Les notions de citoyenneté et de nationalité, telles qu’entendues dans nombre de pays occidentaux, sont fortement imprégnées du modèle de l’État-nation, qui suppose une congruence entre communauté politique et communauté culturelle. La transposition de ces notions à l’échelle européenne impose de s’abstraire de ce modèle d’organisation politique afin d’adopter des définitions acceptables par l’ensemble des États européens, notamment par les pays d’Europe centrale et orientale où la question nationale a pu être abordée différemment. Cette tâche de redéfinition doit permettre d’appréhender la distinction entre appartenance politique étatique et appartenance culturelle nationale, prolongeant ainsi la dissociation entre Etat et nation, qui existe déjà dans certains pays d’Europe et que tend à annoncer la remise en cause du modèle de l’État-nation. La dissociation conceptuelle entre citoyenneté, comme communauté de droits, et nationalité, comme communauté(s) de culture(s), réduit les risques d’incompréhensions réciproques, rendus possible par l’absence de définition commune. Elle permet en outre d’envisager de nouvelles articulations juridiques entre ces appartenances. / The concepts of citizenship and nationality, as understood in many Western countries, are strongly imbued with the model of nation-state, which assumes a congruence between political community and cultural community. Translating these concepts at European level requires to depart from this model of political organization to adopt acceptable definitions by all the European States, including countries of Central and Eastern Europe where the national question has been approached differently. This task of redefinition make it possible to grasp the distinction between state political membership and national cultural membership, thus prolonging the dissociation between state and nation, which already exists in some European countries and what the questioning of the model of the nation-state tends to announce The conceptual dissociation between citizenship, as community of rights, and nationality, as community(ies) of culture(s), reduces the risks of mutual misunderstanding, made possible by the lack of shared definition. It also makes it possible to consider new legal articulations between these memberships.

Recently, due to globalization and Taiwan¡¦s participation in WTO, more and more Taiwan companies have established branches across the world to seize the trend. However, in order to compete with multinational companies in the global coverage, how to recruit enough staff, manage and place employees to fit strategy of team and organization¡¦s goal across the world is the key assignment of human resource department among multi-national companies. Analysis the procedure of case company to apply changed by 1. Detail research on the existed papers and cases of implantation of competency system with human resource system combined with analysis them erasures of case company to apply the implantation of competency system, such as customize the impanation model, apply implantation of competency system into recruit system , and the actual ways and steps to fit implantation of competency into company. Hope this paper would provide reference of companies basing on implantation of competency to set up their human resource structure. 2.When Taiwan companies entering global market, it is important to understand the effect of case company to export recruit system basing on implantation competency system. This part not only evaluates the performance of implantation of competency system by comparing each key employee in parent company and their counterparts in branch, but also provide experience for other similar companies. New findings have been concluded in this research as follows: The key element for human resource system applies implantation of competency model successfully within company is the support of high level managers. Meanwhile, a well established recruit procedure based on implantation of competency system did help the case company to save cost, which includes decreasing recruit cost, decreasing the turn over rate of new staff, and raising the percentage of hired staff reporting to the case company. However, there are still problems ahead for the case company to apply the implantation of competency system: 1. So far, Taiwan is the only model established for the implantation of competency system. 2. The time of implantation of competency system is short. The effective of implantation of competency system could not be proved due to the fact that the system did not fit in performance system of the case company. 3. So far only computer system is finished, it is a long way to go to base on implantation of competency system to interviews. However, with the continuity of establishment of implantation of competency system within case company and the extensive application of such system in other industries via the experience of the case company, we believe that this topic worth further academic research to help Taiwanese companies to smooth the process of marching global market.

