[pt] Gustavo Dahl (1938-2011), conhecido principalmente pelo seu trabalho de gestor nas duas principais instituições de cinema no Brasil: a Embrafilme (1975- 1979) e a Ancine (2002-2006), começou sua carreira como crítico de jornal e depois cineasta. Este trabalho debruça-se sobre os anos iniciais dessa trajetória quando o então jovem estudante, convidado por Paulo Emílio Sales Gomes, publica o primeiro artigo para o Suplemento Literário do jornal O Estado de S. Paulo (1958 -1961) e estende-se pelo período de estudos de cinema na Europa (1960-1964). Como método, privilegia-se a análise dos artigos e as correspondências do período europeu, quando Dahl teve por interlocutores: Paulo Emílio, Glauber Rocha, Paulo César Saraceni e Joaquim Pedro de Andrade. Na análise dos artigos observou-se o processo de aproximação do jovem crítico paulista com os jovens bossa novíssimos, nome que Glauber Rocha utilizou para nomear o grupo de diretores cujos primeiros filmes deram origem ao movimento. Na análise das cartas foi possível um entendimento mais alargado das relações entre Dahl e os jovens diretores de modo a ressaltar as diversas fases desse processo de aproximação, da desconfiança inicial para a profunda cumplicidade na defesa do novo cinema brasileiro. Por esta intersecção, foi possível apreender a atuação estratégica de Dahl na origem do Cinema Novo. Em jogo, o desejo de modernização do cinema brasileiro e sua inserção nas vanguardas artísticas da década de 1960, em consonância com os jovens cinemas do período: a nouvelle vague francesa, o cinema independente americano e o cinema revolucionário cubano. / [en] Gustavo Dahl (1938-2011), known mainly for his managerial work at the two major Brazilian film institutions: Embrafilme (1975-1979) and Ancine (2002- 2006), began his career as a film critic in newspapers and then became a filmmaker. This work focuses on the early years of this trajectory when the then young student, invited by Paulo Emílio Sales Gomes, publishes the first article for the Literary Supplement of the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo (1958 -1961) and extends for the period of film studies in Europe (1960-1964). As a method, the analysis of articles and correspondence of the European period is favored, when Dahl had as interlocutors Paulo Emílio, Glauber Rocha, Paulo César Saraceni and Joaquim Pedro de Andrade. In the analysis of the articles, we observed the process of approaching the young São Paulo critic with the Young bossa novissimos, as Glauber Rocha used to name the group of directors whose first films gave rise to the movement. In the analysis of the letters it was possible to have a broader understanding of the relationship among Dahl and the young directors in order to emphasize the different phases of this process of approximation, from initial mistrust to deep complicity in the defense of the new Brazilian cinema. Through this intersection, it was possible to apprehend Dahl s strategic performance at the origin of Cinema Novo. At stake was the desire for the modernization of Brazilian cinema and its insertion in the artistic avant-garde of the 1960s, in consonance with the young cinemas of the period: the French nouvelle vague, the American independent cinema and the Cuban revolutionary cinema.

It is predicted that over the coming years the human population will increase and as a result of that, so will the world’s cities increase in size and population. The city has always been a melting pot for human advance and improvements, but that is not to say that cities always have been good places to live in, nor that they today are good to live. The lesson from this is not to abandon the city, rather it is time to face the challenge equipped with modern technology and the knowledge of past mistakes and make good a city. This paper proposes, through the form of a manifesto some design-based solutions to make the city better. The basis for these solutions which come in the form of DO´s and DON´Ts are a number of books and articles that have discussed the future of the city, transportation in the city and the transformations of the city. The work is a theoretical starting point for a discussion about the future of the city. Key take a way’s from the text is how to make people use their bodies in the city through walking and biking, and how to designing cities that are dense and mixed enough so that people can walk in them. The manifesto is working alongside the design proposal of my thesis. The manifesto is being applied to the north part of Ön in the Umeå river to inform decisions for the design proposal. The thesis aims to propose an alternative plan for Ön together with one in-depth development. The proposal takes the aim expressed by the municipality for Ön, to “build city” and develops on that notion. I concluded that the politician has realized young people like the city, and thusly they think that a new city should be built on Ön when developing Umeå. It does not signal to me that the municipality knows what makes a city, nor what makes a good city, something that the thesis sets out to answer.

