The project of this thesis has been to examine the results of the development of the reputation and concept of the historical figure of Horatio Nelson as symbol of masculinity from nearly the beginning of the myth-making and mythologizing in the nineteenth century to the present. There have been several studies recently that examine Nelson the myth, Nelson as legend, Nelson as hero: they study the process of the development of this character. As a result of the mythologizing the history of Horatio Nelson is likely lost. However the memory of Nelson a very different thing and the focus of this thesis has been reinforced through commemoration throughout the two centuries since his death coming to a logical conclusion in 2008. This was done in both the public sphere (in the form of monuments) and in the private sphere (Nelson was merchandised) with the logical result in the first part of the twenty-first century being a manifestation of Nelson in fan culture on the internet. He has now been essentialised, extrapolated, and used in a wide variety of ways to navigate masculinity by both genders.

Based on Christina Reid&rsquo / s five Plays &ldquo / Tea in a China Cup,&rdquo / &ldquo / Did You Hear the One About the Irishman &hellip / ?,&rdquo / &ldquo / Joyriders,&rdquo / &ldquo / The Belle of the Belfast City,&rdquo / and &ldquo / My Name, Shall I Tell You My Name?&rdquo / the aim of this study is to put under discussion the idea that the sectarian conflict between the two ethno-religious communities in Northern Ireland is maintained deliberately and a national identity unique to the people in this country cannot be constructed at least in the near future. The Protestants in Northern Ireland cannot choose Irishness as a national identity because the Irishness has been monopolized by the Catholics, and cannot adopt the Britishness as a national identity because of the varieties in the social factors they have. Likewise, the Catholics in Northern Ireland do not call themselves British because their Catholicism involves an Irish identity with the rejection of the British rule, and they cannot truly entitle themselves Irish due to the differences in social conditions. However, both factions try to adhere themselves to a national identity through their communal ideology. The Protestants claim that they are part of Britain, while the Catholics claim that they are members of Irish Nation. This situation has led to reluctance in both communities to stop the conflictual circumstances which encourage both groups to tether to their traditions more intensely, to contribute to the otherization process reinforcing their social identity and lead them to impose their working ideology on their new members whose divergence from traditions will definitely pose a threat to their identity. Also, in this country the forgetting / remembering process, which is actually exploited to forge a national identity, is orchestrated by the two communities to enlarge the intercommunal chasm through the narration of the old stories and memories, creation of stories, commemoration activities and museumizing certain objects. Throughout the study the key points which will be highlighted are as follows: nation, national identity and nation building process, the sectarian conflict between the two communities in Northern Ireland, maintenance of conflictual situation and the employment of the forgetting / remembering process in Northern Ireland.

This is a study of religious national identity in Britain during the 1920s. The focus of the thesis is the Prayer Book controversy which engulfed the Church of England in 1927 and 1928 and climaxed with the House of Commons rejecting the Church’s proposals for an alternative liturgy on two occasions. The purpose of the revised book was to incorporate moderate Anglo-Catholicism into the life of the Church. It is asserted that the main factor behind the revision controversy, largely overlooked in previous studies, was a conflict of different models of national religion. While the dominant ‘Centre-High’ (sometimes referred to as ‘liberal Anglican’) faction in the Church, which included the English Catholic section of Anglo-Catholics, favoured a broadly Christian national religion and a tolerant, comprehensive established Church, many Protestants, in particular conservative Evangelicals, understood religious national identity to be emphatically Protestant under the terms of a Reformation settlement. The bishops’ revision proposals challenged the Protestant uniformity of the Church and so brought into question the constitutional relationship between Church and State. Thus the issue of national religion played a pivotal role in the revision controversy. Chapter one gives the background to the liturgical project in the Church, assessing the balance of power between the Anglican parties in the 1920s and explaining the purposes of revision. It is argued that the new Prayer Book reflected the reigning Centre-High orthodoxy of the House of Bishops and was moderately Anglo-Catholic in nature. This underlying agenda led many Evangelicals and advanced Anglo-Catholics to reject the new book. Chapters two and three describe the Evangelical and Anglo-Catholic responses respectively and argue that both parties were divided over revision, with large sections of both opposed to revision. Chapter four explains the attitude of the conservative Evangelical, Centre-High and ‘Western’ Catholic groupings towards the constitutional, cultural and moral dimensions of religious national identity. It argues that these understandings of national religion were a key cause of identity conflict within the Church and so determined the responses of each Church faction towards revision. Chapter five enlarges on the idea of Protestant national religion during the period by assessing the important role of the Free Churches and non-English mainline Churches in the crisis. It argues that the involvement of Protestants in these denominations was significant and that the ideologies of anti-Catholicism and national Protestantism motivated this. Finally, chapter six further emphasises the ‘national’ dimension of the revision controversy by explaining the attitude of the House of Commons to revision. It is asserted that the Commons’ debates on revision were in fact discussions on the role of national religion in 1920s Britain and that the rejections of the bishops’ proposals demonstrated the resilience of parliamentary Protestantism in British politics. Overall, the thesis concludes that, while Protestant national identity certainly weakened from the mid nineteenth century, this decline should not be exaggerated. Indeed the 1920s may have seen an upsurge in anti-Catholicism, as Protestants, in particular Evangelicals, reacted to the rise of Anglo-Catholicism in the Church and the post-war successes of Roman Catholicism. The idea of Protestant Britain remained a strong alternative to the conceptualisation of a broadly Christian Britain during 1920s.

