This thesis focuses on the issue of far-right lone-wolf terrorism in Germany. Lone-wolf terrorism - terrorism perpetrated by individuals, who display no ties to terrorist organizations - is a concept, which is skeptically accepted by many scholars. The main issue with this concept is the emphasis of the "lone" part, especially during the preparation and the attack itself. Scholars, who refuse this concept claim, that in every case, the attacker is a member of a larger group - it can be either ideology-based or it can provide material assistance. Furthermore, lone- wolf terrorism is primarily associated with religious terrorism, probably because of the activities of Islamic state in recent years. However, this thesis approaches lone-wolf terrorism as relevant concept, which refers to a security threat, that is represented by radicalized and hard- to-detect individuals. The thesis focuses on three cases of far-right terrorism in Germany, which were committed by an attacker, that operated alone - Munich shooting (July 2016), Halle synagogue attack (October 2019), and Hanau shooting (February 2020). German society provided significant space for radicalization and spread of far-right ideology, especially because of its friendly politics after the outbreak of refugee crisis. Regarding the cases, the main...

The European Parliament elections have since the 1980's been described as 'second-order national elections', which, among other things, means that they are less important to both political parties and to voters. Scholars have often described political parties as a weak link between the European Union and its citizens. Previous studies of the fulfillment of election promises have mainly focused on national governments, and not national political parties in the European Parliament. The purpose of this descriptive study is to investigate the level of fulfillment of election promises that Swedish parliamentary parties present in their election manifestos for the European Parliament election 2014. Based on previous research, this study tests five hypotheses on the material. By mapping and analyzing 183 election promises from 8 election manifestos, the results show a lower fulfillment level than Swedish governments usually achieve on the national arena. The result showed one possible covariation between which party groups the political parties belonged to and fulfillment, but no clear patterns between the characteristics of the election promise and fulfillment. The results of this study has shown that there is reason to further investigate and try to better understand election promises that are given ahead of European Parliament elections.

This study intends to study how the Social Democrats' (S) migration policy changed between 2014 and 2018. Comparison is made through a text analysis of election manifestos to describe S's stance after the refugee crisis in 2015 in relation to refugees and migration. S worked up the 'problem' over the years and as solution policy changes were carried out in the economic, social and political contexts in connection with the state's situation, where ideas and beliefs were based on the previous experiences and events. The study will be carried out by describing and following up the change in S migration policy between 2014 and 2018 in Bacchi's constructivist perspective on ideas and problem formulations in what concepts represent. This approach is regarded as a process that is to some extent continuously socially constructed by the exchange of opinions of policy actors. These are ideas that help policy actors create meaning and understanding of the world around them, and thus they form a basis for which interests and action options the policy actors act for and against in the policy process (Ohlsson, et.al, 2019:259). That is, they are ideas that give policy actors a purpose of understanding what the policy problem is and what the solutions are. The idea and ideology analysis method is used in this study to be able to compare, see and understand the importance of ideas in the creation of politics, what interaction and non-interaction between ideas means and why this is important to follow up in connection with the state's situation. To understand how ideas and concepts were problematized and social formulated through time in connection with the state's situation, the three text analytical questions of Bacchi's WPR approach were chosen which enable interpretation of the background knowledge, underlying assumptions made by S all political proposals.