The problem of this thesis is to describe, classify, and analyze the formal responses that the white Christian churches made to Mr. Forman and the Black Manifesto. Such a problem encompasses a consideration of the following questions: What responses did the church give? What patterns developed within the responses? Why did the churches respond in the manner they did?

Este trabalho aborda o quadro de crise da Universidade Latino-Americana do Século XX e a sua relação na emergência de uma força social de renovação: o movimento estudantil e a Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. Partindo desse contexto maior, o tema da dissertação estuda especificamente a inserção e desenvolvimento da crítica à Universidade Tradicional Brasileira como uma luta política institucionalizada pelos universitários em nível nacional. Analisa, particularmente, o papel da União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), entidade máxima dos gaúchos, na origem e desdobramentos de uma política estudantil pautada no Movimento pela Reforma Universitária e na sua contribuição (ou não) para uma política pública no Brasil. O recorte temporal inicia-se em 1960 quando o tema da Reforma Universitária ingressa, via UNE, na pauta dos debates estudantis, e estende-se até 1968 com as proposições do Grupo de Trabalho de Reforma Universitária, as quais servem de base para a Lei Universitária nº 5.540. Para isso, utiliza-se como apoio, além da análise das entrevistas e de um acervo documental, também uma fonte bibliográfica afim. Nessa fonte, faz-se uso das noções de “ação“ e “atuação” para identificar, examinar e comparar as formas e conteúdos das reivindicações da UEE em diferentes momentos, na sua relação com às da UNE e desta com o Movimento de Córdoba. Questiona-se a influência do Manifesto argentino no movimento brasileiro e em que medida a política estudantil de reforma da UEE, desenvolvida em diferentes contextos políticos e ideológicos, pode ter contribuído para a definição de uma política pública. Trabalha-se com as hipóteses de que a influência dos postulados pela reforma argentina não foi absorvida pelo movimento estudantil nacional somente naquela conjuntura específica e de que a dinâmica diferenciada das reivindicações dos estudantes no estado produziu alguns efeitos no desenvolvimento de uma política universitária brasileira. A ausência de um estudo que trate da participação política diferenciada das entidades estudantis em âmbito estadual, aliado à atualidade que o tema da Reforma Universitária reveste-se em termos governamentais, permite justificar sua relevância à Ciência Política. / The present study features the situation of the Twentieth Century Latin-American University crisis and its relation on the emergency of a social strength of renewal: The Student Activism and the 1918 Cordoba Reform. Through this major context, the thesis subject specifically studies the insertion and development of the criticism towards the Traditional Brazilian University as an institutionalized political struggle by the university students at national level. It analyses, particularly, the role of the União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), Gauchos‟ highest entity, at the origin and development of student politics regulated on the activism by the University Revolution and its contribution (or not) to public politics in Brazil. The chronological cut starts in 1960 when the University Revolution topic is included, via UNE, at the students‟ debate agenda, and it extends itself until 1968 with the Group of Work propositions of the University Revolution, which serves as a base for the University law nº 5.540. For this, it is also used as support, besides the interview analysis and a documental collection, a similar bibliographic source. In this source, the notions of “action” and “acting” are used for identifying, examining and comparing the ways and contents of the UEE demands on different moments, on its relation with the UNE and the relation of the UNE with the Cordoba activism. It is questioned the influence of the Argentinean Manifesto on the Brazilian activism and to what extent the UEE reformist students politics, developed in different political and ideological contexts, may have contributed to the definition of public politics. It is dealt with the hypotheses that the influence on the Argentinean reformist postulates were not absorbed by the students national activism only in that specific conjuncture and that the differential dynamics of the students‟ demands in the state produced some effects on the developments of Brazilian university politics. The absence of a study that deals with the differential political participation of the students entities in a state extent, combined with how recent the topic University Reform covers itself in governmental terms, allows a justification of its relevance to Political Science.

