Uppsatsen har tre syften, alla beträffande Sara Stridsbergs översättning av amerikanskan Valerie Solanas radikalfeminstiska SCUM Manifesto från 1968: att göra en övergripande karaktäristik av översättningen, att undersöka och presentera nyckelord i översättningen, samt att beskriva samspelet mellan Stridsbergs förord och översättning. Med textanalysmodeller av Yvonne Lindqvist, Lennart Hellspong och Per Ledin genomförs textanalyser av översättningen i stort, av ett urval av nyckelord och av förordet. Resultaten visar på att Stridsberg gjort en fri översättning med fokus på språk och stil, och att förordet kompletterar översättningen och bjuder in läsaren till olika sätt att läsa manifesttexten på. I diskussionen avhandlas resultatens betydelse i förhållande till tidigare forskning och vad mina resultat betyder utifrån André Lefeveres teorier om att ideologiska och poetologiska faktorer är det viktigaste vid översättsval. Uppsatsens slutsats är att Stridsberg översatt texten i huvudsak som litterär text istället för som politisk kortare skrift eller längre pamflett, och att förordet presenterar Stridsbergs ingång till texten och hjälper läsaren att göra en litterär läsning av manifestet. / This essay has three purposes, all relating to the Swedish translation of Valerie Solanas’s SCUM Manifesto by Sara Stridsberg. These are: to do a characterization of the translation, to investigate and present keywords in the translated text, and to describe the interplay between Stridsberg’s foreword and translation. Models for text analysis by Yvonne Lindqvist, Lennart Hellspong and Per Ledin are applied for investigating both the general translation, a selection of the keywords and the foreword. The results indicate that Stridsberg’s translation is a free one, where the focal points are style and diction, and also that the foreword is a supplement to the translation that invites the reader to different ways in which to read the manifesto. The discussion deals with both the question of what my results mean in relation to previously existing research, and what they mean according to André Lefeveres theories about ideology and poetics being the most important factors when making choices in tranlation. The conclusion of the essay is that Stridsberg translated the text mainly as a literary text as opposed to as a political brochure or pamphlet, and that the foreword presents Stridsberg’s perspectives on the text and helps the reader do a literary reading of the manifesto.

Ireland is generally seen as one of the biggest supporters of the European Union. Irish public opinion researches have been showing long-term and extremely positive attitudes to the European integration. The pro-European consensus is also known among the local political parties. Moreover, at the end of the 20th century, a strong economic growth had started and the Ireland quickly became a model example of how positive impact the European integration may have on its Member states. European issues therefore did not attract too much attention in the local political discourse. This changed in the early 21st century, when the increasing public euroscepticism began observable. The thesis examines whether selected Irish political parties adapted their rhetoric and actions to ever more critical mood of voters. These are Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party. The thesis covers three critical moments of the Irish European integration, namely the Nice Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty and the Irish debt crisis. It searches for negative comments about the EU and European integration of examined political parties in the campaigns before the referendum on European issues, as well as in their election statements to the Irish parliamentary elections, also taking place in the selected period. The aim of the thesis is...

This study aims to examine the norm-breaking body in Sara Stridsbergs literary fantasy Drömfakulteten (2006) or The Faculty of Dreams (English translation, 2019) which explores Valerie Solanas’ life. Solanas is known for the feminist text SCUM Manifesto (1968, Swedish translation, 2003) and for shooting the artist Andy Warhol.  Solanas has a very distinct separation between body and mind that is apparent in the novel. She ignores her body and whishes not to be aware of it. She only ever thinks about her manifesto, which becomes her mind. To explore the norm-breaking body, my essay is based on Mikhail Bakhtin’s theories of the grotesque body. In this work, I also present different theories that have been inspired by the grotesque, for instance; the female grotesque and the gurlesque. While the grotesque focuses more on the body as a biological organism, the female grotesque and gurlesque focus more on how the female body and femininity is perceived in society and how they break the societal norms. The women are making a “spectacle of themselves”, in Mary Russo’s words. I want to apply these theories on the protagonist, Valerie Solanas, and analyze how the grotesque and norm-breaking body is portrayed in the novel. To further the exploration between body and mind I have the decided to analyze the meaning of the manifesto for Solanas, and also the narrator’s role in how her body is described to the reader.