L’Europe engendre des transformations majeures de l’État national, influence sa structure politique, sa conception de la démocratie et du droit, et produit des effets sur les rapports majorité minorités. Elle a pour effet d’éloigner l’État national du modèle traditionnel de l’État-Nation ethniquement ou culturellement homogène en l’amenant à reconnaître la pluralité de ses composantes nationales. Ces mutations sont le résultat du processus même d’intégration communautaire et des politiques de régionalisation et de décentralisation que favorisent les institutions européennes. Soumis au double processus d’intégration supranationale et de désagrégation infranationale, l’État national se transforme. Son rapport avec les minorités, également. L’Europe commande des aménagements de la diversité. Pour y arriver, elle impose un droit à la différence, lequel s’inscrit toujours dans la protection générale des droits de l’homme mais vise spécifiquement à reconnaître des droits identitaires ou poly ethniques aux personnes appartenant à des minorités, en tant que groupe, dans le but évident de les protéger contre la discrimination et l’intolérance. En faisant la promotion de ce droit à la différence, l’Europe propose un modèle alternatif à l’État-Nation traditionnel. La nation (majorité) peut désormais s’accommoder de la diversité. La nation n’est plus seulement politique, elle devient socioculturelle. En faisant la promotion du principe de subsidiarité, l’Europe incite à la décentralisation et à la régionalisation. En proposant un droit de la différence, l’Union européenne favorise la mise au point de mécanismes institutionnels permanents où la négociation continue de la normativité juridique entre groupes différents est possible et où l’opportunité est donnée aux minorités de contribuer à la définition de cette normativité. Le pluralisme juridique engendré par la communautarisation reste par ailleurs fortement institutionnel. L’État communautarisé détient encore le monopole de la production du droit mais permet des aménagements institutionnels de l’espace public au sein d’un ensemble démocratique plus vaste, donc l’instauration d’un dialogue entre les différentes communautés qui le composent, ce qui aurait été impensable selon la théorie classique de l’État-nation, du droit moniste et monologique. Ainsi, assistons-nous à la transformation progressive dans les faits de l’État-nation en État multinational. La question des minorités soulève un problème de fond : celui de l'organisation politique minoritaire. La volonté de respecter toutes les identités collectives, de donner un statut politique à toutes les minorités et de satisfaire toutes les revendications particularistes n’a pas de fin. L’État-Nation n’est certes pas le meilleur –ni le seul- modèle d’organisation politique. Mais l’État multinational constitue-t-il une alternative viable en tant que modèle d’organisation politique ? / The European Union provokes major transformations of the national state. It influences its political structure, its conception of democracy and of Law and it affects the majority-minority relations. It diverts the state from the traditional Nation-State model, ethnically and culturally homogenous, and makes it lean towards a pluralistic multinational state model. These changes are the results of the European integration process and its politics of regionalization and decentralisation. Subjected to both the supranational integration and the infranational disintegration, the Nation-State transforms itself. So does its relation to its minorities. By imposing the recognizance of a right to be different (droit à la difference), which is rooted in the individual protection of human rights, the European Union commands arrangements of the diversity. It allows the recognizance of identity and polyethnic rights to members of a minority and offers protection against discrimination and intolerance. Europe provides an alternative to the traditional Nation-State. From political, the nation becomes socio-cultural. By promoting decentralization and regionalization, in application of the principle of subsidiarity, the European Union favours the recognizance of a right to difference (droit de la difference) which permits the institutionalization of minorities and the creation of permanent mechanisms, where the minorities can participate to the public life and contribute to the elaboration of the norms that will apply to them. Legal pluralism engendered by the European Union is however very strongly institutionalized. The national state still holds the monopole of the production of law although it allows institutional arrangements within the public sphere and the instauration of a dialogue between the various communities that compose the state. Such a situation is not conceivable under the traditional theory of the Nation-State and its monist and monological conception of the Law. Slowly, under the pressure of the European Union, the national state tends towards the multinational model of political organization. The question of minorities raises a fundamental problem: the political organization of minorities. The will to respect all collective identities, to provide a political status to all minorities and to satisfy all their claims is endless. The Nation-State is surely not the best nor the only model of political organization for a state. But, is the multinational state a viable alternative? Key words: minorities, right to be different, right to difference, legal pluralism, multinational state, Nation-State, European Union, liberalism, communitarism