Este trabalho aborda o quadro de crise da Universidade Latino-Americana do Século XX e a sua relação na emergência de uma força social de renovação: o movimento estudantil e a Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. Partindo desse contexto maior, o tema da dissertação estuda especificamente a inserção e desenvolvimento da crítica à Universidade Tradicional Brasileira como uma luta política institucionalizada pelos universitários em nível nacional. Analisa, particularmente, o papel da União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), entidade máxima dos gaúchos, na origem e desdobramentos de uma política estudantil pautada no Movimento pela Reforma Universitária e na sua contribuição (ou não) para uma política pública no Brasil. O recorte temporal inicia-se em 1960 quando o tema da Reforma Universitária ingressa, via UNE, na pauta dos debates estudantis, e estende-se até 1968 com as proposições do Grupo de Trabalho de Reforma Universitária, as quais servem de base para a Lei Universitária nº 5.540. Para isso, utiliza-se como apoio, além da análise das entrevistas e de um acervo documental, também uma fonte bibliográfica afim. Nessa fonte, faz-se uso das noções de “ação“ e “atuação” para identificar, examinar e comparar as formas e conteúdos das reivindicações da UEE em diferentes momentos, na sua relação com às da UNE e desta com o Movimento de Córdoba. Questiona-se a influência do Manifesto argentino no movimento brasileiro e em que medida a política estudantil de reforma da UEE, desenvolvida em diferentes contextos políticos e ideológicos, pode ter contribuído para a definição de uma política pública. Trabalha-se com as hipóteses de que a influência dos postulados pela reforma argentina não foi absorvida pelo movimento estudantil nacional somente naquela conjuntura específica e de que a dinâmica diferenciada das reivindicações dos estudantes no estado produziu alguns efeitos no desenvolvimento de uma política universitária brasileira. A ausência de um estudo que trate da participação política diferenciada das entidades estudantis em âmbito estadual, aliado à atualidade que o tema da Reforma Universitária reveste-se em termos governamentais, permite justificar sua relevância à Ciência Política. / The present study features the situation of the Twentieth Century Latin-American University crisis and its relation on the emergency of a social strength of renewal: The Student Activism and the 1918 Cordoba Reform. Through this major context, the thesis subject specifically studies the insertion and development of the criticism towards the Traditional Brazilian University as an institutionalized political struggle by the university students at national level. It analyses, particularly, the role of the União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), Gauchos‟ highest entity, at the origin and development of student politics regulated on the activism by the University Revolution and its contribution (or not) to public politics in Brazil. The chronological cut starts in 1960 when the University Revolution topic is included, via UNE, at the students‟ debate agenda, and it extends itself until 1968 with the Group of Work propositions of the University Revolution, which serves as a base for the University law nº 5.540. For this, it is also used as support, besides the interview analysis and a documental collection, a similar bibliographic source. In this source, the notions of “action” and “acting” are used for identifying, examining and comparing the ways and contents of the UEE demands on different moments, on its relation with the UNE and the relation of the UNE with the Cordoba activism. It is questioned the influence of the Argentinean Manifesto on the Brazilian activism and to what extent the UEE reformist students politics, developed in different political and ideological contexts, may have contributed to the definition of public politics. It is dealt with the hypotheses that the influence on the Argentinean reformist postulates were not absorbed by the students national activism only in that specific conjuncture and that the differential dynamics of the students‟ demands in the state produced some effects on the developments of Brazilian university politics. The absence of a study that deals with the differential political participation of the students entities in a state extent, combined with how recent the topic University Reform covers itself in governmental terms, allows a justification of its relevance to Political Science.

