van Brittanje tot die Tweede Wêreldoorlog toe te tree. Ou vyandighede tussen Afrikaans- en Engelssprekendes het herleef en militante elemente binne die Afrikanersamelewing het gemobiliseer om die deelname te belemmer. Die regering het die Unieverdedigingsmag en die SA Polisie gebruik vir internering, spioenering en die beveiliging van strategiese doelwitte teen sabotasie en ander aktiwiteite wat die oorlogsdeelname sou belemmer. Smuts het die meeste kritiek ontvang van Afrikaners wat gekant was teen die oorlog, asook die publiek in die algemeen wat gebuk gegaan het onder krygswet.

The intent of the author is to establish a methodology for future forcible interventions in the affairs of failed, failing or rogue and terrorist sponsoring states in order to stabilize and democratize these nations in accordance with stated United States' goals. The argument follows closely current and developing United States military doctrine on stabilization, reconstruction and counterinsurgency operations. Further the author reviews several past interventions from 1844 to the present. Conducting a survey of colonial, imperialist as well as pre and post World War II, Cold War, post Cold War and post September 11th interventions to determine the techniques and procedures that proved most successful, the author proposes a program of intervention and reconstruction called Progressive Reconstruction that incorporates many of the successful activities of these past and present doctrines. The cornerstone of the methodology is the combination of rapid decisive combat and stabilization operations leading into a series of governmental transitions from foreign direct and indirect to indigenous independent rule.

在報禁開放後，由報業市場中不斷推陳出新的發行競爭以及目前三報鼎立 的發行態勢，本研究意欲探究報禁開放前後台灣報業發行作法的差異， 並以政治控制以及市場影響力的兩個方向，來思考形成台灣報業發行變化 的原因。在現存的傳播研究中，對於報業發行的文獻極為有限，而本研究 是第一份以報業立場分析台灣報業發行變遷的研究，一方面以報業整體的 發行狀況作為分析的起點，也以報業的觀點來分析台灣報業的發行競爭。 本文採取質化研究法中的個案研究法以及非結構性訪談法，藉著與台灣 北中南三地涉及報業發行業務的人士進行五十次以上的訪談，蒐集報禁 開放前後報業發行狀況的資料。研究結果發現，過去在報禁時期，台灣 吻合了發展中國家所普遍出現的媒介環境，為報禁政策提出合理化的 背書，而隨著經濟的發展，報禁政策對於報業發行發展的限制與控制則 愈來愈明顯，而在報禁開放後的自由市場競爭之中，強者愈強弱者愈弱的 報業發行特性，重塑台灣報業的發展趨勢。 / After the lifting of martial law in Taiwan

台灣原住民族廣播自1945年以降發展至今，各時期的廣播政策與現象因當時的國內政經、科技等局勢的變遷，而台灣原住民族廣播相關政策與現象發展隨之變化。然而我國以政經之傳播史學觀點探究至今仍乏人問津，政府的原住民族廣播相關政策也未有完詳的連貫性回顧與剖析，並且我國原住民族廣播至今尚未有專屬政策與法規，因此原住民族廣播發展背後的引導因素乃值得深度探索。 本研究以1945後至今各年代的我國政經發展為論述脈絡，乃包括台灣光復初期、解嚴前後、十梯次廣播頻道開放、蘭嶼廣播電台的創立、政府獎勵補助時期等年代，透過產官學之文獻資料蒐集，以及相關政府部門、第三部門與廣播人士的深度訪談，結合原住民族政經結構與廣播發展雙管齊下的史料分析，希冀達到史料與政經脈絡的對話。本研究核心乃著重在剖析各年代政府在原住民族廣播政策的規劃，並以多方比照的角度觀看解嚴前後國家機器力量透過哪些資源、營運類型與管道對原住民族發聲，以及探討解嚴前後原住民族在廣播營運所有權、語言近用等權利轉變情況。 根據本研究結果指出，1945年至解嚴前是政府國家機器掌控原住民族廣播發聲管道，並以山地平地化政策透過各行政部門對原住民族廣播訊息。解嚴後十梯次廣播頻道開放與廣播節目獎勵補助政策，以及各種跡象可得知政府、漢人與私人資本掌控當今原住民族廣播之營運，原住民族廣播之營運所有權仍掌控在漢人手中。本研究從史學觀點回顧原住民族廣播發展，殷盼不僅從中找尋各年代的廣播發展的歷程，解構原住民族廣播發展困境的背後意涵，並彙整原住民族廣播史料，供相關產官學界反思與借鏡。

