This dissertation is devoted to the study of who used the formal channels of interaction in the early modern era and why. It examines the full range of the political conversation in early modern Sweden, as seen in the supplications to the Diet in the Age of Liberty (1719–1772), and more specifically the supplications submitted to the parliamentary committee tasked with handling them, the Screening Deputation. The literature yields few systematic studies of this official channel, and supplications have long been terra incognita in the early modern political landscape. Their exact importance is uncertain, to say the least. Using a database built on three samples from the beginning, middle, and end of the Age of Liberty, the Diet's supplication channel is shown to have been used by two groups: supplicants from state-affiliated households primarily tried to use it to pursue their claims on the state, to settle various issues related to employment, or to receive some sort of support through hard times; and, increasingly, commoners, especially delegates in the Estate of the Burghers, used the channel for their gravamina concerning commerce, taxation, and the like, and state support for public amenities, a group for whom the Screening Deputation offered an alternative route to getting their grievances heard by the Diet. Both groups increasingly used the Diet's supplication channel was appeal the verdicts of the King in Council (Kungl. Maj:t). Although most were not appeals against the Judicial Audit, the results reveal an active use of appeals, and thus a de facto erosion of Kungl. Maj:t's supremacy. The results also show that as many as three-fifths of all supplicants had their supplications accepted by the Screening Deputation for further examination by the Diet. Although the acceptance rate was definitely lower in the 1730s and 1740s, the committee seems to have been fairly benevolent in its interpretation of the rules on petitioning. The results, lastly, show that although the Diet's supplication channel allowed excluded groups direct access to the Diet - including women of all classes, commoners of rank, and unrepresented groups - it mainly catered to men with the social status or wealth that put them in the middle and upper strata of society. Although this supplication channel stood open to anyone, its egalitarian potential was seemingly never realized. The use of March and Olsen's institutional theory about the logic of appropriateness, has revealed that certain institutional templates and norms that would have enabled these groups more access to the channel succumbed and made room for other institutional foundations. Supplications were part of the medieval and early modern centralization of legal and political power, the formation of the state, the protection of the privileges of Swedish subjects, and, during the Age of Liberty, the power struggle between the Diet and the kings. Each supplication viewed by itself might seem trivial, but nonetheless played a part in each and every one of these major processes. An ordinary Swede could have an impact on early modern politics when acting in concert with other supplicants, like rain eating away at rock.

This dissertation is the result of a study of power relations between the crown and the church in Sweden during the 17th century. The study is focused on the Swedish Parliament and how the Estate of the Clergy responded to royal pretensions. The Swedish Clerical Estate is viewed as essential for the Swedish state formation process. The argument in the study is inspired by theories suggesting that state building and state formation were outcomes of a bargaining process between rulers and local power holders. The perspective presented by the historian Jan Glete is of great importance. He defines the early modern state as a complex organization providing protection and violence control. He emphasizes that the power of the state and the state’s character were dependent upon how the state could assert power. In order to do this, the rulers bartered with their subjects using protection as a commodity while in return the subjects paid required taxes. This bargaining process is interpreted as interactive. The rulers linked various local interests to the state and in doing so gained control of the society and the use of violence. The Swedish Clerical Estate played an important role in this process. Due in part to this fact, the clergy differed from the other subjects of the realm such as the nobility or the peasants. The clergy did not own any sizeable amount of property and did not exert any economical influence. Instead the Clerical Estate negotiated using their ideological, cultural and political resources. These commodities became essential in how the king organized the state. In exchange for royal protection, the clergy were given the task of supporting and explaining the crown’s economical and military needs. By doing so, the Clerical Estate legitimated the royal power in the parliament and in the society as a whole. At the same time, this negotiation signified a definition of the role of the clergyman within the state. Though the Clerical Estate sometimes tried to reject royal claims, it was the king who decided the conditions of negotiation. The parliament as a political field was created by the king and for the king. From a political point of view, religion and a theological framework became of great importance and were adopted by the crown in order to exploit resources. Taking this into consideration, the 17th century Swedish state seems to be more effective than other European early modern states.