L’Europe engendre des transformations majeures de l’État national, influence sa structure politique, sa conception de la démocratie et du droit, et produit des effets sur les rapports majorité minorités. Elle a pour effet d’éloigner l’État national du modèle traditionnel de l’État-Nation ethniquement ou culturellement homogène en l’amenant à reconnaître la pluralité de ses composantes nationales. Ces mutations sont le résultat du processus même d’intégration communautaire et des politiques de régionalisation et de décentralisation que favorisent les institutions européennes. Soumis au double processus d’intégration supranationale et de désagrégation infranationale, l’État national se transforme. Son rapport avec les minorités, également. L’Europe commande des aménagements de la diversité. Pour y arriver, elle impose un droit à la différence, lequel s’inscrit toujours dans la protection générale des droits de l’homme mais vise spécifiquement à reconnaître des droits identitaires ou poly ethniques aux personnes appartenant à des minorités, en tant que groupe, dans le but évident de les protéger contre la discrimination et l’intolérance. En faisant la promotion de ce droit à la différence, l’Europe propose un modèle alternatif à l’État-Nation traditionnel. La nation (majorité) peut désormais s’accommoder de la diversité. La nation n’est plus seulement politique, elle devient socioculturelle. En faisant la promotion du principe de subsidiarité, l’Europe incite à la décentralisation et à la régionalisation. En proposant un droit de la différence, l’Union européenne favorise la mise au point de mécanismes institutionnels permanents où la négociation continue de la normativité juridique entre groupes différents est possible et où l’opportunité est donnée aux minorités de contribuer à la définition de cette normativité. Le pluralisme juridique engendré par la communautarisation reste par ailleurs fortement institutionnel. L’État communautarisé détient encore le monopole de la production du droit mais permet des aménagements institutionnels de l’espace public au sein d’un ensemble démocratique plus vaste, donc l’instauration d’un dialogue entre les différentes communautés qui le composent, ce qui aurait été impensable selon la théorie classique de l’État-nation, du droit moniste et monologique. Ainsi, assistons-nous à la transformation progressive dans les faits de l’État-nation en État multinational. La question des minorités soulève un problème de fond : celui de l'organisation politique minoritaire. La volonté de respecter toutes les identités collectives, de donner un statut politique à toutes les minorités et de satisfaire toutes les revendications particularistes n’a pas de fin. L’État-Nation n’est certes pas le meilleur –ni le seul- modèle d’organisation politique. Mais l’État multinational constitue-t-il une alternative viable en tant que modèle d’organisation politique ? / The European Union provokes major transformations of the national state. It influences its political structure, its conception of democracy and of Law and it affects the majority-minority relations. It diverts the state from the traditional Nation-State model, ethnically and culturally homogenous, and makes it lean towards a pluralistic multinational state model. These changes are the results of the European integration process and its politics of regionalization and decentralisation. Subjected to both the supranational integration and the infranational disintegration, the Nation-State transforms itself. So does its relation to its minorities. By imposing the recognizance of a right to be different (droit à la difference), which is rooted in the individual protection of human rights, the European Union commands arrangements of the diversity. It allows the recognizance of identity and polyethnic rights to members of a minority and offers protection against discrimination and intolerance. Europe provides an alternative to the traditional Nation-State. From political, the nation becomes socio-cultural. By promoting decentralization and regionalization, in application of the principle of subsidiarity, the European Union favours the recognizance of a right to difference (droit de la difference) which permits the institutionalization of minorities and the creation of permanent mechanisms, where the minorities can participate to the public life and contribute to the elaboration of the norms that will apply to them. Legal pluralism engendered by the European Union is however very strongly institutionalized. The national state still holds the monopole of the production of law although it allows institutional arrangements within the public sphere and the instauration of a dialogue between the various communities that compose the state. Such a situation is not conceivable under the traditional theory of the Nation-State and its monist and monological conception of the Law. Slowly, under the pressure of the European Union, the national state tends towards the multinational model of political organization. The question of minorities raises a fundamental problem: the political organization of minorities. The will to respect all collective identities, to provide a political status to all minorities and to satisfy all their claims is endless. The Nation-State is surely not the best nor the only model of political organization for a state. But, is the multinational state a viable alternative? Key words: minorities, right to be different, right to difference, legal pluralism, multinational state, Nation-State, European Union, liberalism, communitarism