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James Forman's Black Manifesto demanded $500 million in reparations from the nation's white churches and synagogues for their financial, moral, and spiritual complicity in the centuries of injustice carried out upon African Americans. Many African-American ministers in the North embraced the Black Power ideology and supported Forman's call for financial redress. These Northern clergymen had become exasperated with an interracial civil rights movement that neglected to confront the systemic racism that permeated the nation's culture. Black Manifesto activists attempted to compel the white churches into paying reparations by interrupting worship services and occupying church buildings throughout the urban North. While the vast majority of the American public believed that the Black Manifesto was simply an attempt to extort money from the white churches, there was a racially diverse contingent of clergymen who wholeheartedly supported the call for reparations. The primary reason that Philadelphia became one of the key arenas in the struggle for reparations was the presence of Muhammad Kenyatta, the local Black Economic Development Conference leader. Kenyatta implemented myriad confrontational tactics in an attempt to cajole the Philadelphia-area denominations into responding affirmatively to the Black Manifesto's demands. The young activist was able to form an alliance with influential leaders within the Episcopal Diocese of Pennsylvania. Paul Washington, an African-American minister, and Bishop Robert DeWitt, a white clergyman, supported the Black Manifesto and encouraged their fellow Episcopalians to do likewise. The duo's support for the Black Manifesto encouraged the Episcopalians to become the first predominantly white denomination to pay reparations to the Black Economic Development Conference. Although the payment was just $200,000, the concept of supporting a militant African-American organization was more than many conservative Episcopalians could tolerate. The debate over the Black Manifesto at the denomination's 1969 Special General Convention also enabled many African-American ministers to express long-held grievances regarding racism in the Church. A detailed examination of the rancorous debate over the Black Manifesto in Philadelphia complicates any simplistic narrative of the struggle for racial justice in the North. While many historians have blamed Black Power activists for derailing the civil rights movement, this study reveals that the fight against structural racism in the North generated political unity among African Americans that has lasted to the present day. The conflict among Philadelphians over the Black Manifesto was in no way split along racial lines. Many of document's most vehement supporters were white while many of its greatest detractors were conservative African Americans. The dispute over the Black Manifesto in Philadelphia illuminates the intellectual diversity present within the African-American population as well as the Black Power movement itself. / History

In early 1971, a year before he abandoned the art world, the American art dealer and independent curator Seth Siegelaub (1941-2013) published The Artist’s Reserved Rights Transfer and Sale Agreement (ARRTSA) in New York. Its stated aim was to change the power relations on the art market more in favor of the artists. This study departs from the observation that despite being a seemingly ideal way to assert artist’s rights, ARRTSA has only been used by a few artists. While the reason for this reluctance has not been sufficiently researched, my study also shows that there is a lack of academic work that considers this area of research in art history. In order to shed light on this field I am using Fairclough’s theory and by applying his dialectical method of Critical Discourse Analysis, I examine the discourses in which ARRTSA is included as a particular discourse and event. The analysis of Siegelaub’s practice and position in combination with a close linguistic analysis of his introductory text highlights aspects and dimensions that have been previously occluded or under- acknowledged. The result of the analysis shows that the discourse stresses solidarity, insistence and consistency for artists and makes a moral appeal to collectors, but the text also reproduces the idiosyncratic energy and ambiguities that was surrounding his driven persona. I argue that despite all the purported benefits of ARRTSA, artists are instilled with a sense of uncertainty and risk, because it becomes apparent how informal and unregulated the art world is and how the art market-logic yields more power than the artist. Hence, the idea of pursuing artist’s rights through the use of written agreements remains largely unexplored.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:53:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NADJA NARA BORGES MESQUITA OLIVEIRA.pdf: 1083784 bytes, checksum: 8207fa6cc51a00047ec71e4062f79748 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-09-15 / This paper is result of a theoretical bibliographical research with a historacal appoach. The initial part was the documental analyses, espeally the Manifest of Pioneers of 1932, with the decree for the creation of the Brazilian University (State of 1932), of the laws os Directories and Basis (Law nº 4024/1961 and Law nº 9394/1996), of the law of the University Reform during the Military Government (Law nº 5540/1968), and of the Anti-project for the University Reform, presented to the National Congress by the Executive (dec/2006), today on its fourth version. To apprehend the object of the research, that is, the formation of teachers, we started at the following perspectives; the formation of professionals in education must be done at the university; to be teachers it s necessary that the professionals be engageged in research and teaching, provided that the initial formation be done with courses taken in person, the long distance education being also accepted for the continued formstion of the professional in education wishing to have other position in the school administrator. The research aims to make a aprroach analysis of documents that define the politics for the formation of professionals in education in the periods of 1932 and 1994-2004, in an attempt to identify some similarities in the idea as well as in the implementing practices of such policies.The theorical reference based on the lights of taching of, among others, Brzezinski (1987, 1996, 2004, 2006); Cunha (1980, 1983, 1998); Fávero (2000); Manacorda (2004); Minto (2006); Sguissardi (2006); Teixeira (1994, 1997, 1999, 2000, 2004). In the conclusions, some similarities were possible, but more differences were detected between the two projects formation which are inserted in the douments, object of historic-documental analyses. The most evident similarity is that the Pioneers of New Education based themselves on a liberal project (idealis/ humanist/ naïve pragmatist of societ, of education and formationof teachers in one side, and that the anti project of reform of College teaching nowadays is basid in the neo liberalism, in a slant the society, the education, the policies for formation of teachers are ruled by the market. Under the perspective of the market laws, the Education is merely a siple those so called consumers; and the nonclients are the excluded ones from the basic and College Brazilian Education. / Esta dissertação é resultante de uma pesquisa teórico-bibliográfica de caráter histórico. O ponto de partida foi a análise documental, em particular, do Manifesto dos Pioneiros de 1932, do decreto de criação da universidade Brasileira (Estatuto de 1931), das Leis de Diretrizes e Bases (Lei nº 4.024/1961 e Lei nº 9.394/1996), da Lei da Reforma Universitária do governo militar (Lei nº 5.540/1968), e do Anteprojeto de Reforma Universitária, apresentado ao Congresso Nacional pelo Executivo (2006), atualmente, em sua quarta versão. Para apreender o objeto da investigação, qual seja, formação de professores, partiu-se dos seguintes pressupostos: a formação dos profissionais da educação deve ser feita na universidade; para ser professor é necessária uma formação de qualidade que articule pesquisa e ensino, considerando que a formação inicial deve ser realizada em cursos presenciais, admitindo-se a educação a distância para a formação continuada do profissional da educação que desejar exercer outras funções na escola. A pesquisa tem por objetivo realizar uma análise de documentos definidores de políticas para a formação de profissionais da educação nos períodos 1932 e 1994-2004, na tentativa de identificar algumas aproximações tanto no ideário como nas práticas implementadoras dessas políticas. O referencial teórico foi tecido à luz dos ensinamentos de, dentre outros, Brzezinski (1987, 1996, 2004, 2006); Cunha (1980, 1983, 1998); Fávero (2000); Manacorda (2004); Minto (2006); Sguissardi (2006); Teixeira (1994, 1997, 1999, 2000, 2004). Nas conclusões, chegou-se a algumas aproximações, mas se identificou muito mais distanciamento entre os dois projetos de formação que se inserem nos documentos objeto de análise histórico-documental. A aproximação mais notável é a de que os Pioneiros da Educação Nova se pautavam em um projeto liberal (idealista/humanista/ pragmatista ingênuo) de sociedade, de educação e de formação de professores, ao passo que o anteprojeto de reforma do ensino superior atual se pauta no neoliberalismo, de viés pragmatista centrado na teoria do capital humano, de modo que a sociedade, a educação, as políticas de formação de professores são regulados pelo mercado. Na perspectiva das leis de mercado, a Educação não passa de simples mercadoria disponível para ser adquirida por quem tem bens materiais, os chamados consumidores, e os demais não-clientes são os excluídos da Educação Básica e Superior brasileira.