This thesis examines the ways that fluctuations in voter expectations for the state of the economy affect party strategies, throughout 28 countries across the EU and OECD between 1995 and 2021. I thus make a theoretical contribution to the existing research by testing the theoretical models that claim that parties primarily respond to voter preferences and perceptions when conducting their policy strategies. Utilizing data from the Comparative Manifestos Project, the Eurobarometer, QOG and ParlGov, the study examines policy positions on economic issues, as presented in party manifestos ahead of elections. Using fixed-effects regressions with interaction variables, the effects of voter expectations on policy stances are examined, both in parliaments more generally as well as for each party family respectively. Specifically, Social-democratic, conservative, populist, Christian-democratic, and liberal parties are considered. Results show that when citizen expectations for the state of the economy worsen, parties show tendencies of shifting their policy stances to the left across the left-right scale. This is true across parliaments more generally, and results indicate that it may also be true when looking at each party family respectively. Most notably, results show that economic expectations impact the policy positions of parties even when controlling for the actual state of the economy, implying that parties are responsive to voter expectations independently of other macroeconomic considerations.

Many organizations from and outside of the IT industry are trying to implement Agile in their ways of working via large scale transformations. The organizations feels the need to become Agile in order to increase their client satisfaction, deliver their product faster, and compete in the rapidly changing market. This Master's thesis was conducted at one of the largest energy utilities in the north of Europe, Company C, in order to analyze their R\&D organization after implementing their large scale Agile transformation. The thesis main research question focused on studying how did the large scale Agile transformation effect the organization ambidexterity, knowledge transfer capabilities, and ability to innovate. The question was analyzed qualitatively via an ethnographic design and a set of semi-structured interviews. The results have shown various challenges within the organization that were introduced after the large scale Agile transformation, such as focusing only on customer satisfaction as a measure of success, and the reduction of knowledge transfer capabilities with the department. The analysisand discussions evaluated the connection between those challenges and the large scale Agile transformation. The main takeaways from the Thesis suggested that the Agile transformation provided the necessary tool for the organization to become more exploitative, however, there was no clear connection between the transformation and the diminishing exploratory practices. Moreover, the large scale Agile transformation supported incremental innovations, but did not negatively impact other types of innovation. Finally, the knowledge transfer capabilities were reduced due to the minimal documentation approach that the organization has implemented. / Många organisationer från och utanför IT-branschen försöker implementera Agile i sina arbetssätt genom storskaliga transformationer. Organisationerna känner behov av att bli Agila för att öka sin kundnöjdhet, leverera sina produkter snabbare och konkurrera på den snabbt föränderliga marknaden. Detta masterarbete genomfördes på ett av de största energiföretagen i norra Europa, Company C, för att analysera deras FoU-organisation efter att ha implementerat sin storskaliga agila-transformation. Arbetets huvudsakliga forskningsfråga fokuserade på att studera hur den storskaliga agila-transformationen påverkade organisationens förmåga till ambidextri, kunskapsöverföring och innovationsförmåga. Frågan analyserades kvalitativt genom en etnografisk design och en uppsättning semistrukturerade intervjuer. Resultaten har visat olika utmaningar inom organisationen som introducerades efter den storskaliga Agile-transformationen, såsom att fokusera endast på kundnöjdhet som en måttstock för framgång och minskningen av kunskapsöverföringsförmågan inom avdelningen. Analysen och diskussionerna utvärderade sambandet mellan dessa utmaningar och den storskaliga Agile-transformationen. Huvudpunkterna från arbetet föreslog att Agile-transformationen gav organisationen de nödvändiga verktygen för att bli mer exploaterande, men det fanns ingen tydlig koppling mellan transformationen och minskningen av utforskande praktiker. Dessutom stödde den storskaliga Agile-transformationen inkrementella innovationer men påverkade inte negativt andra typer av innovation. Slutligen minskade kunskapsöverföringsförmågan på grund av den minimala dokumentationsansatsen som organisationen genomfört.

