The aim of this thesis is to analyse the extent to which European electorates have opinions that are in agreement with the three cornerstones of right-wing populist ideology. In today’s research, it’s indicated that there’s a contradiction in current findings. Whereas voting for radical right-wing populists almost is perceived of as pathological deviancy, support for these parties is rising all over Europe. The thesis uses Cas Mudde’s theory to operationalize three key features of populist radical right ideology – nativism, populism and authoritarianism to explore the magnitude of this support. The study is based on a statistical analysis with mean value analysis of 20 European countries and regression analysis, which utilizes data from the European Social Survey from 2014. In the regression analysis, eleven control variables are added with the aim of investigating whether personal qualities affect the result or if it’s only differences between countries that contribute to the result of the thesis. The regression analysis show that a combination of the control variables together with the country variables have the biggest affect on the populist right ideology in Europe. The findings of the thesis show that support for all three key features of the right-wing populist ideology are wide-spread in Europe. However, some countries distinguish themselves more than others. Among the countries where support is most widespread are the Eastern European countries Hungary, Slovenia, Poland and Portugal. On the other hand, although levels of support are still high, opinions that are in agreement with right-wing populism are much less widespread in economically developed countries in North Western Europe, like Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Switzerland and Germany.

Författare: Hanna SvahnTitel: Högerradikal eller bara höger? - En studie om Sverigedemokraterna Kandidatuppsats: Statsvetenskap C, 15 hp Handledare: Niklas Bolin Problem: Högerradikala politiska partier kommer alltmer i Norden, så även i Sverige därSverigedemokraterna nu är Sveriges tredje största parti. I en öppen demokrati är det viktigt attundersöka och granska politiska aktörer och vad de står för. Det har varit många diskussioner omhuruvida Sverigedemokraterna kan anses vara högerradikala eller inte och det är i från denna debattsom uppsatsen har inspirerats av. Syfte: Uppsatsens syfte är att diskutera om det svenska politiska partiet Sverigedemokraterna kananses vara ett högerradikalt parti eller inte. Kortfattad beskrivning av uppsatsens utgångspunkter och undersökningens uppläggning: Teorin i uppsatsen besår av Cas Muddes teorier om högerradikala partier och en modell med sju drag somkännetecknar ett högerradikalt politiskt parti. Empirin kommer att bestå av SverigedemokraternasValmanifest för valet 2014, Sverigedemokraternas Pincipprogram från 2011 samt övriga dokumentsom finns tillgängliga på partiets hemsida. Resultat: Resultatet i studien tyder på att Sverigedemokraterna stämmer in på de kännetecken somanges för högerradikala politiska partier. Sammanfattningsvis pekar analysen och resultatet på attdet finns tydliga tendenser som visar på att Sverigedemokraterna är ett högerradikalt politiskt parti. / <p>2015-06-03</p>

This diploma thesis analyzes some of the most successful movements in the Czech Republic - ANO and Svoboda a přímá demokracie Tomio Okamury through the content analysis and the theory of populism by Cas Mudd. The aim of the thesis is to determine to what extent both movements are populist in view of the theory mentioned above and how their populism is different. The thesis is divided into two main parts. The first one - the theoretical part is devoted to the concept of populism. In this part three most distinctive streams of populism research are presented: 1) populism as a political (communication) style 2) populism as a strategy and 3) populism as an ideology. The second one - the analytical part includes a methodology in which the criteria for determining what populism is by using the populist core features defined by Francisco Panniza and Cas Mudd are defined. Subsequently, I analyze the content analysis of programming and media representation involving the Facebook social network of both political entities. The results of the analysis are that ANO and SPD - Tomio Okamury fulfill the criteria of all three core features in their media presentations and therefore can be described as populist. There are all three core features appearing in the programs of both movements, what is more SPD is more...