Torture and the Drama of Emergency: Kyd, Marlowe, Shakespeare recovers the legal complexity of early modern torture and makes it central to an account of the anti-torture politics of the English stage. More people were tortured in the 1580s and 1590s than at any other time in England's history, and this sudden increase generated a backlash in the form of calls for the protection of liberties. Chapters on plays by Thomas Kyd, Christopher Marlowe, and William Shakespeare show how theater contributed to this backlash by means of its unique ability to present on the public stage the otherwise private suffering characteristic of state torture. Above all, these playwrights alerted audiences to the dangers posed by the concentration of absolute power in the hands of the monarch. The introduction and first chapter of Torture and the Drama of Emergency demonstrate that although torture was unknown to common law, it was executed in the context of a state of emergency. The second chapter presents Kyd's The Spanish Tragedy as resistance literature: rather than critiquing Spanish cruelty, as its setting implies, the play indicts English torture. Kyd uses the genre of revenge tragedy, enormously popular after and because of his play, to argue that torture is a form of revenge the state itself might carry out. Chapter three, on 1 and 2 Tamburlaine, argues that Tamburlaine transforms the world into a military camp by extending martial law to everyone, everywhere. Marlowe's portrayal of the creation and rise of this totalitarian regime depicts the nightmarish consequences for the people when the state's power to extend martial law remains unchecked. The final chapter, on King Lear, argues that in his most pessimistic play Shakespeare suggests there is no escape from the state's ability to seize absolute power in times of crisis. Lear's moving but tenuous declaration of human rights remains a dream that cannot survive the state of emergency created when he divides the kingdom. / text

本論文乃有關我國（台灣地區）於解嚴後至民國八十三年底止，憲政改革與政體轉型兩者之發展及相互影響之研究。 　　首章為緒論，係說明研究動機、研究目的；相關的文獻；研究範圍、研究途徑等。第二章為相關理論的建構與概念分析，包括憲法、憲政及憲法變遷的理論；政體轉型的概念意涵作界定與分析；威權政體及其政經發等。第三章分析憲政改革的背景因素，主要分從四個面向加以探討一、解除戒嚴及其作用；二、民進黨對憲改所進行的抗爭與主張；三、國民黨威權統治的弱化及其憲改規劃；四、三月學運與國是會議加速憲政改革。第四章為對憲政改革與三次修憲加以評析。第五章探討憲政改革對民主化的影響。第六章結論，除總結全文的重點，交待研究缺失及限制以外，並對我國未來憲政體制之定位提出建議。

人類歷史上有著許多偉大的政治體制改革者。中國與俄國千年來，皆是帝王專制的政治體制，直到二十世紀初葉，兩國的帝王專制體制先後被推翻，蘇聯邁向共黨一黨專政的蘇維埃政治體制；中國則因連年戰亂，中華民國政府來台初期亦採取威權統治，直到八零年代蔣經國主政，全力推動政治體制改革，同一時間蘇聯亦在戈巴契夫的主政下，推動政治體制改革。而戈巴契夫與蔣經國兩人對當代兩國政治發展亦影響深遠。本文的研究重點在於探討蔣經國與戈巴契夫兩人在政治體制改革過程中，台蘇的政治體制；改革環境；以及改革者，戈巴契夫與蔣經國二人的人格特質、政治理念與改革實踐的比較。 / Look backward at the human history, there were many political institution reformers. In China and Russia, the regime had been always authoritarianism and controlled by emperors till the start of twentieth century. Both of the authoritarian regimes in these two countries were overthrown one after another. Russia went toward the road of Soviet institution; China (ROC) also adopted authoritarian regime since the successive insurrection in the initial years. This kind of regime did not end until the 1980s due to the political reform Chang Chin-Gwo initiated . At the same time, under the leadership of Gorbachev, the political institution reform has been started. This thesis puts emphasis on the comparison of the political institution reform of Chiang and Gorbachev in terms of political environments, characters of the leaders, political values, and the practices of the reforms.