Corporations in the resource extraction industry are frequently criticized and their operations opposed by local communities demanding more benefits, compensation for negative consecuences or oppose resource extraction altogether. Research has focused extensively on nonviolent and violent resistance campaigns that target state and quasi-state actors attempting regime change or self-determination. However, campaigns targeting corporations have received little attention so far. This thesis addresses this gap. I argue that nonviolent campaigns have a strategic advantage over violent campaigns in building leverage and forcing corporations to fulfill their demands because they are able to mobilize more numerous and diverse support and have a higher tactical diversity. I test the hypothesis that nonviolent campaigns are more likely to succeed in achieving their objectives and the expected causal mechanism in a qualitative comparative case study using the structured focused comparison method and aspects of process tracing. Applying a most- similar case selection, I select nonviolent and violent resistance campaigns targeting (multinational) corporations in Nigeria and Colombia. I find partial support for the hypothesis. However, limited data availability does not allow for a conclusive evaluation of the theorized causal mechanism. Findings indicate the value of studying resistance campaigns targeting corporations. In particular, future research should use a more fine-grained analysis of causal mechanisms linking the type and outcome of campaigns in this context. Additionally, applying large-n research designs allowing for greater generalizability of findings would be a valuable contribution in the future.

This case study investigates perspectives and changes in gender roles in household activities from a gender (in)equality context in Tarime, northern Tanzania. The participants in this study part-took in a previous project called the Serengeti-Mara Ecosystem Project (SEMA) which aimed to integrate gender perspectives and sustainable livelihoods in rural parts of Tarime. Women in these areas often bear the primary responsibilities of caring for the household. The area is also controlled by male authority, and women are daily exposed to oppression and physical violence. Statistically, girls in the study area often miss the chance to higher education since boys are prioritized. Instead, girls risk the chances of early marriage and are exposed to female genital multination. So far, there has been little research on gender roles in household activities in these areas. Therefore, this case study strived to provide such material for future project operations. The main goal of this study was to investigate gender equality in households, focusing on how women and men describe norms linked to equality and gender roles in households, if norms and roles have changed after the project and if so, which circumstances have led to such a change. Both men and women were interviewed through semi-structured interviews, focus group interviews and informal interviews. The empirical data was later analyzed through the lens of the social role theory. Research findings showed that women are still living subordinate to men and unequal distribution of household duties still exists. However, education on equal rights and women empowerment from the SEMA project has changed people's perspectives on the matter, inspiring both women and men to fight for a sustainable change. The study explores root causes that hinder the implementation of equal rights. This study can contribute to more understanding of cultural traditions and finding new ways to sustain the implantation of equal rights. / Nyckelord: Fallstudie, könsroller, Tarime, norra Tanzania, ojämlikhet mellan könen, genusperspektiv, Serengeti-Mara Ecosystem Project (SEMA), hållbar försörjning, förtryck, fysiskt våld, kvinnlig könsstympning, hushållsaktiviteter, utbildning, jämställdhetDenna fallstudie undersöker perspektiv och förändringar i könsroller i hushållsaktiviteter i Tarime, norra Tanzania. Deltagarna i denna studie deltog i ett tidigare projekt kallat Serengati-Mara Ecosystem Project (SEMA) som syftade till att integrera genusperspektiv och hållbar försörjning på landsbygden i Tarime. Kvinnor i dessa områden bär ofta det primära ansvaret att ta hand om hushållet. Studieområdet kontrolleras också av manlig auktoritet och kvinnor utsätts dagligen för förtryck och fysiskt våld. Statistiskt sett saknar många flickor högre utbildning eftersom pojkarna är de främsta prioriterade. I stället ligger fokus på att flickor ska bli bortgifta och undergå kvinnlig könsstympning. Hittills har det gjorts lite forskning om könsroller i hushållsaktiviteter inom dessa områden. Därför strävade denna fallstudie efter att tillhandahålla sådant material för framtida projektverksamhet. Huvudmålet med denna studie var att undersöka jämställdhet i hushållen, med fokus på hur kvinnor och män beskriver normer kopplade till jämställdhet och könsroller i hushållen, om normer och roller har förändrats efter projektet och vilka omständigheter som i så fall har lett till sådan förändring. Både män och kvinnor intervjuades genom semistrukturerade intervjuer och fokusgruppsintervjuer. Den empiriska datan analyserades senare genom teorin om sociala roller. Forskningsresultat visade att kvinnor fortfarande lever under manligt styrande och att det fortfarande finns en ojämn fördelning av hushållsuppgifter. Utbildning om lika rättigheter och kvinnors egenmakt från SEMA-projektet har dock förändrat människors perspektiv på frågan, och inspirerat både kvinnor och män att kämpa för en hållbar förändring. Studien utforskar grundorsaker som hindrar genomförandet av lika rättigheter. Denna studie kan bidra till mer förståelse för kulturella traditioner och hitta nya sätt att upprätthålla införandet av lika rättigheter.

