The present work is focused on project management and the relationship of this discipline to agile approaches. The aim was to design a generic agile project management methodolo-gy, which is based on Agile values and attitudes. Although the proposed methodology is mainly based on agile software development methodologies, it is also applicable to any type of project. The secondary objective was to propose possible ways of using this generic agile project management methodology in teaching 4IT414 - ICT Project Management, including the creation of documents to support this application. The work is divided into theoretical and practical. First the author defined the basic terms and knowledge of project management and subsequent-them, then also agile approaches and methodologies. In the practical part was introduced generic methodology for agile pro-ject management and proposed a possible way of involving the teaching methodology, including the design documents to serve. The objectives were met. Work can serve students agile approaches and project management, their teachers and the general public. The proposed methodology may be used for studies and real environments in various companies and institutions.

Agile Methoden sind in der industriellen Anwendung Stand der Technik, wobei Scrum das am häufigsten verwendete Prozess-Framework zur effektiven Entwicklung komplexer Produkte ist. Entworfen wurde Scrum von Ken Schwaber und Jeff Sutherland, die ebenfalls 2001 das agile Manifest mitentwickelten, welches die vier Werte und zwölf Prinzipien für die Arbeit mit agilen Methoden definiert. Scrum zeichnet sich unter anderem durch flache Hierarchien aus. Hierdurch erhalten Mitarbeitende zunehmend Verantwortung und es entsteht aufgrund der vermehrt stattfindenden Kommunikation eine erhöhte Transparenz in allen Prozessen. Diese Eigenschaften bringen viele Vorteile aber auch Herausforderungen mit sich. Einerseits kann hohe Transparenz durch Offenlegung der Arbeit zu Unsicherheit seitens der Mitarbeitenden führen, andererseits sorgt die erhöhte Verantwortung auch für einen größeren Einfluss der einzelnen Team-Mitglieder auf das Ergebnis der Arbeitsprozesse. Die Motivation und Leistungsbereitschaft der Mitarbeitenden sind demzufolge ausschlaggebend für die erfolgreiche Produktentwicklung mit Scrum. Gamification ist ein neuer, vielversprechender Ansatz zur Steigerung der Motivation und wird dabei definiert als „die Verwendung von Spiel-Designelementen in Nicht-Spielkontexten“. Die dieser Veröffentlichung zugrundeliegende Forschung bildet die Grundlage zur Entwicklung von dedizierten Gamification-Strategien mit dem Ziel der Optimierung von Motivation und folglich der Leistung der Mitarbeitenden im Scrum-Entwicklungsprozess.

From fears of issues with potential problematic consequences in the gaming industry stemming from a perceived power-disparity between the industry’s two defined“categories” (AAA and Independent), a study was made to investigate. This qualitative study was made to investigate whether or not certain perceived issues in the industry exist, and whether or not they are problematic (and in what way, if any). After interviewing four industry professionals of varying industry experience, it was determined that there are indeed issues stemming from a power-disparity within the industry. Furthermore, these issues can cause problems regarding the safety of the industry’s workers both physically and financially, the artistic and cultural development of the medium, and that some parts of the industry (mainly the independent-part of it) may be in danger should the AAA-part of the industry become too difficult to compete with. This has a host of consequences, such as marginalized developers and cultures being unable to compete and express themselves, and many independent developers losing financial support. This data and the conclusions drawn from them were then used to shape a manifesto with the intent to be used as means to inspire change within the industry and to rally up the medium to unionize and act to counteract the problems presented. Conclusively it seems that there is a power-disparity issue in the gaming industry. Furthermore, it seems that the more experience a worker of the industry has, the morein-depth they could argue and discuss issues and the problematic consequences of them within the industry. Due to this, it is concluded that new workers of the industry may be unaware of many of the problems and issues mentioned by the participants and discussed in the manifesto. This brings a sense of urgency to the manifesto’s spread. To help this, the manifesto is meant to be unveiled at the Sweden Games Conference of 2021, should the logistics go according to plan.