我國兵役制度從抗戰時期的「徵兵為主、募兵為輔」逐步走向「募兵為主、徵兵為輔」的募徵併行制，馬英九2008年當選總統，為落實競選政見，國防部規劃兵役制度轉型為募兵制，爰配合修正兵役法部分條文。 適逢立法院第七屆立法委員席次減半，由原本226席次減為113席次，委員自主性及影響力增強，執政黨組織行政院，亦掌握立院絕對多數席次，形成一致政府。 從公共政策過程理論來看，一個政策的推行，必須透過法律的制定、修正、廢止等方式，送請立機關完成政策合法化過程。本文從兵役法修法過程中，來探討國防部與立法委員互動關係，以提出加強其互動的具體建議。 基於以上的認知，本論文的發現如下： 一、法案草擬階段未讓立法委員有參與機會，使得政策規劃結果未能滿足立法委員的期許。 二、募兵制配套規劃尚未整合，法案先行送審，至國防部立論基礎薄弱，無法說服立法委員支持。 三、未公布政策影響評估，造成立法委員無法認同，讓立法委員對於募兵制無法成功產生的戰力空窗所造成的威脅感到質疑而無法認同法案。 四、與政策利害關係人的溝通不足，成為政策推動的阻力。 五、政策規劃評估不足，考量範圍不夠，形成爭議，造成立委抗拒。 六、立法委員對國防政策專業程度不足，需加強政策溝通。 七、挾持法案的議價協商，實際上係以其他利益交換為目的。 八、立法委員為貫徹黨紀，必要時，個人政治理念須妥協，國防部在政策溝通上，除了立法委員個人意見外，亦須積極遊說黨團。 / The military service system in Taiwan, or the Republic of China (R.O.C) Military Service System, has been gradually heading from a predominantly-conscription mode of recruitment, first adopted during the Period of the Second Sino-Japanese War, toward a predominantly-voluntary recruitment plan. To intiate such a transition and to keep the promises he gave before the 2008 presidential election, the president of the Taiwan (R.O.C.) Ma Ying-jeou urges that the Ministry of National Defense in Taiwan contrive a plan for the necessary modifications in the Taiwanese (R.O.C) law regarding the military service system. Also relating to this, it is to note that a 50% reduction of the number of the seats in the Legislative Yuan in the 7th general election of legislators, from 226 to 113 seats, granted each legislator more autonomy and opportunity to extend his/her personal influence than before, and that Taiwan was hence led by a government whose executive and legislative power came hand in hand becuase the ruling party not only able to organize the Executive Yuan but it also comprised the absolute majority in the Legislative Yuan, after the 2008 election. All taken into considertations, this dissertation aims to provide concrete suggestions as to the enhancement of the quality of the interactions between the Ministry of National Defense and legislators, from the analysis of such modifications. theoretically speaking, have to undergo the due processes to be implemented: the codification of law, a modification period, the abrogation of the inappropriate items of law, and a final evaluation by the Legislative Yuan. The findings are as follows: 1.The legislators' complaints about the unsatisfactory results of military policymaking may arise from a lack of opportunity for them to participate in the early processes. 2.Failure in establishing complementary measures for voluntary military recruitment before it reaches the Legislative Yuan, as well as a flimsy theoretical basis on which the Ministry of National Defense argues for it, make it difficult to persuade legislators that they should implement the new policies. 3.Legislators’ common worries about an imminent though transient threat, of a laspe of national armed force, which is deemed to be highly likely to result from such a change, have not been officially accounted for by the Ministry of National Defense. This prevents the legislators from agreeing to it. 4.The lack of effective communication among stakeholders of the policy impedes its implementation. 5.The lack of careful evaluations and an inclusive framework, make it controversial and legislators hate it. 6.Legislators are not proficient in the policymaking in terms of national defense, so the need more communication. 7.Negotiations are sometimes based on other commercial purposes. 8.Individual legislators, if necessary, are coerced to conform to the ideology upheld by their greater political party. The Ministry of National Defense has also to take into accounts the benefits of political parties.