Syftet med detta examensarbete är att göra en jämförande studie mellan faktorerna som enligt en teoretisk ram påverkar en miljöinvestering och faktorerna som ingår i ett företags bedömnings-modell. Respondentbolaget begärde i ett tidigt skede att få vara anonymt och benämns därför som Företaget. Det är en multinationell koncern med verksamhet i många skilda branscher, men med fokus på norden och produkter som kan kopplas till lantbruk. Den teoretiska referensramen har sin utgångspunkt i begreppen värde och investering samt hur deras koppling till miljö och miljöinvesteringar för att identifiera de faktorer som påverkar en miljöinvestering. Faktorerna som ingår i den teoretiska referensramen och som jämförs mot respondentbolagets faktorer är:  Investeringens värdetillförsel  Investeringens miljöpåverkan  Hur investeringen påverkar produktionsförutsättningarna  Krav från samhället  Kundkrav Kopplingen däremellan bedöms enligt en femgradig skala. Informationen från Företaget inhäm-tades genom semi-strukturerade intervjuer med representanter från Företaget. Slutsatsen för detta arbete är att Företaget har identifierat samma faktorer som den teoretiska referensramen. De använder dock mätetal som inte fullt ut reflekterar faktorerna. Den största avvikelsen är bedömningen av en investerings värdetillförsel, då Företaget fullt ut införlivar det producerade värdet samt det faktum att en miljöinvestering skall ses som irreversibel. Enkelhet premieras hos Företaget och det är för att prioritera modellens användbarhet, som Företaget väl-jer att acceptera brister i bedömningsmodellen. För att förbättra bedömningsmodellen bör Företaget därför införliva nya mätetal som till större del reflekterar faktorerna som påverkar en miljöinvestering / The purpose of this master thesis is to present a comparison between the factors that affects an environmental investment. This is done through applying a theoretical framework on the factors affecting a company’s existing appraisal model for environmental investments. The company that was a part of this thesis asked at an initial stage for confidentiality, therefore it is called the Company in this thesis. The Company that contributes with the appraisal model is a multination-al group with operations in many different industries, but with a focus on the Nordic countries and products that may be linked to the agricultural sector. The theoretical framework has its base in the concepts of value and investments and their connection to the environment and the envi-ronmental investment. The identified factors in the theoretical framework are:  The investment’s addition to the value creation to the company  The investment’s environmental impact  How the investment affects the production  Demands from society  Customer demands From these, the factors affecting a company’s existing appraisal model were compared and their connection to theoretical framework was judged according to a 5-grade scale. Information from the Company was acquired through semi-structured interviews with representatives from the Company. The largest deviation is how the company considers an investment’s contribution to the produced value. Because of this imperfection does the company's model not fully incorporate the produced value and that an environmental investment is irreversible. The overall conclusion is that the Company has identified the same factors as the theoretical framework. The Company has though chosen to use their existing methods and performance indicators that don’t fully incorporate the factors in the theoretical framework. The largest devia-tions are how the company considers an investment’s contribution to the produced value and that it should be considered as irreversible. The Company must therefore in order to enhance their appraisal model develop new performance measures for the factors.