Thèse en cotutelle / Le genre du manifeste prend son essor dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, notamment dans le contexte des avant-gardes historiques en réaction aux nombreux bouleversements sociopolitiques et esthétiques à l’aube des deux guerres mondiales. Alors que les signataires des manifestes dits « fondateurs » des mouvements futuriste, dadaïste et surréaliste se sont vu arroger le titre de « chef de file » dans la foulée de leur publication, la faible participation des femmes dans leur élaboration est remarquable, se limitant tout au plus à une co-signature (comme dans le cas de Sophie Taeuber et du manifeste Dada-Zurich). Or, nombreuses sont les autrices et les artistes à avoir investi ce genre mêlant création et théorie dans une volonté de négocier avec la pensée dominante d’un mouvement avant-gardiste donné et – cela va sans dire – avec les conventions littéraires et esthétiques institutionnalisées. Observer leurs productions dans une approche à la fois féministe et rhétorique montre que les femmes signataires investissent singulièrement cette écriture marquée par la provocation et la violence verbale. Elles forcent ainsi la redéfinition des trois principes fondateurs du geste manifestaire : l’opposition, l’imposition et le regroupement. En résultent des programmes polémiques en réaction explicite aux manifestes officiels ainsi qu’à d’autres consacrés à la défense et à l’illustration d’une pensée artistique qui se veut plus indépendante des textes signés par des hommes. En se mettant elles-mêmes en scène, les créatrices incarnent des positions de dissociation par rapport à certaines idées, valeurs ou pratiques scripturaires et artistiques défendues plus largement dans l’un ou l’autre des mouvements. Dès lors, le manifeste devient le lieu d’une réelle performance de soi rendant possible l’appropriation par les femmes de ce genre historiquement investi par les hommes pour l’adapter à un discours qui s’inscrit dans une marginalité complète. / The genre of the manifesto is linked to the cultural history of the first half of the 20th century with the historical avant-gardes, in reaction to the numerous socio-political and aesthetic upheavals at the dawn of the two world wars. While the signatories of the so-called « founding » manifestos of the Futurist, Dada and Surrealist movements were given the title of « chef de file » in the wake of their publication, the low level of participation by women in their elaboration is remarkable, limited at most to a co-signature (such as Sophie Taeuber with the Dada-Zurich manifesto). Yet many female authors and artists have taken up this genre, which combines creation and theory, in a desire to negotiate with the dominant thought of a given avant-garde movement and – it goes without saying – with institutionalized literary and aesthetic conventions. Observing their productions from both a feminist and a rhetorical perspective shows that the women signatories are singularly invested in this form of writing marked by provocation and verbal violence. In doing so, they force a redefinition of the three founding principles of the manifesto gesture: opposition, coercion and grouping. The result is polemical programs in explicit reaction to official manifestos, as well as others devoted to the defense and illustration of an artistic thought more independent of texts signed by men. By putting themselves on stage, women creators embody positions of dissociation from certain ideas, values or scriptural and artistic practices defended more broadly in one or other of the movements. From then on, the manifesto becomes the site of a real self-performance, making it possible for women to appropriate a genre historically invested by men and adapt it to a discourse that is completely marginal.

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For school libraries to sufficiently contribute to better information skills’ development and creation of a culture of lifelong learning among students, they require backing through well articulated policies both at national and individual school level. This study investigated the prevailing status of school libraries in public secondary schools in Nairobi County, Kenya. Using a survey research design, with a response rate of 68% for school principals and 66% for school librarians, this study established that although the majority of the schools had school libraries, these were individual schools’ efforts. There were no government policies on school libraries and most of the schools lacked explicit library policies. Additionally, they had not embraced contemporary trends in technology and the major impediment was lack of financial support. The study concluded that school libraries in Nairobi County were inadequately resourced and supported and recommended that the government of Kenya should come up with national policies that will entrench school libraries in the education system. / Information Science / MA (Information Science)

From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.