The central objective of this dissertation is to investigate the historical, philosophical conception of infancy that is present in the document A reconstrução educacional no Brasil: Ao povo e ao governo. Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova (The reconstruction of education in Brazil: to the people and to the government. The Pioneer Manifest of New Education), with the intent of analyzing how much the thought of the New School of Dewey influenced the movement of pedagogical renewing in Brazil in the 1920s and 1930s. In order to do that, this paper is organized in two parts: in the first the theory of the philosopher john Dewey (1859-1952) is analyzed with the purpose of understanding how infancy, conceived by the American educator, is related to a greater social project that involves a renewing in the educational and social fields. In the second part, we analyze how the conceptions of infancy, education, democracy and freedom defended by Dewey contributed to the construction of the speech of the Pioneers of the New School for a new infancy that would be able to participate in the process of national reconstruction. It is possible, by the means of analysis, to perceive that the conception of infancy that is in the document defended by the Pioneers represents a consensus among them, in the way that the New Deweyan School, despite being extremely relevant, shares its position with other theories, specially, the positivism. When concluding this dissertation it was possible to notice that the ideas of the New School that were so noteworthy in the first half of the 20th century are still alive in the current Brazilian educational scenery. Although they are marginalized in the official documents, their presence in the pedagogical speeches that value individuality, freedom of expression, syllabus flexibilization proves that. Therefore, the Deweyan expression to learn how to learn is one of the main points to understand how updated they still are in the pedagogical proposals. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo central investigar a concepção histórico-filosófica de infância presente no documento intitulado A reconstrução educacional no Brasil: Ao povo e ao governo. Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova, com intuito de analisar em que medida o pensamento escolanovista deweyano contribuiu com o movimento de renovação pedagógica no Brasil no decorrer das décadas de 1920 e 1930. Para tanto, o trabalho está organizado em dois capítulos: no primeiro, analisamos a matriz teórica do filósofo John Dewey (1859-1952) com o propósito de entender como a infância concebida pelo educador estadunidense está relacionada a um projeto social mais amplo que envolve uma renovação no campo educacional e social. No segundo capítulo, investigamos como a concepção de infância, de educação, de democracia e de liberdade defendida por Dewey contribuiu para a construção do discurso dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova em prol de uma nova infância que pudesse participar do processo de reconstrução nacional. É possível perceber por meio das análises que a concepção de infância presente no documento defendida pelos Pioneiros representa um consenso entre eles, na medida em que o escolanovismo deweyano, apesar de sua relevância marcante, divide espaço com outras matrizes teóricas, em especial, com o positivismo. Ao concluir esta dissertação notamos que a presença das ideias escolanovistas tão marcantes na primeira metade do século XX ainda estão vivas no cenário educacional brasileiro. Embora marginalizadas nos documentos oficiais, sua presença nos discursos pedagógicos que valorizam a individualidade, liberdade de expressão, flexibilização curricular é prova disso, portanto a expressão deweyana Aprende a aprender é um dos pontos fundamentais para compreendermos sua atualidade nas propostas pedagógicas. / Mestre em Educação