In the modern world, Scrum is widely adopted by many companies for software development, no matter the size of the company. As Scrum provides rapid development and meets the customer needs in a faster and efficient way, many companies want to move towards Scrum but moving towards Scrum is difficult and challenging due to different barriers for example cost, lack of experience, and so on. This thesis is to address the barriers which are involved during the Scrum adoption for software start-up companies such as communication, team mindset, backlog refining, daily stand up, and retrospective meetings. In this research report, these issues are divided based on the factors such as organization, people, process, and tools. We have figured out these barriers using action research based on the observation done during the Scrum team meetings and through interviews and surveys.

There is a large part of the population today whose perception of Swedish political parties assumes a pronounced distrust. Often, this mistrust is linked to whether politicians act on the election promises made during the election campaigns. This is a view that opposition parties often encourage through negative criticism during election campaigns and media platforms. The paradox that arises then becomes markedly confusing because research actually shows that parties almost fulfill most of the election promises made.   Furthermore, a society characterized by widespread distrust of political activity risks gradually undermining the representative democracy system, which may lead to diminished democratic legitimacy. In the field of research, therefore, there is often talk of making knowledge regarding election promises more accessible to voters, who then may examine political activity more effectively themselves. The study has analyzed the Alliance's and the Social Democrats' election promise fulfillment during the mandate periods 2006-2010 and 2014-2018, through qualitative analysis of the election manifesto and data collection from the Riksdag's website. The aim was to investigate and compare which of these party organizations best achieved good representation during the alternative government periods through clear method choices that could present data in an easily accessible way.   The study arrives at a result that shows a balancing election promise fulfillment between the Alliance and the Social Democrats, with a small statistical advantage for the Alliance. It also shows how the Alliance has achieved a slightly better representation by succeeding in fulfilling more election promises in key policy areas that the party organization has given higher priority to during the election campaigns and election manifestos.

This essay examines the intersection of Valerie Solanas' radical feminist manifesto, the S.C.U.M. (Society of Cutting Up Men) manifesto, and her attempted assassination of Andy Warhol in 1968, proposing that the latter can be understood as a sophisticated piece of performance art. Solanas' manifesto, penned in 1967, challenged societal norms, advocating for the overthrow of patriarchal structures. Through a lens of performativity theory, which emphasizes the performative nature of language and actions, this essay reinterprets Solanas' actions as deliberate expressions of her feminist beliefs. Tracing Solanas' life, from her early struggles to her involvement in the avant-garde art scene of New York City, highlighting her interactions with Warhol's Factory and her provocative works. Solanas' attempted assassination of Warhol, while initially perceived as a psychotic act, is reframed as a conscious enactment of her manifesto's principles, challenging dominant power dynamics. By reframing the assassination attempt as a form of performance art, this essay sheds new light on Solanas' legacy, emphasizing the transformative potential of art as a tool for social critique and change. / Denna uppsats undersöker skärningspunkten mellan Valerie Solanas radikalfeministiska S.C.U.M. (Society of Cutting Up Men) manifestet, och hennes försök att mörda Andy Warhol 1968. Undersökningen framhåller att det senare kan studeras som ett sofistikerat performanceverk. Solanas manifest utmanade rådande normer och förespråkade avskaffandet av patriarkala strukturer. Genom ett nyttjande av performativitetsteorin, som betonar den performativa naturen av språk och handlingar, omvärderar denna uppsats Solanas handlingar som medvetna uttryck för hennes feministiska övertygelser. Solanas försök att mörda Warhol, som vid sin tid uppfattades som en psykotisk handling, omvärderas i texten som en medveten förkroppsligande av hennes manifestets principer. Att omvärdera mordförsöket som en form av performancekonst, lyser texten ett nytt ljus på Solanas arv och betonar konstens transformerande potential som ett verktyg för social kritik och förändring.

[ES] Desde la modernización de las sociedades urbanas a principios del siglo XX, las formas del entorno construido fueron influenciadas por poderes económicos y políticos más que por las necesidades sociales de la ciudadanía. Las consideraciones del espacio urbano como espacio material, espacio simbólico y espacio social han sido analizadas y criticadas bajo un pensamiento interdisciplinar y también desde una perspectiva de género que empezó a articularse con el surgimiento de la segunda ola del movimiento feminista, percibiendo el espacio urbano como construido por y para los hombres. En la presente tesis doctoral se propone una reflexión crítica sobre las dinámicas y los vestigios del poder en el espacio urbano, abordada desde una perspectiva de género. El objetivo de la tesis es determinar, analizar y representar artísticamente aquellas dinámicas del poder masculino que se manifiestan en las ciudades occidentales contemporáneas. La metodología de la investigación se basa en la creación artística mediante la cual se identifican y retroalimentan los conceptos teóricos abordados desde un enfoque multifacético y multidisciplinar. En la primera sección de la tesis se analizan las manifestaciones del poder patriarcal, simbólico e institucional en ciudades, presentadas en cinco capítulos temáticos. La segunda sección explora el espacio urbano mediante la creación artística del siglo XX, estructurada en seis capítulos, cada uno enfocado en un discurso artístico a través del cual nos enteramos de las relaciones del poder en la sociedad urbana del momento dado. Por último presentamos la propia producción artística, conceptualizada como un manifiesto feminista en formato visual, acompañado por textos poéticos y reivindicativos, reclamando el derecho de las mujeres a la ciudad y señalando los temas clave de la desigualdad de género mediante la creación artística multidisciplinaria. / [CA] Des de la modernització de les societats urbanes a principis del segle XX, les formes de l'entorn construït van ser influenciades pels poders econòmics i polítics més que per les necessitats socials de la ciutadania. Les consideracions de l'espai urbà com a espai material, espai simbòlic i espai social han sigut analitzades i criticades sota un pensament interdisciplinari i també des d'una perspectiva de gènere que va començar a articular-se amb el sorgiment de la segona ona del moviment feminista, percebent l'espai urbà com construït pels homes i per als homes. En la present tesi doctoral es proposa una reflexió crítica sobre les dinàmiques i els vestigis del poder en l'espai urbà, abordada des d'una perspectiva de gènere. L'objectiu de la tesi és determinar, analitzar i representar artísticament aquelles dinàmiques del poder masculí que es manifesten a les ciutats occidentals contemporànies. La metodologia de la investigació es basa en la creació artística mitjançant la qual s'identifiquen i retroalimenten els conceptes teòrics abordats des d'un enfocament multifacètic i multidisciplinari. En la primera secció de la tesi s'analitzen les manifestacions del poder patriarcal, simbòlic i institucional a les ciutats, presentades en cinc capítols temàtics. La segona secció explora l'espai urbà mitjançant la creació artística del segle XX, estructurada en sis capítols, cadascun enfocat en un discurs artístic a través del qual ens assabentem de les relacions del poder en la societat urbana del moment donat. Finalment presentem la pròpia producció artística, conceptualitzada com un manifest feminista en format visual, acompanyat per textos poètics i reivindicatius, reclamant el dret de les dones a la ciutat i assenyalant els temes clau de la desigualtat del gènere mitjançant la creació artística multidisciplinària. / [EN] Since the modernization of urban societies at the beginning of the 20th century, the forms of the built environment were influenced by economic and political powers rather than by social needs of citizens. The considerations of urban space as material space, symbolic space and social space have been analyzed and criticized under an interdisciplinary approach and also from a gender perspective, which began to be articulated with the emergence of the second wave of the feminist movement, perceiving urban space as built by and for men. This doctoral thesis proposes a critical reflection on the dynamics and vestiges of power in urban space, approached from a feminist perspective. The objective of the thesis is to determine, analyze and artistically represent those dynamics of male power that are manifested in contemporary western cities. Our research methodology is based on artistic creation that is guiding and mutually reflecting the theoretical concepts approached from a multifaceted and multidisciplinary viewpoint. In the first section of the thesis, manifestations of patriarchal, symbolic and institutional power in urban space are analyzed and presented in five thematic chapters. The second section explores the urban space through the artistic creation of the 20th century, structured in six chapters, each one of them focusing on an artistic discourse through which we learn about the power relations in the urban society of the given moment. Finally, we present our own artistic production, conceptualized as a feminist manifesto in a visual format, accompanied with poetic and declarative writings, claiming the right of women to the city and pointing out key issues of gender inequality through multidisciplinary artistic creation. / Binda Heiserová, S. (2022). El espacio urbano como un campo de poder. Reflexión feminista sobre la ciudad contemporánea a partir de la práctica artística [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/184667 / TESIS

The aim of this study is to analyse the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development in the issue of migration in 2010-2018. The inquiry consists of the following two research questions. How has the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats positions regarding migration developed in 2010-2018? How can institutional theories explain the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development? The study is encompassed by three theoretical perspectives also recognised as rational-choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. In regard to the methodological approach, the study employs the comparative case study design with the most-similar system and is essentially an idea analytical study. The main results reveal that both the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats have adjusted their migration policies but to different degrees. The Swedish Democrats promote similar policies in 2010 as in 2018 with smaller alterations while the Moderate Party has customised larger alterations, distinguishing the party’s migration policy from 2010 and 2018. These policy alterations are primarily explained as a result of rational action, societal discourses and critical junctures.

Uppsatsen har tre syften, alla beträffande Sara Stridsbergs översättning av amerikanskan Valerie Solanas radikalfeminstiska SCUM Manifesto från 1968: att göra en övergripande karaktäristik av översättningen, att undersöka och presentera nyckelord i översättningen, samt att beskriva samspelet mellan Stridsbergs förord och översättning. Med textanalysmodeller av Yvonne Lindqvist, Lennart Hellspong och Per Ledin genomförs textanalyser av översättningen i stort, av ett urval av nyckelord och av förordet. Resultaten visar på att Stridsberg gjort en fri översättning med fokus på språk och stil, och att förordet kompletterar översättningen och bjuder in läsaren till olika sätt att läsa manifesttexten på. I diskussionen avhandlas resultatens betydelse i förhållande till tidigare forskning och vad mina resultat betyder utifrån André Lefeveres teorier om att ideologiska och poetologiska faktorer är det viktigaste vid översättsval. Uppsatsens slutsats är att Stridsberg översatt texten i huvudsak som litterär text istället för som politisk kortare skrift eller längre pamflett, och att förordet presenterar Stridsbergs ingång till texten och hjälper läsaren att göra en litterär läsning av manifestet. / This essay has three purposes, all relating to the Swedish translation of Valerie Solanas’s SCUM Manifesto by Sara Stridsberg. These are: to do a characterization of the translation, to investigate and present keywords in the translated text, and to describe the interplay between Stridsberg’s foreword and translation. Models for text analysis by Yvonne Lindqvist, Lennart Hellspong and Per Ledin are applied for investigating both the general translation, a selection of the keywords and the foreword. The results indicate that Stridsberg’s translation is a free one, where the focal points are style and diction, and also that the foreword is a supplement to the translation that invites the reader to different ways in which to read the manifesto. The discussion deals with both the question of what my results mean in relation to previously existing research, and what they mean according to André Lefeveres theories about ideology and poetics being the most important factors when making choices in tranlation. The conclusion of the essay is that Stridsberg translated the text mainly as a literary text as opposed to as a political brochure or pamphlet, and that the foreword presents Stridsberg’s perspectives on the text and helps the reader do a literary reading of the manifesto.

Ireland is generally seen as one of the biggest supporters of the European Union. Irish public opinion researches have been showing long-term and extremely positive attitudes to the European integration. The pro-European consensus is also known among the local political parties. Moreover, at the end of the 20th century, a strong economic growth had started and the Ireland quickly became a model example of how positive impact the European integration may have on its Member states. European issues therefore did not attract too much attention in the local political discourse. This changed in the early 21st century, when the increasing public euroscepticism began observable. The thesis examines whether selected Irish political parties adapted their rhetoric and actions to ever more critical mood of voters. These are Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party. The thesis covers three critical moments of the Irish European integration, namely the Nice Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty and the Irish debt crisis. It searches for negative comments about the EU and European integration of examined political parties in the campaigns before the referendum on European issues, as well as in their election statements to the Irish parliamentary elections, also taking place in the selected period. The aim of the thesis is...