The covid-19 pandemic has hit every part of life hard. From visiting the supermarket to halting world trade. One of the most obvious effects of the pandemic has been the political one. All across the world political parties have been competing for power during these unusual times.  This paper will analyze whether populistic parties around Europe have changed their views on the covid-19 pandemic restrictions. In order to analyze this a comparative idea analysis will be used in order to compare and analyze political parties views on this subject. In order to conduct this analysis the studie compare four different populistic parties around europé. These parties are as followed, AFD and Die Linke in germany, PVV in the Netherlands followed by Syriza in Greece. The study will be using material from the four different parties to conduct the analysis and compare the material. The analysis shows that only one out of four parties has had a change in their views on the pandemic restrictions. This study is an important contribution the field of populism. It will grant a unique opportunity to study such a unique time of our the world that the covid-19 pandemis really is.

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By a common characterization of populism as a threat to democracy, this study further examines whether populism entails a threat or a corrective to democracy. The research is based on the theoretical framework by Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser and Cas Mudde which emphasizes the inclusion and exclusion factor of populism to determine the impact on democracy. Thus, the study characterizes the inclusionary and exclusionary populism regarding rhetoric towards indigenous peoples. In account of populism in government and populism in opposition to impact democracy differently, the empirical case study outlines Jair Bolsonaro and Gustavo Petro. A text analysis with focus on content analysis reflects the methodological approach by analyzing quotations of populists connected to indigenous peoples. The conclusion follows that Gustavo Petro indicates inclusionary populism while Jair Bolsonaro indicates exclusionary populism.

Böden aus Mudde entstehen in ehemaligen Seen, meist unter Luftzutritt infolge von künstlicher Entwässerung. Entwässerung und Nutzung führen zu einer sekundären Pedogenese, einhergehend mit der Veränderung der chemischen und physikalischen Bodeneigenschaften. Die nachhaltige Nutzung dieser meist jungen Böden ist von besonderer Bedeutung, da es sich überwiegend um Niedermoorflächen mit großer Bedeutung der Filter- und Speicher- sowie der Lebensraumfunktion handelt. Dabei ist, um negative Konsequenzen ihrer Entwicklung zu verhindern, folgende Wirkungskette zu untersuchen: Entstehung des subhydrischen Sedimentes -> Entwässerung -> landwirtschaftliche Nutzung und Bodenentwicklung -> Degradation. In Nordeuropa sind Böden aus Mudde vor allem in Norddeutschland und Polen sowie Finnland und Schweden zu finden. Es wurden 60 Bodenprofile auf 13 Untersuchungsflächen in Deutschland und Polen detailliert beschrieben und untersucht. Dabei erfolgte für jeden Horizont die Entnahme von ungestörten Proben mittels Stechzylindern für die Analyse der bodenphysikalischen Parameter (pF-Kurven, Trockenrohdichte) und von gestörten Beutelproben für die chemische Analytik (Glühverlust, Kalkgehalt, Elementgehalte mittels RFA und ICP). Bisher noch nicht beschriebene Horizonte wurden vorzugsweise anhand des Bodengefüges identifiziert. Mudden unterscheiden sich in ihrer mineralischen Zusammensetzung erheblich von allen anderen Ablagerungen. Der Anteil an organischer Substanz und Kalziumkarbonat beträgt zwischen 5 und 95 %. Wegen ihres hohen Anteils an kleinen Partikeln weisen sie ein sehr großes Porenvolumen bis zu 90 % auf, wobei die Mittel- und Feinporen mehr als 50 % ausmachen. Das Porenvolumen steigt mit dem Anteil an organischer Bodensubstanz. Als Folge der Bodenentwicklung verringert sich das Porenvolumen bei gleichzeitiger Zunahme des Anteils der Feinporen auf Kosten der Mittelporen. / The formation of gyttja soils takes place in former lakes, predominantly under aeration. This phenomenon of now terrestrial, but formerly subhydric soils (so called gyttja soils) is mainly due to artificial drainage. Their cultivation led to a secondary pedogenesis, which had an effect on their chemical and physical properties. Thus, the sustainable use of this special type of very young land (subhydric soils) is of special importance. Hence, special emphasis has to be directed towards evaluating sequential changes: formation of sediment under water -> drainage/drying -> agricultural use/pedogenesis -> degradation/devastation in order to prevent negative consequences for the environment. In Northern Europe, gyttja deposits can be found in Northern Germany, Finland, Sweden, and mainly in Poland. 13 sites in Germany and Poland with gyttja soils have been investigated. A total of 60 profiles are described in detail. For each horizon, undisturbed samples for physical (tension curves for pF 1.5, 1.8, 2.0, 2.5 and 4.2, dry bulk density) and disturbed samples for chemical analysis have been taken (loss on ignition, CaCO3 content, X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy). Previously not described horizons could be visually distinguished mainly by their structure. Subhydric soils have a very specific composition, which differs greatly from other soils. The amount of organic matter and CaCO3 ranges from 5 to 95 %. Almost all sediments contain a high amount of very small particles and, as a consequence, a high pore space volume of up to 90 %. The amount of the medium and micro-pores is more than 50 %. The porosity increases with the content of organic matter. As a result of pedogenesis, the porosity decreases while the volume of micro-pores increases and the volume of medium pores decreases.