Agila metoder och modeller ses ofta som nytänkande och används idag flitigt av företag och organisationer runt om i värden. I realiteten är grunden till det agila metoderna idag 13 år och mycket har hänt, både teknisk och kring sättet vi arbetar, sedan 2001. Den agila metodiken baseras på två dokument, det agila manifestet och de agila principerna, där principerna är till för att konkretisera manifestet. Eftersom principerna är konkreta anser vi att de har en stark koppling till hur agil utveckling de facto bedrivs. Vi har därför valt att undersöka hur principerna står sig bland utvecklarna över ett decennium efter att de skrevs samt om utvecklarna ser ett behov av revidering och vilka delar de i så fall skulle vilja förändra. För att ta reda på detta genomförde vi fyra intervjuer med utvecklare som alla hade olika erfarenhet av agilt arbete samt utgick från en tidigare kvantitativ undersökning i ämnet. Slutsatsen av undersökning är att de agila principerna fortfarande står sig bra bland utvecklarna men att det finns ett behov av revidering. Original utformningen är dock så pass väl fungerande att behovet inte är omedelbart. Det finns flera ämnen som våra respondenter tagit upp som är viktiga att ta hänsyn till där kvalitet och dokumentation är de ämnen som står ut i mängden. I mångt och mycket överensstämmer vårt resultat med den undersökning vi utgått från vilket tyder på att den bild som förmedlas av de båda undersökningarna har en god förankring hos utvecklarna, även om det finns områden där våra resultat skiljer sig från varandra. / Agile methodology and models has a wide group of supporters among organizations and companies and is often seen as innovative. The agile methods are now 13 years and a lot has happened since then, both in our ways of working and in the technology we use. The agile methodology is based on two documents, the agile manifesto and the agile principles. The principles embodies the manifesto and in our view creates a strong connection with reality and by that a strong connection with how software is developed. To find out if the principles still are viable and used among developers and if a revision of them is needed we performed a survey based on four interviews and a previously conducted quantitative study. The conclusion of this survey is that the principles are used and works well in development projects and are well thought of by the developers but there is still a need for a revision. How this revision would look and when it should be done is hard to say, the need for it aren’t urgent because of the general support of the original principles are still strong. There are a couple of different areas that our respondents point out as important where quality and documentation stands out as the most important that organizations working agile have to focus on in their daily work. Our survey and the study we used as an inspiration ends up in mostly the same conclusions with only few differences, which we see as a confirmation that our study reflects the developers’ view.

This essay examines the strategies adopted by the Swedish parliamentary parties against the Pirate Party (Piratpartiet). The study uses the PSO-theory, which attempt to explain the success of niche parties as a consequence of the established parties’ strategies against the new competitor. A qualitative analysis and a comparison of the parties’ manifestos from the 2002, 2006 and 2010 national elections is used to determine which strategies are adopted. Results show that a mixture of accommodative and dismissive strategies is used, which could help explain the failure of the Pirate Party in the elections.