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiana de Jesus Benetti.pdf: 440388 bytes, checksum: 259ca0eb0297320965ccef8647c7ad0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-12-02 / Fundação Araucária / Machiavelli wrote his political works using the terms for which does not offer a conceptual systematization. Among them we highlight the word stato. The study about this word allows observing the conceptual diversity left by the author, a multiplicity of uses without a precise definition that allows completely understand the term. Given the research on the significance of stato and the number of times it appears in Prince, we can affirm that this work is the work of complex stato in Machiavelli. The word is found 116 times and the term is used in different meanings, in complex and polysemic meanings (this datum will not limit our search to the referred work, but it certainly will receive greater attention). The difficulty in finding a single and precise meaning of the word is understandable when it is considered that in the Renaissance the term was undergoing a transformation. The significance of stato, which previously corresponded to status and concerned a position or condition, transitioned to the Modern conception of the term, distinguished from all previously existing forms of elements, such as unity, the organization in accordance with a constitution and the sovereign power which gives it an own sphere of action, independent of any other power. It is because of this that we find in the writings of Machiavelli meanings may involve the notion of power, territory, government or even State in the modern sense. This thesis aims to demonstrate some evidence of this transition in the writings of the Florentine. From the confrontation of elements that characterize the term stato in Machiavelli and characteristic elements of the concept of the notion of the modern state, we will try to demonstrate that, although Machiavelli does not use the term in the full sense of the latter, in his political theory there are certain notions close to the Modern understanding of State. / Maquiavel escreve suas obras políticas utilizando-se de termos para os quais não oferece uma sistematização conceitual. Dentre eles destacamos o vocábulo stato. O estudo acerca deste vocábulo permite observar a diversidade conceitual deixada pelo autor, uma multiplicidade de usos sem uma definição precisa que permita compreender cabalmente o termo. Diante das pesquisas realizadas sobre o significado do stato e da quantidade de vezes que ele aparece no Príncipe, pode-se afirmar que este escrito é a obra do stato complexo em Maquiavel. A palavra é encontrada 116 vezes e o termo é utilizado em acepções diferentes, em sentidos complexos e polissêmicos (este dado não limitará nossa pesquisa à referida obra, mas certamente ela receberá uma atenção maior). A dificuldade em se encontrar um sentido preciso e único da palavra é compreensível quando se considera que no Renascimento o termo passava por uma transformação. A significação de stato, que antes correspondia a status e dizia respeito a uma posição ou condição, transitava para a concepção Moderna do termo, diferenciada de todas as formas existentes anteriormente por elementos como a unidade, a organização de acordo com uma constituição e o poder soberano que lhe confere uma esfera de atuação própria, independente de qualquer outro poder. É por conta disto que encontramos nos escritos de Maquiavel significações podendo envolver a noção de poder, território, governo ou até mesmo de Estado no sentido moderno. Este trabalho tem como objetivo demonstrar alguns indícios desta transição nos escritos do florentino. A partir do confronto de elementos que caracterizam o termo stato em Maquiavel e elementos característicos da noção de Estado moderno, procuraremos demonstrar que, embora Maquiavel não empregue o termo na plenitude de sentido deste último, em sua teoria política há determinadas noções próximas da compreensão Moderna de Estado.

S’intéresser à la place de l’Islam dans les propagandes politiques du règne de Pierre Ier de Castille (1350-1369) amène à s’interroger sur les paradoxes et ambiguïtés du rapport à l’Autre. L’Islam désigne ici différents objets ; le terme fait référence à la fois à la puissance politique et militaire des Nasrides et Mérinides, et à un ensemble religieux et culturel. Leur instrumentalisation dans diverses formes de propagande, textuelles et architecturales, a pour but de renforcer le pouvoir de l’initiateur de cette propagande. La mise en lumière des diverses modalités de cette instrumentalisation permettra de questionner et reconsidérer la frontière politique, religieuse et culturelle dans la péninsule ibérique du XIVe siècle. L’exemple du règne de Pierre Ier montre à quel point la frontière avec l’Autre est mouvante et évanescente, et son renforcement ou son amenuisement dépend des intérêts politiques en jeu, des rapports de force, de la motivation des acteurs ou encore de différents types de convergence qui ont rendu possible l’intégration et l’assimilation de formes et de concepts artistiques, politiques et littéraires. En confrontant les types de sources et les points de vue, on pourra mieux saisir, dans son ensemble et sa complexité, le rapport excluant ou incluant que les chrétiens entretiennent avec l’Islam, tant dans leurs pratiques politiques que dans leurs représentations symboliques. En effet, l’Islam est utilisé comme une altérité tantôt positive, tantôt négative, mais il cesse parfois aussi de représenter une forme d’altérité. Ce rapport dialectique renvoie à la problématique de la place qu’occupe l’Islam dans la formation de la culture castillane ainsi que dans la construction