This paper examines how the eight parties in the Swedish parliament pit different social groups against each other, in the 2015 Almedalstal compared to the 2016 Almedalstal, when using the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde’s definition of populism. The speeches are analysed using a qualitative content analysis. The results show that several parties are more populist in the 2016 speech than the 2015 speech and that the parties have shifted focus from solutions to blaming as well as elevating their own core electorate and their primary areas of confidence with the electorate. The analysis shows that some parties have tendencies to use some populist discourse. The paper identifies that the Swedish Democrats continues to use a populist discourse while the Left party has become more populist in their discourse in the 2016 speech. The Christian Democrats and the two major political parties, the Moderate party and the Social Democrats, tend to accentuate more of a populist discourse in the 2016 speeches but not to the extent to say that they use a populist discourse as defined by Mudde.

Is religion a vaccine against radical right populism? The opposite has often been taken for granted in many debates. This study tests the theory of religious immunity by examining three Swedish evangelical newspapers: Dagen, Världen idag and Sändaren. By performing an analysis of ideas on evangelical contribution to public debate in the years of 2010 and 2021, the degree of radical right populism is estimated. Differences between the newspapers and change over time are the investigation’s comparative elements. By utilizing theological variation among the cases and the development over time, the strength and endurance of the immunity is examined.  Results show an evangelical opinion making in change. From a starting point in 2010, where all cases proved a solid immunity, to a more complex picture in 2021. Two parallel trends where observed: the immunity found in Dagen and Sändaren endured the test of time. At the same time, Världen idag developed a radical right tendency, harmonizing with the Christian Democratic party. Being a least likely case, the turn in Världen idag does not write off the theory of immunity, but challenges the idea of evangelical homogeneity in regard to radical right populism. Theological ideas about the nation is suggested being a possible division. In whole, this study has deepened our knowledge in how theological motives are used to affect the connection between religion and radical right populism, and given a more nuanced understanding of evangelical politics in Sweden.

The current situation in politics is defined by the success of new political parties and movements, which are developed as a result of economic recession combined with European migration crisis. However, can we consider them as extreme right? Are these parties and movements ideologically empty, populist and demagogic or they forming a completely new kind of political groups? This issue interferes with current Western world but also the countries of middle and Eastern Europe. Thus, although it might appear to be a well-known topic, it is worth further research. This thesis is focused on new subjects in the territory of Czech Republic (ÚPD, ÚNK, SPD, BPI, BPi, IMK, 7. Republika, ApČR, ČS). The aim of this thesis is prediction of the future of these subjects in Czech environment and whether or not they could be identified as extreme right. The theoretical framework is extreme right by C. Mudde, the theory of islamophobia by A. Quellien enriched by the view of F. Lopez. Then also the definition of populism by P. Taggart and F. Pianizzo, completed with identification signs by V. Havlík and A. Pinková. In this thesis, quality and quantity content analysis of parties documents, web pages and profiles on Facebook is performed. Also, the author uses semi-structured questionnaires and interviews with chosen...