公共行政在治理過程（process of governance）中應該居於何種地位與扮演什麼角色？其是否完全與政治無關，而且不負任何社會公義之價值議題的倡導責任？它應該如同市場取向的行政學者所言——追求小政府（minimal government），還是應該竭盡所能地回應社會的需求？公共行政人員應該著重專業技術，還是倫理思考？一九八○年代初期，六位美國維吉尼亞多元理工學院暨州立大學（Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University）的學者，有感於當時的行政學術之發展似乎無法釐清前述的課題，而新公共行政（New Public Administration）的主張並未能在實務上發揮作用，又鑑於當時一股貶責官僚（bureaucracy bashing）之風盛行。是以，他（她）們撰寫了一篇名為〈公共行政與治理過程：轉變政治對話〉（Public Administration and the Governance Process: Shifting the Political Dialogue）的文章。因為維吉尼亞州立大學的所在地名為黑堡，故該文亦被學者簡稱為黑堡宣言（Blacksburg Manifesto）。黑堡宣言試圖針對前述課題，提出一些規範性的主張，俾以解決當代公共行政所遭遇的學術與實務的雙重困境。該宣言認為重建公共行政在治理過程中的正當性，乃是化解危機的核心。 本論文研究的範圍不限於黑堡宣言一文，而是該宣言首席撰寫者Gary L. Wamsley所稱之黑堡觀點（Blacksburg Perspective）。所謂黑堡觀點，乃是以黑堡宣言為主軸，所發展出來的一系列的論述（discourse）。換言之，就是在黑堡宣言提出重建公共行政（refounding public administration）之主張後，陸續衍生的一些相關研究以及其中所提出的觀念。本論文希望探究：黑堡觀點針對上述課題所提供的論述為何？進而藉由認識論（epistemology）的分析，瞭解它立於何種哲學基礎之上，俾以達成所宣稱的境界？同時，也希望能夠檢視黑堡觀點本身的限制所在，提供後續相關研究的思考線索。最後，作者更嘗試提出一些補充性的見解，希望能在學術上有所貢獻。 基於上述的研究動機和目的，本論文的各章的鋪陳內容如下： 第一章緒論，說明本論文的研究動機與目的、基本概念界定、研究主題以及方法； 第二章黑堡觀點的內涵，將探討黑堡觀點在美國行政學術中的定位及其思想淵源，並還原黑堡宣言一文的重要主張，進而以黑堡觀點反思傳統的行政理論和新公共管理； 第三章黑堡觀點的認識論之分析，則分別探討其所蘊含的結構主義與後結構主義之色彩，進而提出前述兩種思維是否能夠共存的見解； 第四章民主行政的實踐，則是根據第二、三章的論述為基礎，進一步耙梳黑堡觀點之下的民主行政之內涵，包括公共行政參與治理的正當性、公共利益、公共對話、公民意識、公共行政人員等課題； 第五章結論，以前述的民主行政之實踐意涵，歸納黑堡點的特色及其在公共行政理念上的影響，並指出其理論的內在弔詭。然後，對照我國行政實務，試舉例說明黑堡觀點的啟發。最後，指出本論文的研究限制以及作者對後續研究的建議。 本論文的特色在於，超越相關的研究，針對黑堡觀點的認識論進行分析，此實為一種開創性的研究。抑有進者，作者認為本論文應能夠產生如后的貢獻： 第一，提供不同於時下流行之管理途徑的觀點，刺激學界思索其它的研究途徑； 第二，為後續有興趣於此一途徑的研究者，奠定初步的基礎，至少本論文在理論耙梳和認識論的分析方面，應該有所助益； 第三，作者提出對於黑堡觀點之內在弔詭的反省，以及從實務的角度思考黑堡觀點的實踐意涵，希望能夠做為後續研究的線索和方向。 第一章 緒 論••••••••••••••••••••••••1 第一節 研究動機•••••••••••••••••1 第二節 研究目的•••••••••••••••••3 第三節 基本概念的界定••••••••••••••4 第四節 研究主題與方法••••••••••••••16 第二章 黑堡觀點的內涵••••••••••••••••••23 第一節 黑堡觀點的興起及其與新公共行政的關係•••25 第二節 黑堡宣言的主張••••••••••••••44 第三節 以黑堡觀點反思傳統的行政理論•••••••61 第四節 以黑堡觀點反思新公共管理•••••••••83 第三章 黑堡觀點的認識論之分析••••••••••••117 第一節 黑堡觀點的結構主義色彩••••••••••118 第二節 黑堡觀點的後結構主義傾向•••••••••151 第三節 結構主義與後結構主義的共容性之探討••••187 第四章 黑堡觀點之民主行政的實踐••••••••••••197 第一節 公共行政參與治理的正當性•••••••••198 第二節 公共利益•••••••••••••••••218 第三節 公共對話•••••••••••••••••251 第四節 公民意識•••••••••••••••••275 第五節 公共行政人員•••••••••••••••293 第五章 結 論•••••••••••••••••••••••317 第一節 黑堡觀點的特色及其影響••••••••••317 第二節 黑堡觀點的內在弔詭與限制•••••••••326 第三節 黑堡觀點對我國行政實務的啟發•••••••334 第四節 本論文的研究限制與對後續研究的建議••••355 參考資料••••••••••••••••••••••••••361 / This thesis concerned about the legitimacy of public administration in the process of governance. Since administrative management and behavioralism rise the efficiency became the subject matter in public administration. However, Blacksburg Manifesto reminds us the public administration can not be equal with management and efficiency are not public administration's only value. So, the author of this thesis is interested in Blacksburg Perspective's refounding public administration. This study includes Blacksburg Perspective's discourse about public administration and these discourses' epistemology. Firstly, the author summarizes Blacksburg Manifesto and induces characters of the Manifesto. Secondly, he criticizes traditional public management and new public management bases on the Blacksburg Perspective. Thirdly, to analyze the epistemology of Blacksburg Perspective includes structuralism and poststructuralism. Fourthly, this study introduces the implications of democratic public administration of Blacksburg Perspective. Fifthly, the author bases on Blacksburg Perspective rethink administrative practice in his country. Finally, to examine theoretical paradoxes of Blacksburg Perspective. The Author hopes this study is helpful for students are interested in this relative field about democratic public administration and by this thesis we can think about how to refound the legitimacy of public administration in process of governance.