Este trabalho aborda o quadro de crise da Universidade Latino-Americana do Século XX e a sua relação na emergência de uma força social de renovação: o movimento estudantil e a Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. Partindo desse contexto maior, o tema da dissertação estuda especificamente a inserção e desenvolvimento da crítica à Universidade Tradicional Brasileira como uma luta política institucionalizada pelos universitários em nível nacional. Analisa, particularmente, o papel da União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), entidade máxima dos gaúchos, na origem e desdobramentos de uma política estudantil pautada no Movimento pela Reforma Universitária e na sua contribuição (ou não) para uma política pública no Brasil. O recorte temporal inicia-se em 1960 quando o tema da Reforma Universitária ingressa, via UNE, na pauta dos debates estudantis, e estende-se até 1968 com as proposições do Grupo de Trabalho de Reforma Universitária, as quais servem de base para a Lei Universitária nº 5.540. Para isso, utiliza-se como apoio, além da análise das entrevistas e de um acervo documental, também uma fonte bibliográfica afim. Nessa fonte, faz-se uso das noções de “ação“ e “atuação” para identificar, examinar e comparar as formas e conteúdos das reivindicações da UEE em diferentes momentos, na sua relação com às da UNE e desta com o Movimento de Córdoba. Questiona-se a influência do Manifesto argentino no movimento brasileiro e em que medida a política estudantil de reforma da UEE, desenvolvida em diferentes contextos políticos e ideológicos, pode ter contribuído para a definição de uma política pública. Trabalha-se com as hipóteses de que a influência dos postulados pela reforma argentina não foi absorvida pelo movimento estudantil nacional somente naquela conjuntura específica e de que a dinâmica diferenciada das reivindicações dos estudantes no estado produziu alguns efeitos no desenvolvimento de uma política universitária brasileira. A ausência de um estudo que trate da participação política diferenciada das entidades estudantis em âmbito estadual, aliado à atualidade que o tema da Reforma Universitária reveste-se em termos governamentais, permite justificar sua relevância à Ciência Política. / The present study features the situation of the Twentieth Century Latin-American University crisis and its relation on the emergency of a social strength of renewal: The Student Activism and the 1918 Cordoba Reform. Through this major context, the thesis subject specifically studies the insertion and development of the criticism towards the Traditional Brazilian University as an institutionalized political struggle by the university students at national level. It analyses, particularly, the role of the União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), Gauchos‟ highest entity, at the origin and development of student politics regulated on the activism by the University Revolution and its contribution (or not) to public politics in Brazil. The chronological cut starts in 1960 when the University Revolution topic is included, via UNE, at the students‟ debate agenda, and it extends itself until 1968 with the Group of Work propositions of the University Revolution, which serves as a base for the University law nº 5.540. For this, it is also used as support, besides the interview analysis and a documental collection, a similar bibliographic source. In this source, the notions of “action” and “acting” are used for identifying, examining and comparing the ways and contents of the UEE demands on different moments, on its relation with the UNE and the relation of the UNE with the Cordoba activism. It is questioned the influence of the Argentinean Manifesto on the Brazilian activism and to what extent the UEE reformist students politics, developed in different political and ideological contexts, may have contributed to the definition of public politics. It is dealt with the hypotheses that the influence on the Argentinean reformist postulates were not absorbed by the students national activism only in that specific conjuncture and that the differential dynamics of the students‟ demands in the state produced some effects on the developments of Brazilian university politics. The absence of a study that deals with the differential political participation of the students entities in a state extent, combined with how recent the topic University Reform covers itself in governmental terms, allows a justification of its relevance to Political Science.