de l’État Moderne. / Exploring the place of Islam in the political propagandas during the reign of Peter of Castile (1350-1369) leads to questioning the paradoxical and ambiguous aspects of an approach to Otherness. Islam here refers to various items: the political and military power of the Nasrids and the Merinids, as well as a religious and cultural body. The instrumentalization of these items through various forms of propaganda, either textual or architectural, aims at reinforcing the power of their initiator(s). Bringing out the various modalities of this instrumentalization will allow us to question and reconsider the political, religious and cultural frontier in the 14th century Iberian Peninsula. The example of the reign of Peter of Castile shows how shifting and ephemeral the frontier with Otherness can be, and its strengthening or its dwindling depends on the political interests at stake, the balance of power, the motivation of the protagonists as well as the different types of convergence which have allowed the integration and the assimilation of artistic, political and literary patterns and concepts. By confronting the various types of sources and points of view, it will be easier to fully understand, in its entirety and complexity, the either excluding or including relationship that the Christians have with Islam, both in their political practices and in their symbolic representations. Indeed, Islam is utilized as a form of otherness which is sometimes positive, sometimes negative, but it also occasionally ceases being viewed as such. This dialectical connection is closely linked to the part that Islam has played in the formation of Castilian culture as well as in the construction of Modern State.

未岀生胎兒的生命尊嚴長期被在公領域被乎略。本研究以質性之焦點團體訪談法，分別在臺灣與新加坡進行24個焦點團體進行訪談。其中包括12個沒有信仰者的團體與12個有信仰者的團體，探索其對未岀生胎兒生命尊嚴的看法，以及臺灣與新加坡如何在聯合國、美國、新馬爾薩斯人口學家、優生學家與國際計畫家庭組織（International Planned Parenthood Federation，IPPF)所推動的家庭計畫，因追求經濟成長而選擇人口零成長的政策，導致未岀生胎兒的生命尊嚴更行惡化。 / The human dignity of the unborn child remains uncertain in public policy domain. The importance of rethinking public reasonableness becomes unavoidable in the stage of late capitalism and liberal democracy. Political power, knowledge, and participation are three key elements of policymaking. The human dignity of the unborn child is neglected in the process of policymaking of population politics. There are advocators, United Nations, United States, eugenicists, neo-Malthusians and International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) in the process of population policymaking at the international level during the past three decades. This research first attempts to focus on the inter relationship among these five advocators and to review how the unborn child becomes missing within the process of international population policymaking. Secondly, Taiwan and Singapore are two test cases to reveal the policy follower roles who adopt the similar dream of modern states. Thirdly, since the personal religious beliefs play a significant role not only in shaping attitudes, but also in economic development, political stability, sexual morality and gender equality. This research adopts qualitative approach the focus group interview to compare the attitude of human dignity of the unborn child between the faith-based people with non-faith people both in Taiwan and Singapore. In this research 24 focus groups will be organized across Taiwan and Singapore, each country contains 12 groups. Each country contains 6 faith-based focus groups and 6 non-faith focus groups. Attempt to find the difference and similarity of population policy between Taiwan and Singapore and to explore how the religious values and the concept of human dignity of the unborn child excluded in the process of demographic policymaking.

The present study comparatively examined the socio-political and economic transformation of the indigenous Sámi in Sweden and the Indian American in the United States of America occurring first as a consequence of colonization and later as a product of interaction with the modern territorial and industrial state, from approximately 1500 to 1900. The first colonial encounters of the Europeans with these autochthonous populations ultimately created an imagery of the exotic Other and of the noble savage. Despite these disparaging representations, the cross-cultural settings in which these interactions took place also produced the hybrid communities and syncretic life that allowed levels of cultural accommodation, autonomous space, and indigenous agency to emerge. By the nineteenth century, however, the modern territorial and industrial state rearranges the dynamics and reaches of power across a redefined territorial sovereign space, consequently, remapping belongingness and identity. In this context, the status of indigenous peoples, as in the case of Sámi and of Indian Americans, began to change at par with industrialization and with modernity. At this point in time, indigenous populations became a hindrance to be dealt with the legal re-codification of Indigenousness into a vacuumed limbo of disenfranchisement. It is, thus, the modern territorial and industrial state that re-creates the exotic into an indigenous Other. The present research showed how the initial interaction between indigenous and Europeans changed with the emergence of the modern state, demonstrating that the nineteenth century, with its fundamental impulses of industrialism and modernity, not only excluded and marginalized indigenous populations because they were considered unfit to join modern society, it also re-conceptualized indigenous identity into a constructed authenticity.

