Solidaritet med djur är en av hörnstenarna i Miljöpartiets gröna ideologi och partiet uppfattas ofta som mer djurvänligt än andra riksdagspartier. Den här uppsatsen analyserar hur partiets djursyn artikuleras utifrån tre diskurser: djurskydd, ekologism och djurrätt. Uppsatsen har också ett kritiskt djurrättsligt perspektiv och intresserar sig för vilka möjligheter och hinder för djurens frigörelse som finns i partiets djurpolitik. Slutsatsen är att djurskyddsdiskursen är dominerande i Miljöpartiet men att partiet problematiserar dagens djurskyddslagstiftning och vill se ett ”verkligt djurskydd”. Det finns också en tendens till att djurskyddsdiskursen i kombination med den ekologiska diskursen håller tillbaka djurrättsdiskursen som är i det närmaste osynlig. I en avslutande reflektion föreslås att djurrättsrörelsen ska bli tydligare i sin kritik mot Miljöpartiets och samtidens intresse för närproducerat, kravmärkt och ekologiskt kött, samt att ekologismens djursyn behöver utmanas i högre grad. / Animal solidarity constitutes one of the cornerstones of the Green Party's ideology, and the party is often perceived as more animal friendly than other parties in the Swedish parliament. This thesis analyzes how the Green Party's perspective on animals are articulated through three discourses: animal welfare, ecology, and animal rights. Furthermore, the thesis utilizes a critical perspective and tries to discern opportunities and obstacles for animal liberation within the party's animal politics. The conclusion is that the animal welfare discourse is the dominating perspective within the Green Party, but also that the party problematizes the current animal welfare in their strive for "real animal welfare". There is also a tendency for the animal welfare discourse, combined with the ecology discourse, to obscure the animal rights discourse, the latter being more or less invisible. In a final reflection it is suggested that the animal rights movement should be more explicit regarding its criticism against the Green Party's and the contemporary's interest in local produce, KRAV-labeling, and organic meat, as well as the need to challenge the animal views of ecology to a greater extent.

The four largest newspapers in Sweden, Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, all have different political stands, but does it affect their reporting on different parties and their leaders? In 2013 and 2014 two of the nine party leaders in the Swedish parliament, Riksdag, were female, Annie Lööf (Centre Party) and Åsa Romson (the Green Party). This study examines the differences between the reporting on these two politicians in four newspapers and how they are portrayed using quantitative content analysis and framing analysis. Earlier studies by Kent Asp have shown that the Green Party (Miljöpartiet) is the most popular party among Swedish journalists, which could mean that the party is overrepresented and gets a special treatment in the media. In contrast, the Centre Party (Centerpartiet) is among the least popular among Swedish journalists and could therefore risk to be underrepresented. This study also researches if the portrayal of these two party leaders is in any way connected to their gender, as previous research shows that women politicians are treated differently to their male colleagues. Topics like family, private life and their appearance are often discussed instead of their work. Lastly this study investigates if there are differences in reporting between an election year, 2014, and a regular year, 2013. Our study shows that the political stands of the newspapers have an effect, even if only slight, on the reporting. Furthermore, Miljöpartiet does not get a special treatment as one might think, it’s rather the other way round. We found that the reporting on Annie Lööf and Centerpartiet was far more positive than the reporting on Åsa Romson and Miljöpartiet. We could not see that the reporters treated these politicians specially based on their gender, contrary to earlier studies. Finally, we found out that the newspapers focus on the party leaders rather than the parties themselves, which corresponds to the tendency of personification discussed in previous research. / De fyra största nyhetstidningarna i Sverige, Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet, har olika politiska ståndpunkter, men påverkar det deras rapportering av olika partier och deras partiledare? 2013 och 2014 var två av de nio partiledarna i Sveriges riksdag kvinnor, Annie Lööf (Centerpartiet) och Åsa Romson (Miljöpartiet). Den här uppsatsen undersöker skillnaderna mellan rapporteringen av dessa två politiker i fyra nyhetstidningar och hur de porträtteras, genom kvantitativ innehållsanalys och framing analysis. Tidigare studier av Kent Asp har visat att Miljöpartiet är det mest populära partiet bland svenska journalister, vilket kan betyda att partiet är överrepresenterat och får specialbehandling av medier. Tvärtemot är Centerpartiet bland de minst populära partierna bland svenska journalister och har därför en risk att bli underrepresenterade. Den här studien undersöker också om porträtteringen av dessa två partiledare på något sätt är kopplad till deras kön, då tidigare forskning visat att kvinnliga politiker behandlas annorlunda än deras manliga kollegor. Ämnen som familj, privatliv och deras utseende diskuteras ofta istället för deras jobb. Slutligen så undersöker denna studie om det finns några skillnader i rapporteringen mellan ett valår, 2014, och ett vanligt år, 2013. Vår studie visar att den politiska ståndpunkten hos tidningarna har en effekt, om än bara liten, på rapporteringen. Dessutom får Miljöpartiet ingen specialbehandling som man kunnat förvänta sig, utan det är snarare tvärt om. Vi såg att rapporteringen om Annie Lööf och Centerpartiet var långt mer positiv än rapporteringen om Åsa Romson och Miljöpartiet. Vi kunde inte se att reportrarna behandlade dessa politiker annorlunda baserat på deras kön, till skillnad mot tidigare studier. Slutligen såg vi att nyhetstidningarna fokuserar på partiledarna istället för själva partierna, vilken stämmer överens med tendenserna för personifiering som diskuterats i tidigare forskning.