Cette thèse confronte les manifestes du mouvement Étonnants Voyageurs et l’œuvre d’Olivier Rolin. D’emblée située dans l’histoire contemporaine de la France, elle met en lumière les mécanismes de la mondialisation littéraire entendue comme phénomène planétaire. La dimension mondiale de la littérature française est appréhendée dans sa relation aux littératures étrangères qui incluent aussi les autres littératures francophones, à partir de l’analyse du discours manifestaire dans son rapport à l’histoire et au cadre institutionnel. À partir d’une approche multiscalaire, qui croise la transdisciplinarité et la systémique, cette étude resitue la « littérature-monde » dans son héritage littéraire français et montre en outre que l’ouverture aux littératures francophones concourt au renforcement du centre parisien. L’articulation socio-historique et poétique du corpus met en avant un triple mouvement de mondialisation : celle-ci résulte d’abord, à la suite d’une crise dans le champ littéraire, d’un ensemble de stratégies de singularisation mises en œuvre par des écrivains périphériques centraux et étrangers qui entendent contester les canons traditionnels ; elle répond ensuite à l’exigence ressentie par les écrivains d’élaborer des arts poétiques du monde ou du réel, des pratiques de conquête de l’ailleurs et de cosmopolitisme, après un trauma national ou individuel qui implique la détestation de la nation d’origine ; elle correspond enfin au besoin de créer des œuvres susceptibles de construire un imaginaire qui serait le reflet de la mondialisation contemporaine. Il est alors possible de percevoir la mondialité dans les programmes littéraires et dans la littérature viatique en France comme une production qui s’élabore en réaction aux circonstances propres à l’ère du temps et comme une conséquence du jeu entre tradition et modernité / This thesis confronts the manifestos of the Étonnants Voyageurs movement and Olivier Rolin’s work. From the outset in the contemporary history of France, she highlights the mecanisms of literay globalization understood as a global phénomenon. The global dimension of French literature is apprehended in its relation to foreign literature, which also include other Francophone literatures, from the analysis of the speech in its report to history and the institutional framework. From a multiscal approach, which crosses transdisciplinarity and systemic, this study resituates the « world literature in French » in its French literay heritage and shows that openess to francophone literature contributes to the strengthening of the Parisian center. The socio-historical and poetic articulation of the corpus puts forward a triple movement of globalization : this one results at first, following a crisis in the literary field, from a set of singularization strategies is implemented by central and foreign peripheral writers who intend to challenge traditional canons ; it then responds to the demand felt by writers to develop poetic arts of the world or the real, the practices of conquest of elsewhere and cosmopolitism, after national or individual trauma which implies the detestation of nation of origin ; finally, it corresponds to the need to create works likely to construct an imaginary that would relfect contemporary globalization. It’s then possible to perceive globality in the literary programs and the viatic literature in France as a production which develops in reaction to the circumstances proper and as a consequence of the interplay between tradition and modernity

This thesis presents a conceptual examination of the modernist director read through Gillian Rose's speculative lenses of the 'broken middle'. Highlighting the significance of speculative philosophy, I explore the meaning of the director as a mediating subjectivity. I demonstrate how a speculative reading of the director can act as a corrective to the received totalitarian, despotic image of the director. I urge for the rehabilitation of the director as a history and as a practice and I propose the emergence of this figure as being the outcome of a complex theatrical articulation entangled with the discipline of philosophy. Combining close readings of philosophical texts by Rose, Plato, Castoriadis, Badiou, Rancière, Laclau and Mouffe, among several other intellectual references in this study, I explore the director as a mode or trope of embodied philosophy. My argument also proposes the director as an Event, in Badiou's definition, and I trace this configuration as already taking place with the 'tragic' paradigm of the Athenian theatre. This Event of the director, I then argue, gets fully inaugurated in modernism as the Event of thought in theatre. I explore how the director acting as a mediator transforms theatre to what Puchner calls 'a theatre of ideas' while simultaneously philosophy becomes itself transformed to a theatre of thought. Chapter 1 outlines the key strands of Rose's thought and sets out the theoretical parameters of my examination. The chapter argues for a speculative reading of the director cross-examined with current positions within theatre historiography. The chapter paves a new