Entre le début du XVIe siècle et le commencement de la guerre de Trente Ans en Lorraine, en 1633, les conditions d’exercice du pouvoir d’État se transforment profondément dans les duchés de Lorraine et de Bar : un droit écrit et des procédures judiciaires formalisées sont élaborés, un impôt permanent est créé et une armée régulière est mise sur pieds. Ces évolutions impliquent une augmentation du nombre des officiers qui composent le service du Prince, officiers dont il est possible de connaître la carrière grâce aux lettres patentes de provision en office et aux registres des comptes depuis lesquels ils sont rémunérés. Pour ces hommes, le service du Prince est l’occasion d’un enrichissement personnel et d’un avancement dans la société lorraine, aussi s’efforcent-ils d’étendre les droits de leur maître pour obtenir de lui des faveurs diverses (dons, pensions,anoblissement, érections de terres en fief noble, etc.). À mesure que le nombre et la technicité des affaires à traiter s’accroissent, le Prince laisse à ces hommes une autonomie accrue, ce qui modifie considérablement les modalités de fonctionnement de l’État ducal. / Between the first years of the 16th century and the beginning of the Thirty Years War in Lorraine, in 1633, the shape of State power is deeply transformed in the duchies of Lorraine and Bar: a written law and judicial proceedings are defined, a system of permanent taxation is established and a standing army is raised. All these evolutions implies a higher number of State officers, for whom careers in the service of the prince can be known using the letters establishing them in office as well as the account books recording the payment of their wages. For those men, the service of the prince can be a mean to get rich and to improve their social position, which is the reason why they try to extend the rights of their master, hoping that he will reward them with favours (such as bounties, pensions, letters of ennoblement, conversions of land in fiefs, etc.). As the number and the technicality of the cases involving the State raise, the prince gives to those men an increasing autonomy, which leads to a drastic change in the operating processes of the ducal State.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcia Medeiros Campos Borges.pdf: 637068 bytes, checksum: 51100f57b859c83897e211b1ac4d3a87 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-29 / The objective of this dissertation is to relate the several determining and transforming elements of the so-called modern state, especially by means of analysis of the period between the Sixteenth and Eighteenth centuries. It will show the dynamics of the most important phenomena which served to fuel several conflicts of interest throughout history, whose result was, undoubtedly, the claim for a new state order, apart from covering aspects relevant to those movements which competed in causing deep wounds and significant modifications to the organization and structures of the consolidated modern state. Therefore, we shall borrow from some scholars, especially the thinkers who forged this ideology which dawned at the threshold of the Sixteenth century and became in the centuries to come, a necessary instrument in exercising political power in its myriad forms of domination / O objetivo do presente trabalho é discorrer sobre os diversos elementos constitutivos e transformativos do chamado Estado moderno, interessando, especialmente, a análise do período compreendido entre os séculos XVI e XVIII, bem como apontar a dinâmica dos mais importantes fenômenos que serviram para impulsionar diversos conflitos de interesses ao longo da história, cujo resultado foi, inequivocamente, a afirmação de uma nova ordem estatal, além de abordar os aspectos relevantes dos movimentos que concorreram para provocar traumas profundos e modificações significativas na organização e estruturas do Estado moderno já consolidado. Para tanto, nos socorreremos de alguns estudiosos, especialmente dos pensadores que forjaram a ideologia dessa ordem que raiou definitivamente no limiar do século XVI e firmou-se nos séculos vindouros como instrumento necessário ao exercício do poder político em suas variadas formas de dominação

A tese aborda a soberania municipal de Quito em suas diferentes conformações, entre 1808 e 1830, que estão relacionadas às maneiras com que os cabildos coloniais, ayuntamientos constitucionales e, depois, os municípios republicanos construíram a representação política de suas povoações durante a crise do Estado monárquico bourbônico, passando pelas reformas da Constituição de Cádiz, a dissolução do Estado imperial na região norte andino e que resultou na configuração do republicanismo colombiano. Em primeiro lugar, foram analisadas as mudanças normativas e políticas do cabildo colonial de Quito e a constituição do ayuntamiento constitucional como parte das reformas gaditanas. Em segundo lugar, foram examinadas as dimensões políticas implicadas na incorporação do espaço quiteño à Colômbia, por meio da Lei Fundamental (1819), a Constituição de Cúcuta (1821) e o estabelecimento do regime de Intendências. Em terceiro lugar, analisou-se os impactos do republicanismo colombiano nas expectativas jurisdicionais e territoriais do governo local, no marco da Lei de Divisão Territorial (1824) e da guerra civil no Distrito do Sul. Finalmente, em quarto lugar, investigou-se sobre os papéis desempenhados pela municipalidade da cidade de Quito, tanto na associação como na separação da Colômbia, por meio do vocabulário político presente nos pronunciamentos. / This thesis analyses the forms taken by the municipal sovereignty of Quito between 1808 and 1830. These forms are related to the ways in which cabildos, ayuntamientos constitucionales and, later, Republican municipalities, carried out the political representation of their populations during de crisis of the State Bourbon monarchist, de Cadiz reforms and the subsequent dissolution of the imperial space in the North Andean region, and the configuration of the first Colombian republicanism. First, the thesis examines the regulatory and political landslides of the colonial cabildo of Quito to the form of the ayuntamientos constitucionales, as part of the Cadiz reforms. Second, explores the political dimensions which was the incorporation of the Quito area, by means of The Ley Fundamental (1819), the Constitution of Cúcuta (1821) and the stablishment of the sistema de intendencias. Thirdly, looks at the impacts of the Colombian republicanism in the territorial and jurisdictional expectations of the local government of Quito, in the framework of the Ley de División Territorial (1824) and the State of civil war in the Southern District. Finally, fourth, the thesis analyses the roles played by the Quito municipality, both in the association with Colombia as in their separation, by means of a scrutiny of the political vocabulary of his pronouncements.

A tese aborda a soberania municipal de Quito em suas diferentes conformações, entre 1808 e 1830, que estão relacionadas às maneiras com que os cabildos coloniais, ayuntamientos constitucionales e, depois, os municípios republicanos construíram a representação política de suas povoações durante a crise do Estado monárquico bourbônico, passando pelas reformas da Constituição de Cádiz, a dissolução do Estado imperial na região norte andino e que resultou na configuração do republicanismo colombiano. Em primeiro lugar, foram analisadas as mudanças normativas e políticas do cabildo colonial de Quito e a constituição do ayuntamiento constitucional como parte das reformas gaditanas. Em segundo lugar, foram examinadas as dimensões políticas implicadas na incorporação do espaço quiteño à Colômbia, por meio da Lei Fundamental (1819), a Constituição de Cúcuta (1821) e o estabelecimento do regime de Intendências. Em terceiro lugar, analisou-se os impactos do republicanismo colombiano nas expectativas jurisdicionais e territoriais do governo local, no marco da Lei de Divisão Territorial (1824) e da guerra civil no Distrito do Sul. Finalmente, em quarto lugar, investigou-se sobre os papéis desempenhados pela municipalidade da cidade de Quito, tanto na associação como na separação da Colômbia, por meio do vocabulário político presente nos pronunciamentos. / This thesis analyses the forms taken by the municipal sovereignty of Quito between 1808 and 1830. These forms are related to the ways in which cabildos, ayuntamientos constitucionales and, later, Republican municipalities, carried out the political representation of their populations during de crisis of the State Bourbon monarchist, de Cadiz reforms and the subsequent dissolution of the imperial space in the North Andean region, and the configuration of the first Colombian republicanism. First, the thesis examines the regulatory and political landslides of the colonial cabildo of Quito to the form of the ayuntamientos constitucionales, as part of the Cadiz reforms. Second, explores the political dimensions which was the incorporation of the Quito area, by means of The Ley Fundamental (1819), the Constitution of Cúcuta (1821) and the stablishment of the sistema de intendencias. Thirdly, looks at the impacts of the Colombian republicanism in the territorial and jurisdictional expectations of the local government of Quito, in the framework of the Ley de División Territorial (1824) and the State of civil war in the Southern District. Finally, fourth, the thesis analyses the roles played by the Quito municipality, both in the association with Colombia as in their separation, by means of a scrutiny of the political vocabulary of his pronouncements.