The subject of this study has been organizational change within two Scandinavian green parties – the Swedish Green Party and the Norwegian Green Party. Looking at the organizational changes within these two parties using Robert Michel’s famous concept the “iron law of oligarchy”, I have studied whether these two parties have become more oligarchic after having been elected to the national parliaments of Sweden and Norway respectively. What I have found is that although these two parties still retain much of the original organizational structure that they have had, in particular the Swedish Green Party, change has occurred and seems to be occurring, at least in the Norwegian Green Party, which would indicate that the two parties have become more oligarchic. What I have found is in other words that parties which are elected into their national parliament tend to become more oligarchic during the period following the election – the fact that a party is elected into parliament seems to play a key role in the development towards a more oligarchic party structure in the two cases which I have studied.

Miljöpartiet de Gröna är ett parti som på relativt kort tid etablerat sig i svensk politik. Mellan 1982 och 2013 har de antagit nio program som var och ett definierar vilken politik de velat föra vid respektive antagningstillfälle. Den här studien avser att undersöka på vilka sätt historia brukas i dessa program samt hur bruket förändras över tid. Studien är en kvalitativ textanalys som utgår från Karlssons typologi för historiebruk. Resultatet av undersökningen visar på ett utbrett pedagogisk-politiskt bruk och ett fåtal exempel på ideologiskt- existentiellt- och moraliskt bruk. Historia brukas framförallt i inledningen av stycken men även när den egna rörelsen ska beskrivas. Programmen bär spår av sin samtid och det finns trender i hur vissa historiebruk till- och avtar där det tydligaste är en ökning av ideologiskt historiebruk i de två yngsta programmen.

<p>This paper addresses how political parties make decisions. Parties often have to choose between conflicting objectives such as influence on policy, control of the government, and support among the voters. This paper examines the behavior of the two Swedish parties on one of their particular policy positions: Swedish withdrawal from the EU. The aim is to describe why the Left Party (Vänsterpartiet) and the Green Party (Miljöpartiet) retain this</p><p>specific policy position when it on one hand seems damaging to their chances of getting into government, and on the other seems to be an unrealistic policy to realize. I undertake a twocase study of the two Swedish parties, which I assume to represent a population of Nordic parties critical to the EU. I employ a theory based on an analytical framework of three models of party goals and behaviors: office, policy or votes. The analysis seeks to identify the factors</p><p>and the motives behind the parties’ stubborn policy. By studying material from two party congresses and interviewing representatives from each party, I conclude that the policy position is important mainly for reasons of principle and symbolism. The structure of the EU represents all that the Left and the Greens dislike and, together with the Swedish critical EU opinion, it becomes almost a duty for the parties to keep their strong aversion towards Swedish membership in the EU. And while the parties do not perceive that the keeping of the policy would be an obstacle for other party goals, it will not be cut out from the party program.</p>

<p>The aim of this study has been to investigate why we saw the formation of the green party and junilistan in Swedish politics. The questions being asked is why the individuals behind the party decided to take the step towards forming a new party as well as why they felt it worth forming it.</p><p>The theories being used is the sequential model created by Gissur Ó Erlingsson, which is complemented with theoretical assumptions by Paul Lucardie. The sequential model illustrates the party forming processes in three steps, which then through process-tracing allows for the identification of events that have exerted an influence on the entrepreneur to decide taking the step towards forming a new party. With the help of Lucardie I presented assumptions which gave me possibility to investigate why they then felt it worth forming the new party.</p><p>The conclusion showed that the step toward party formation in both cases occurred when the entrepreneurs experienced that their demands where not met. The second question was divided in to two sub questions which showed that the entrepreneurs in both cases made the calculation that a new party would find support amongst the electorate but regarding the ability to finance and attach competence the result was more diverging.</p>