understanding of the director, not historically, but conceptually, as a mode of embodied thought. Chapter 2 explores the relationship between the primacy and centrality of the aesthetic paradigm of theatre in philosophy and the role and practice of the poet - or 'chorodidaskalos' - who I consider as an early philosophical figuration of the modern director. I highlight speculative 'aporia' which in Rose indicates a path 'without a path' as the primary modality of thinking philosophically, already at work in tragedy, that renders the modernist director as a theatrical thinker. Chapter 3 puts forward the case of the director's mediating subjectivity by arguing for the Event of the director. I analyse Badiou's philosophy of the Event, making connections to speculative philosophy and illuminating the Evental dimension of this figure. Chapter 4 moves the examination to the Event of the director that I locate in Richard Wagner. My reading explores the philosophical dimension of Wagner as an artist and a thinker by which I rehabilitate his overtly negative image. I do this by reading Left Hegelianism, and anarchist philosophy more broadly, in Wagner's operatic works, writings, and political activism. Chapter 5 examines the 'speculative director' in the aesthetic project of Naturalism and Realism. The chapter includes a published section by which I explore the political mode of the director indirectly, by examining the articulatory discourse in Laclau and Mouffe's definition and the practice of affirmation. Chapter 6 looks at the avant-garde manifesto as a form of meta-language that seeks to actively re-shape theatre and the world as embodied, declaimed philosophy. The chapter repositions the avant-garde's aesthetic preoccupation with failure as a profoundly transformative project rather than as being incomplete. The included published article examines more closely the affinity between the Spartacus Manifesto by Rose Luxemburg (philosophy) and the more politicized forms of the Dada Berlin manifesto art (theatre). Chapter 7 is the concluding chapter by which I argue the case of the director finally having entered the theatre as a philosopher; that is, through Bertolt Brecht.

The European Parliament elections have for decades been described as 'second-order national elections', meaning that parties tend to have a national focus rather than a European one. Furthermore, the parties are often described as a weak link between the European Union and its citizens. Studies on the parties' election promises have mainly been done on national elections and show that election promises become increasingly important over time. However, no previous studies have looked at election promises in European elections. The purpose of this comparative case study is to compare the election promises that Swedish parliamentary parties present in their election manifestos for the European Parliament elections of 2014 and 2019, in order to contribute to both the discourse on European Parliament elections and the discourse on election promises. Two established fields of research that have not previously met in this way. Based on previous research, this study tests eight hypotheses on the material. By mapping and analyzing 1374 election promises from 16 election manifestos, the result shows a predominant share of election promises with a European focus, rather than national. The election promises are surprisingly specific rather than vague and mainly critical of EU-policy rather than the European Union as a political system. The conclusion of this result is that the European Parliament elections as 'second-order national elections' do not emerge when election promises are studied. The results of this study has shown that there is reason to revise the prevailing picture of European Parliament elections in this field of research.

This thesis focuses on the issue of far-right lone-wolf terrorism in Germany. Lone-wolf terrorism - terrorism perpetrated by individuals, who display no ties to terrorist organizations - is a concept, which is skeptically accepted by many scholars. The main issue with this concept is the emphasis of the "lone" part, especially during the preparation and the attack itself. Scholars, who refuse this concept claim, that in every case, the attacker is a member of a larger group - it can be either ideology-based or it can provide material assistance. Furthermore, lone- wolf terrorism is primarily associated with religious terrorism, probably because of the activities of Islamic state in recent years. However, this thesis approaches lone-wolf terrorism as relevant concept, which refers to a security threat, that is represented by radicalized and hard- to-detect individuals. The thesis focuses on three cases of far-right terrorism in Germany, which were committed by an attacker, that operated alone - Munich shooting (July 2016), Halle synagogue attack (October 2019), and Hanau shooting (February 2020). German society provided significant space for radicalization and spread of far-right ideology, especially because of its friendly politics after the outbreak of refugee crisis. Regarding the cases, the main...