本論文的時間斷限為1945至1987年，研究的重心主要集中在台灣傳播學界的新聞自由論述，並希望透過比較的方式，與當時英美各國的新聞自由論述相對照，以瞭解台灣新聞自由發展的特殊、扭曲與不足之處。本論文除緒論、結論外，共有六章，就內容而言，可分為三大區塊。第一區塊為第一、二章，主要探討國際社會對新聞自由的見解。第二區塊為第三章，主要探討戒嚴時期台灣的憲法學如何界定新聞自由。第三區塊為第四至六章，亦是本論文的主軸，主要探討戒嚴時期傳播學界所建構的新聞自由。 整體來看，歐美社會，尤其是美國新聞自由的最新進展，包括：1956年美國新聞界要求政府公開資訊、減少新聞封鎖、同年美國國內所發生，記者赴中國採訪權的爭議，以及1971年美國報紙刊載「越戰報告書」所引發新聞自由與國家安全的爭議等，大都能即時的傳入台灣社會。然而，關己則亂。戒嚴時期傳播學界面對台灣新聞自由受到種種限制的實況，基本上採取相對消極，甚至是迴避的態度。傳播學界一方面忽視政府對新聞自由的限制，一方面則將火力集中於媒體「責任」。 從「社會責任論」在台灣的發展觀之，引介人謝然之、胡傳厚與國民黨皆有深厚關係。而後續台灣自律組織的建立、相關會議所提出的社會新聞改進之道，亦與國民黨脫不了干係。對政府的態度，為自由主義與社會責任論者之間最重要的差異。然而，從相關的著作可看出，西方社會責任論的主催者，對於政府能否涉入，能介入多深仍存有許多疑慮。從自由主義到社會責任論，要求政府不要插足新聞事業的聲音一直存在。1950年的「歐洲人權公約」更特別明言「不受公部門干預」的表現自由。然而，在戒嚴時期台灣的傳播學界，拒絕政府干涉的聲音卻十分微弱。甚至在反共復國的重責大任下，新聞自由被降級到「法律保障」的層級，連僅存的社會新聞報導空間，亦與「國家利益」牽扯在一起。新聞事業被賦予超出歐美報人所謂的社會責任，進而需要「犧牲本身的自由和權利，以貢獻於國家民族」。 就結果來看，由國民黨主導的自律組織，以及社會新聞改進之路，在新聞界聘任與其立場相近的評議委員，與消極的不作為下，並沒有發揮國民黨所期待的效用。透過一些文章，我們可以發現，戒嚴時期台灣的傳播學界對其所屬的環境、新聞自由所受的限制是有一定的認識的。但在反共復國的大旗下，大都只能點到為止，或轉而要求新聞界必須瞭解國家正處於生死存亡之間。這樣的氣氛一直要到1980年代才有比較明顯的轉變。

The invasion by the Boers of Natal set a process in motion that changed the lives of Natal Afrikaners forever. As a group which shared family, cultural, and other ties with the invaders, but were British subjects by citizenship, they had to make a difficult decision: join the Republican forces or remain loyal to the crown. Factors which influenced this decision, amongst others, were the pre-war suspicion of all Natal Afrikaners by the Natal authorities and the prevalence of a general anti-Republican sentiment. Despite the above-mentioned, and the sympathy which existed for the plight of the Republics, very few Natal Afrikaners joined the commandos. Doing that would have meant economic annihilation. This the Natal Afrikaners understood and the majority remained neutral. Matters were complicated when the British Army and the colonial authorities withdrew south, leaving especially the Afrikaners of the Klip River county unprotected. When occupation did not convince the Afrikaners of the area to join, a well-thought out strategy based upon fear and misinformation, brought most into the fray. Duty on these commandoes was generally slack, subversive in nature, and as much as one can expect from people forced into military combat. A small group, however, managed, despite the pressures placed upon them, to remain loyal to Britain. For these loyalists the greatest rewards were in terms of economics and power. In stark contrasts were the economic experiences of the Natal Afrikaners who were somehow, either directly or indirectly, guilty of high treason. All their possessions were systematically looted or destroyed, leaving most of them in an impoverished state. Secondly, through a range of court cases 409 Natal Afrikaners or associated people were convicted of treason, mostly by the purposefully introduced Special Court and special magistrate. The outlined experiences coincided with victimization on socio-political and cultural levels under Martial Law. Afrikaners resident in the southern part of Natal, and especially in Umvoti county, did not suffer directly because of the war but experienced a different kind of war namely a pseudo war in which they were spied upon, viewed with suspicion and under Martial Law harassed. However, these Afrikaners managed to maintain some political power while economically they carried on as before the war. They attempted to use these assets to assist the Afrikaners who had to endure desertion by their own government and Boer occupation. Natal Afrikaners also experienced other aspects of the war normally associated with the Republics. Some were arrested as POWs, while others were deported to concentration camps within the Colony. Furthermore, as a result of the war, relations between Natal Afrikaners and English colonists and Africans suffered. The collective impact and legacy of the war, as well as the shared experiences of suffering under the British, with their Republican brothers and sisters, eventually helped to bring Natal Afrikaners into the broader Afrikaner fold. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted