Retirement is a complex undertaking that is influenced by many factors. The variables influence the retirement experience either alone or in combination. Because the factors are intertwined, it is sometimes difficult to determine which are the most significant. The complex nature of retirement often leads to people being under prepared for the challenges they are likely to confront. Despite the importance of the retirement enterprise, there has been little research on the subject among black retirees in South Africa. This is especially true when it comes to the case of retired migrant workers. The purpose of the present study is to explore the experience of life satisfaction during retirement and adjustment to retirement of migrant workers when they return back to their communities of origin in the Eastern Cape Region, South Africa. Research participants for the study were retired persons (N=54) who were selected through snowball sampling method. The data for the study was collected using a Biographical Questionnaire, the Life Satisfaction Index-A, Adjustment Scale and Open-ended Interview Questions. Retired non-migrant workers were also included in the study in order to determine whether there are differences on these measures compared to retired migrant workers. The results of the study indicated that: retired migrant workers had significantly lower levels of life satisfaction and encountered more adjustment problems in retirement than retired non-migrant workers; retired migrant workers had less choice in their decision to retire than retired non-migrant workers; retired migrant workers did not participate in sufficient financial planning for their retirement; and financial situation significantly affects adjustment to retirement and life satisfaction during retirement. / Psychology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Psychology)

This thesis is concerned with the ways in which the laws and policies governing labour migration shape the relationship between migrant workers, employers, and labour markets in advanced industrialised countries. Specifically, it elucidates the intersections of immigration and labour market regulatory norms, structures, and processes that have salient implications for migrants’ work relations. The notions of ‘hyper-dependence’ and ‘hyper-precarity’ are developed as the main analytical and normative lenses in this thesis for examining the particular vulnerabilities associated with migrants’ precarious statuses under contemporary labour migration regimes. Hyper-dependence refers to an acute dependence that transcends the immediate context of an employment relationship, where other aspects of a worker’s life critically depend on that employer. For migrant workers, hyper-dependence may arise where their legal statuses is tethered to a specific employer sponsorship, accompanied by other de jure and de facto restrictions on their labour mobility. Hyper-precarity seeks to capture the multifaceted insecurities and uncertainties in migrants’ work relations and their broader migration projects, which are linked to their exclusion, in law and in practice, from a wide array of social, economic, and civil rights in the host state. Engaging with the various and often competing goals and concerns of immigration law and labour law, the two concepts of hyper-dependence and hyper-precarity are developed and applied through an in-depth comparative analysis of the legal and regulatory architectures of two contemporary temporary migrant workers’ programmes (TMWPs): Australia’s Temporary Work (Skilled) Subclass 457 Visa (‘457 visa’) scheme and the United Kingdom’s Tier 2 (General) visa scheme. In recent years, TMWPs in advanced industrialised countries have been touted by global and national policymakers as a desirable labour migration instrument that delivers ‘triple wins’ for host states, home states, and migrants and their families. I situate the normative concerns of the legally constructed hyper-dependence and hyper-precarity in the ethical debates on TMWPs in liberal states. I also consider how the worst extremes of the two ‘hyper’ conditions combined in highly exploitative work relations could be ameliorated, and in doing so propose some ideas for reforming key features of current TMWPs to enable migrants to exit any employment relationship and to resort to a range of voice mechanisms in the workplace.

Labour migration to Sweden is analysed from a labour perspective. As regards theory, the thesis focuses on how class and ethnicity intersect in a capitalistic setting, but it also gives attention to gender and age as structural principles. The main purpose is to analyse migrants in Sweden as a party in the relationship between labour and capital, and to explore how the immigration and the active recruitment of workers in other countries affected and was affected by the relative strengths of the parties on the labour market, covering the period 1945–1952. The relationship between labour and capital, regarding migration-related issues, is analysed from above and below on both national and local level, and the thesis discerns how the state mediated between the parties. It examines the first encounters between foreign-born and native-born workers at shop-floor level, how these encounters affected the relationship between the trade union and the industrial management concerned, and explores how all this, in turn, affected the relationship between the national parties on the Swedish labour market. A structural perspective is combined with micro analyses of narratives from the actors involved, which opens up for a study of the history of society. Firstly, the thesis addresses the relationship between the Swedish Engineering Employers’ Association and the Swedish Metalworkers’ Union, and secondly it is a local workplace study, focusing on Svenska Stålpressnings AB in Olofström (the Swedish Steel Pressing Company). The more precise focus of attention is on war refugees from Estonia employed by the company in Olofström between 1945 and 1947, and on Estonians recruited directly from West German refugee camps in the early 1950s. The study reveals that the Metalworkers’ Union at first opposed labour recruitment abroad – at both national and local level –, but also how coincident interests developed between labour, capital and the state regarding labour immigration. An important finding is that the Metalworkers’ Union had great influence considering which companies would be allowed to recruit foreign-born workers, and that the trade union could direct the migrations to workplaces with acceptable staff policies. A fundamental research problem for the thesis is, furthermore, how social groups construct ethnic boundaries between “us” and “the others”. It is stressed that Estonians’ background experiences and social memories differed from those of the Swedish workers, and that these differences affected the outcomes of the first encounters. But it is also pointed out that the Estonian group was internally divided, with a basis in interwar Estonian political history and in disparate class backgrounds among the Estonians.

During the New Deal, the Farm Security Administration (FSA) developed what is arguably one of the most provocative and far-reaching programs for farm workers undertaken by the U.S. federal government to date. Through the Migratory Labor Camp Program the FSA promised to efficiently funnel workers to fulfill the agricultural industry’s labor demands while providing migrants modern, up-to-date housing and services to alleviate the well-documented substandard conditions many faced. Most scholars have analyzed the camps primarily as sites of labor, capital, and state regulation. Rather than view the camp program as simply a government effort to more efficiently coordinate the nation’s farm labor market, this study argues that the services, programs, and activities FSA officials administered in the camps sought to regulate and transform significant and often intimate social and cultural aspects of migrants’ daily lives. By examining the role of the camps’ architecture, medical clinics, nurseries and elementary schools, as well as the “self-governing” camp committees and councils, this dissertation engages in a gendered analysis of labor to reveal how the federal camps were unique dual-purpose domestic and labor spaces. Analyzing the camps as simultaneous productive and reproductive sites allows us to see them as part of a contested terrain in which complex issues of identity, community, citizenship, and labor were negotiated on a daily basis, affecting U.S. farm labor and race relations well beyond the perimeters of the federal camps. / text

Despite evidence that suggests that nurses migrate to Ontario through the Live-in Caregiver Program, no research has been conducted on this group of nurses in Ontario. This study addresses that gap utilizing the transnational feminist concept of “global care chains” in a single holistic case study design to explore the experience of nurses who migrate to Ontario through the Live-in Caregiver Program (2001-2011), and examine the diverse perspectives of stakeholders on issues of rights and obligations of these nurses. Fifteen live-in caregivers and nine policy stakeholders were interviewed, and an analysis undertaken of immigration and nursing policy documents. Findings indicate that familial discourses and perspectives on global social status shape these women’s decision to migrate from the Philippines to Canada, often via a second country (especially Saudi Arabia), as well as their subsequent Canadian experiences. Results are consistent with Rhacel Parrenas’ idea of ‘contradictory class mobility’ that describes the phenomenon of decrease in social status coupled with an increase in financial status among immigrant care workers. As professional women undertaking unskilled work, the nurses’ contradictory class status was reinforced by the emotional labour and domestic work they were required to perform. Furthermore, as temporary workers on a path to permanent residency, their professional integration as nurses was complicated by Canada’s immigration policy and the paradox between the government’s stated short-term goal (to address labour force shortage of live-in caregivers) versus its long-term goal (to ensure the integration of permanent residents). Within this policy paradox immigration policy makers emphasized the short-term obligation of fulfilling labour needs, while live-in caregivers and advocacy groups emphasized the long-term obligations of the Canadian government related to gaining permanent residence status. The lack of congruence between the Live-in Caregiver Program policy and nursing policy concerning internationally educated nurses, as well as prioritization of their familial obligations complicated the process of professional integration for this group of women. Recommendations arising from the study concern the need to bridge these policy gaps and address the shortcomings of the Live-in Caregiver Program to leverage the integration of this group of internationally educated nurses in Canada.

本文的章節架構與寫作層次，基本上就是為了回答研究問題：「越南勞動輸出政策的實質內容是什麼，為何它可以有效地運作？」這一切得以有效運作就是因為國家透過「團結」（đoàn kết）的知識生產將國家民族、農村文化、家庭倫理連貫起來，唯有團結的國家、農村和家庭，個人才有存在的價值，這也是移工自我管理技術的根源。勞動輸出政策便是透過國家、農村和家庭三位一體的團結論述使之與移工主體接合，以形塑出具有生產性的移工主體。而「康莊」（khang trang）指的就是，越南勞動輸出政策下經濟成長和社會發展相結合，所帶來的消除貧窮與地方發展的具體表現。 第二章主要是描述「勞動輸出的歷史過程與跨國移工的形成」。1986年底越南共產黨決議實行革新（đổi mới）之後，國家的政治與經濟制度轉向商品市場化，革新的內容是「社會主義定向市場經濟」。國家因為開放私人資本，導致所有權多種型態的出現，國營企業不再是國家主要的經濟部門，各種新的經濟機會因而出現。結構上的政治經濟制度變遷帶來經濟機會的出現和戶籍制度的鬆動，農村內部的長子繼承制和農民土地的喪失，形成了一股將農民推向跨國勞動輸出的出路。革新之後，勞動輸出政策作為一項重要和長期的發展策略，是有助於國家的工業化和現代化，初期成果除了解決部分國內就業問題，也為國家增加稅收與外匯，因此在政府全力推動政策下，海外勞工的數量不斷成長。 第三章主要是討論「國家對跨國移工主體的治理」。「國家―移工」間的權力關係不全然是傳統上由國家支配一切的權力關係，而是一種Foucault指涉的牧養權力關係，是建立在各種微觀運作機制之上。這部分先討論巨觀的國家勞動輸出政策，側重在國家制訂的各種法律和規範，並且指出勞動輸出政策可以有效運作的第一個制度安排是：「勞動出口公司」，這些勞動出口公司的功能和性質儼然就是國家管理的一環。第二個制度安排是：「基層代理人」，農村基層幹部的多重身份是涵蓋國家與社會部門（例如身兼共黨、政府和祖國陣線等群眾組織幹部），透過上下互相隸屬的職務關係（例如身兼村長和社黨委或是身兼村老人會主席和社老人會常委），結合地方和家庭的社會資本連帶，成為國家政策在基層推動的堅定基礎。 第四章主要分析了「勞動輸出下的跨國移工與社會發展」。越南勞動輸出政策的成功，不僅是從經濟成長方面來肯定它的，也是因為與社會發展的結合，具體表現出來的就是消除貧窮的政策目標。國家優先選送貧窮縣地區的政策對象出國工作，希望將經濟成長的果實分配到貧窮地區，落實越南社會主義國家的團結（đoàn kết）互助理念。海外移工透過匯款remittance和返鄉return home，為地方帶來各式各樣的發展型態，例如：匯款活絡了地方金融；蓋房子不僅改善了個人健康衛生，也創造許多地方就業機會；增加子女教育投資；有更充裕的資金進行微型創業等。 對移工及其家庭來說，勞動輸出政策可以增加收入、投資子女教育、改善衛生健康、降低生存風險、增加儲蓄、促進微型創業等；對農村來說，可以消除貧窮、減少社福支出、增進基礎建設、活絡地方金融等；對國家來說，可以為國家賺取外匯、解決國內就業問題、提升人力資本和融入國際社會等。在國家鼓勵勞動輸出的政策下，地方上的黨支部書記、村長、祖國陣線各組織幹部等莫不以此為發展地方的可行方式。在政府機關、基層幹部和移工及其家庭眼中，勞動輸出政策無疑是一條邁向繁榮經濟、消除貧窮和改善生活的「康莊大道」。 / The key research question of this dissertation is: ‘What is the substance of Vietnam’s labor-export policy and why it works effectively?’. To summarize my findings, the policy of labor export works through ‘đoàn kết’ (the notion of solidarity) that denotes one’s value is based on one’s family, village, and nation. For Vietnamese migrant workers, ‘đoàn kết’ becomes the core of self-management and shapes them into productive subjects. Vietnam’s labor-export policy thus makes articulation with its migrant workers. Furthermore, ‘khang trang’ (thriving villages), under the labor-export policy, means economic growth, social development, poverty elimination, and local development. Firstly, the historical process of labor export and the formation of transnational migrant workers are described. The ‘đổi mới’ (Renovation Policy) had drawn up market economy under socialist direction that implemented by the Communist Party of Vietnam at the end of the year 1986. State owned enterprises are no longer the only type of economic entity and there are new economic opportunities for private capital and investments. The household registration and primogeniture system have been loosed. The labor-export policy was carried out as an important and long-term strategy. Meanwhile, the loss of land pushes farmers to find a way out—working overseas. The growing numbers of overseas workers brings help for the country’s industrialization and modernization; the increasing remittances and national revenue also solves some domestic employment problem. Secondly, the governance of migrant workers by the state is discussed. The power relationship between migrant workers and the state is what Foucault has indicated as “pastoral power relationship” basing on micro-mechanism. The macro-perspective of labor export policy is emphasized on the laws and regulations made by the state. There are two important implements for the labor export policy to be effective. One is the ‘Công ty xuất khẩu lao động’ (labor export company) which functions as national administration. The other is ‘grassroots cadre’ who partakes in the political and social departments, and also shares the social capital with locals and family ties. They become the main personnel for promoting the labor-export policy. Thirdly, the transnational migrant workers and social development under the labor-export policy is analyzed. The economic growth and social developments were linked with the successful labor-export policy. The goal of the policy is to eliminate poverty and it works. Based on the notion of ‘đoàn kết’, the workers form poor areas are prioritized to work abroad for improving their income. In addition, overseas remittance from migrant workers brings a wide range of local developments such as increasing consumption, improving the healthy environments, creating employment opportunities, having more money investing on children’s education and starting their own business. In a word, the policy of labor export brings benefits to migrant workers and their families to the villages, and to the nation. This policy is undoubtedly a move that leads to economic prosperity, poverty eliminating and improving the lives of migrant workers.

This thesis provides a multi-method – historical, quantitative, qualitative, and jurisprudential – socio-legal case study of the unionization of agricultural workers in British Columbia. Agricultural employees have access to the Labour Relations Code of British Columbia. A historical examination of exclusion of agricultural workers from labour relations legislation from 1937 to 1975 explores the rationale behind labour relations laws and the political context of the legislative exclusion. Next, economic aspects of BC’s agricultural sector are described, with a focus on employment characteristics and the regionalised nature of agricultural production. Finally, this thesis explains the legal aspects of an ongoing campaign by the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) to unionize migrant and resident agricultural workers. The union organizing campaign shows how legal labour relations processes operate in relation to migrant workers in a sector with low rates of unionization and high rates of precarious and low-paid, dangerous work. / Graduate

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:24:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3606421 bytes, checksum: 1a6bc13f07a2456d8f8259f2a5927a62 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This paper has as object of study the analysis of the production relations in the cutting of sugar cane. For this study, the labor of the sugar cane cutter is embodied as a central element, since his activity faithfully portraits the capital-labor contradiction, permeated by intense exploitation and precariousness of the working class. Thus, the research aims as general objective the understanding of the labor relations that permeate the inherent productive process to the seasonal migrant workers, particularly the life conditions and the production of workers of Paraiba that migrate from the city of Tavares, countryside of Paraiba, to the state of São Paulo. Given the theoretical perspective that guides this analysis, a brief study about the emergence, development and central elements of capitalism was performed, to get to the current economic conjuncture, which is characterized by the productive restructuring and flexibility of production. From there, it is discussed the characteristics inherent in the sugar cane agroindustry, in order to grasp the economic, political and social determinations to which the migrant workers are subjected to. Methodologically grounded in a Marxist perspective, the totality of the category references all the research. This, in our view, it‟s essential to the apprehension of the development that will be analyzed here, in which is central the exploitation and precariousness to which the migrant cane cutter are subjected. The procedures that we used seek, by theoretical foundations, to apprehend the reality under analysis. In this way, we have developed an extensive bibliographic research, as we also conducted an empirical research that allowed us a greater approach to the reality of the sugar cane cutting workers, more specifically those that migrate from the state of Paraiba to others regions of the country, because we work with the hypothesis that the fact of being away from their families and the social context to which they are used to living, contributes to worsen the living conditions, be that objectively or subjectively. The research revealed that the fact that the sugar cane cutters are migrants aggravates the exploitation and precariousness of labor, characteristics that are present throughout the process of expansion and development of the capitalistic way of production. / Este trabalho tem como objeto de pesquisa a análise das relações de produção no corte da cana-de-açúcar. Para este estudo, o trabalho do cortador de cana se consubstancia em elemento central, pois sua atividade retrata fielmente a contradição capital-trabalho, permeada pela intensa exploração e precarização da classe trabalhadora. A pesquisa tem como objetivo geral a compreensão das relações de trabalho que permeiam o processo produtivo inerente aos trabalhadores migrantes sazonais, particularmente as condições de vida e de produção de trabalhadores paraibanos que migram do município de Tavares, interior da Paraíba, para cortar cana no Estado de São Paulo. Dada a perspectiva teórica que orienta a análise, realiza-se um breve estudo a respeito do surgimento, desenvolvimento e elementos centrais do capitalismo, para chegar à atual conjuntura econômica, a qual se caracteriza pela reestruturação produtiva e pela flexibilização da produção. A partir daí, abordam-se as características inerentes à agroindústria canavieira, a fim de apreender as determinações econômica, política e social a que estão submetidos os trabalhadores migrantes. Metodologicamente pautada na perspectiva marxista, a categoria da totalidade referencia toda a pesquisa. Esta, a nosso ver, é imprescindível à apreensão do desenvolvimento que aqui será analisado, no qual são centrais a exploração e a precarização a que se encontram submetidos os cortadores de cana migrantes. Os procedimentos utilizados buscaram, mediante os fundamentos teóricos, apreender a realidade em análise. Nesse sentido, desenvolveu-se uma extensa pesquisa bibliográfica, como também uma pesquisa empírica que permitiu uma maior aproximação com a realidade dos trabalhadores do corte da cana, mais especificamente aqueles que migram do Estado da Paraíba para outras regiões do país. Trabalha-se com a hipótese de que o fato de estarem longe de suas famílias e do contexto social em que estão acostumados a viver, contribui para agravar as condições de vida, objetiva ou subjetivamente. A pesquisa revelou que o fato dos cortadores de cana serem migrantes agrava a exploração e precarização do trabalho, características presentes ao longo do processo de expansão e desenvolvimento do modo de produção capitalista.