<p>The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism. On the other hand Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna and Centerpartiet are in favour of multiculturalism whereas Folkpartiet, Kristdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, and Moderaterna contain more than one integration theory.</p>

The aim with this paper is to study how the integrational ideology of the Swedish parliaments party platforms, including the right wing Sverigedemokraterna, is formulated. The integration theories examined are assimilationism, multiculturalism, universalism and residualism. In turn these theories are simultaneously applied to the party platforms extracting explicit or implicit messages of the four former mentioned theories. The Swedish history of integration as well as immigration, which per capita is one of the highest in the European union, pinpoints the reason why this subject is due to further investigation. The results show that most of the parties contain traces of more than one integration theory, with the exception of primarily Sverigedemokraterna which focuses on assimilationism. On the other hand Vänsterpartiet, Socialdemokraterna and Centerpartiet are in favour of multiculturalism whereas Folkpartiet, Kristdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, and Moderaterna contain more than one integration theory.

Denna uppsats använder svenska politiska partiers valfilmer som analysobjekt för att studerahuruvida övertygelsemedel tar form av storytelling framför saklighet. De partiers valfilmer somanalyseras är Socialdemokraternas, Moderaternas, Sverigedemokraternas och Miljöpartietsfrån 2014 samt 2018. Analysen har en kvalitativ textanalytisk grund där retoriska, semiotiskaoch framförallt narratologiska analysverktyg används för att tydliggöra de påverkansmedelsom finns på en multimodal nivå. Genom att också klargöra en diskursiv kontext för respektivevalår ses en förändringskurva för valfilmerna i relation till sin samtid. Denna analys görs inomramen för det teoretiska området politisk kommunikation. Med denna studie så ställs frågorna (1) hur använder politiska partier i Sverigestorytelling i sina valfilmer och (2) vilka stilgrepp återfinns i valfilmerna? samt (3) hur kanförändringar återses hos partiernas valfilmer mellan 2014 och 2018 och även (4) hur rådandesociala kontexter ses påverka partiernas politiska kommunikation mellan 2014 och 2018? Utifrån dessa frågeställningar analyseras valfilmerna med retoriska verktyg för språkligaelement, semiotiska verktyg för visuella element och narratologiska verktyg för berättargreppsom medietexterna använder i syfte om att simplifiera, renodla och vidare övertyga.Slutsatsen visar att valfilmerna tydligt använder hot och förhoppningar i sina anförandenoch även att Sverigebilden är det centrala för den historia som berättas. Filmerna ses också haförändrat sin kommunikation från 2014 till 2018. De filmer från 2018 visar sig ha längretidsspann än de från 2014 samt hårdare kommunikation främst i form av negative campaigning(smutskastning), användning av propaganda och en tydligare uppdelning av rätt och fel. Dennauppsats ger en första antydning om hur svensk politisk kommunikation använder berättandeframför saklighet i sitt anförande samt hur rådande kontexter förändrar utformandet av svenskpolitisk kommunikation. / This paper reviews election films of Swedish political parties to analyze whether their meansof conviction takes a form of storytelling rather than factual. The election films that are objectsfor the analysis are those of Socialdemokraterna (Social Democratic Party), Moderaterna(Moderates), Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats) and Miljöpartiet (Green Party) from2014 as well as from 2018. The analysis departs from a qualitative textual analysis and usesdevices of rhetorical, semiotic and most of all narrative to elucidate the means of convictionthat are found on a multi mediated level. Through a clarifying of discourse for the electionyears of 2014 and 2018 a course of change can be identified in the election films relation to itstime. This analysis is done within the theoretical field of political communication.This study asks: (1) how does political parties in Sweden use storytelling in their electionfilms and (2) what means of conviction are used in the election films? and (3) what change canbe seen in the election films between 2014 and 2018 and (4) does the contextual setting affectthe political communication of the political parties from 2014 to 2018? From this frame ofquestioning these election films are analyzed by their use of language with rhetorical devices,their use of visual communication with semiotic devices and by applying narrative devices theiruse of storytelling with the means of simplifying, refining and further their conviction.The results of this analysis show how the election films notably use the sense of threatand hope and also a specific image of Sweden that the parties want to present is central to thenarrative that plays out. It can also be said that the films all notably change their communicationfrom 2014 to 2018. The election films from 2018 is longer and does have a harshercommutative tone, specifically in the form of negative campaigning, the use of propaganda,and a more notable separation of right and wrong. This paper gives a first glimpse of howSwedish political communication prefer storytelling before factual means as well as howcontextual settings change the form of Swedish political communication. / <p>Cecilia Mörner var examinator för den här uppsatsen medan Per Vesterlund var examinator för kursen och den som attesterade kursens betyg (och därför står som examinator på titelsidan men inte i metadata).</p>

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