This thesis concerns the trade union reaction to immigration as a phenomenon and toimmigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour market. It concerns trade union politicsregarding immigration and immigrants, from the political decision taken in 1946 to recruitworkers from other countries because of the labour shortage in Sweden, to 2009 when theconflict in the Swedish town of Vaxholm, that was a consequence of the EU’s expansion to theeast and which received such enormous attention in the Swedish media, was given its finalverdict and the continued existence of the “Swedish model” was placed under question. Thestudy focuses on the labour movement’s central trade union organisation in Sweden, in otherwords the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen, or LO as it is commonlyabbreviated in Sweden).The basis for the thesis has been that the process of immigration must naturally in the longterm lead to the addition of workers on the labour market, and consequently increasedcompetition amongst workers. The question has been how the interest organisation LO, whoseprimary mission is to protect the wage rates and social conditions for its members, and whichhas the restriction of competition as an overriding strategy, would handle the phenomenon ofimmigration and the existence of immigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour marketand within the trade union movement, during the course of the study. The choice of LO as afundamental starting point for the study, being as it is an interest organisation with the shorttermobjective of protecting its members’ interests, but also given the organisation’s more longtermobjectives of being an important actor on the labour market and within society, hasinfluenced the choice of the thesis’ central theoretical concepts; strategy, restriction ofcompetition, calculability, power and hegemony. This very starting point, but also the natureof the source materials and a reflection over the immigration process (from immigration toimmigrant workers on the labour market and finally to trade union members), has meant that Ihave chosen to structure the thesis and present my findings based on three different problemareas. I have chosen to refer to these problem areas as boundaries, there LO have dealt withvarious problems concerning the phenomena of immigration and immigrants on the Swedishlabour market, as well as problems related to some of its own members having foreignbackgrounds. These boundaries consist firstly of an outer boundary that is a physicalboundary, coincident with national boundaries and influencing immigration politics, there LOwas able to consider the scope of the immigration process and make calculations about whatthe resultant addition of new workers, that is a natural consequence of the immigrationprocess, would mean for the labour market. Secondly an inner boundary, that encompasses thelabour market but is more transparent to members of society and influences immigrant politics,there LO was able to consider the terms and conditions that should be made available to theimmigrant workers, in general within society and in particular on the labour market. Finally aninnermost boundary, encompassing the trade union membership, there LO was able to managethe terms and conditions for the immigrant workers within the trade union movement.The thesis’ overriding objective has been to examine LO’s strategies for these threeboundary areas and to see if there is a coherent pattern behind LO’s actions on these threevarying levels. A more theoretical objective with this thesis has been to examine if the possiblepatterns that would appear in LO’s actions within these three boundary areas, could bediscussed from the perspective of a power structure.

This thesis covers the topic of hukou system in the People's Republic of China also known as household registration system. The thesis explains how was the hukou system created. In the following part socioeconomic impacts of hukou are analysed. Furthermore the reform process of the hukou system is explained including cases of Chongqing and Shenzhen.