臺灣，與其它後共國家政治發展經驗極為相似的，在後冷戰時代屬於身份認同的衝突成為每一個解脫威權桎梏的國家皆經歷過的歷史，政治轉型中「被壓抑者的重返」所激起的社會矛盾成為政治學與社會學研究的主題。而在民主化眾聲喧嘩的後解嚴階段，每一種集體身份在言論市場中都獲得出賽的機會，能夠囊括最大多數人的國族身份認同成為文化、社會與政治力量爭論的焦點，而能夠使大部分民眾接受的國族自我意象就越有可能取得執政的可能性，因此，國族自我意象內涵的填充以及管理是每一個政黨每日都在進行的工作，掌握意識型態領導權者就掌握了決定國家未來方向的權力 臺灣在國際社會的特殊處境使得被壓抑者的重返過程中不只要面對過去的威權體制，即便掌握國家權力者也直接面對不放棄武力犯台以及在國際上擠壓臺灣生存空間的北京政權。如何面對海峽對岸國力與國際影響力迅速增長的大國，成為國內政治、社會與文化力量在界定我們是誰、我們要往何處去等集體身份與目標時，都無法迴避這個無所不在的中國因素。在台灣每一種國族自我意象的生成過程都無法迴避中國因素，臺北的中國/大陸政策的制定過程即國族身份政治投射其熱情與利益的訴求的過程，過去的研究已經花費相當多的資源在探討臺灣社會面的國族身份形成與動員，而未系統性地對國族身份認同政治與政策產出之間的關係進行探究。 有鑑於每一位總統都反映與代表了在社會中流行的國族我意象，作為某特定國族自我意象的代表，他根據國族自我意象而揭示的國家政治目的以及提昇集體尊嚴感的目標制訂與執行的中國/大陸政策。因此，本研究從執政者每日的言論進行系統性的分析，主要探究的是不同的國族自我意象變成具有官方身份的國族身份之後會如何形塑對中國的認知，本研究的焦點是中國威脅的認知，當中國威脅認知升高，臺北制訂緊縮性的中國/大陸政策的可能性就提高了。國族自我意象固然有其穩定性，但也具備流動性，國族自我意象是靈活還是僵固地就「中國威脅」進行協商，成為臺北制訂中國/大陸政策的依據，從而帶來緊張還是和緩的兩岸關係。 / Taiwan’s post-cold war national identity issue is quite similar to other post-communist countries. Free speech made national identity issues going public much easier as Marshall Law was lifted. The social conflict agitated by “The Return of the Repressed” during democratic transition era was not only make new social cleavage possible but also giving birth to new political landscape. Every fractions of national identity has the chance to win the game but only those who supported by most of the population could arouse societal attention and get more chances to win the election. The social engineering of contents and contestations of national identities is so important to those who dedicated to their political life. As George Orwell ever mentioned 66 years ago: “Who controls the past controls the future, who controls the present controls the past.” The Chineseness and Beijing who acclaimed PRC is the only legitimate country that represent China become very “significant other” to Taiwanese national identity formation from 1980s to now. Many scholars have been studied the nation-formation and state-building process but a few of them linking that processes and cross-strait and diplomatic policies made by Taipei altogether. This study is trying to fill this gap. As every president of the state is the symbol and entrepreneur of distinct national identity, getting at the root of state or national interest means digging out what elites’ identified as nation’s political purposes and international status of the state. This thesis focused on how national identity, the broadest collectively held idea in one country, brings about Taiwan’s state interest where Taipei’s China policy and its implications for cross-strait relations lied.

This dissertation is about the production of national identity in the transnational age. Focusing on the specific example of Egyptian television, this dissertation argues that new production imperatives, mainly in satellite television and internet, have changed the way that television is produced in the Arabic speaking Middle East, most significantly away from direct state control. The changes in production accompany changes in distribution and consumption of electronic media and are significantly rewriting the ways that shared cultural identities in the Middle East, including nationalism, religious, and other significant identities, are produced, consumed and replicated. This dissertation approaches these topics by relating two specific televisual texts, the Ramadan serials Malek Farouq and Gamal Abdel Nasser, to larger changes in Arab and Egyptian television production. / text

One of the most striking features of contemporary Scottish fiction has been its shift from the predominantly realist novels of the 1960s and 1970s to an engagement with very different modes of writing, from the mixture of realism and visionary future satire in Alasdair Gray’s Lanark (1981) to the Rabelaisian absurdity and excess of Irvine Welsh’s Filth (1998). This development has received considerable critical attention, energising debates concerning how such writing relates to or challenges familiar tropes of identity and national culture. At the same time, however, there has been a very striking and commercially successful rise in the production of popular genre literature in Scotland, in categories which have included speculative fiction and crime fiction. Although Scottish literary fiction of recent decades has been studied in great depth, Scottish popular genre literature has received considerably less critical scrutiny in comparison. Therefore, the aim of my research is to examine popular Scottish writing of the stated period in order to reflect upon whether a significant relationship can be discerned between genre fiction and the mainstream of Scottish literary fiction, and to consider the characteristics of such a connection between these different modes of writing. To achieve this objective, the dissertation will investigate whether the features of any such shared literary concerns are inclined to vary between the mainstream of literary fiction in Scotland and two different, distinct forms of popular genre writing. My research will take up the challenge of engaging with the popular genres of speculative fiction and crime fiction during the years 1975 to 2006. I intend to discuss the extent to which the national political and cultural climate of the period under discussion informed the narrative form and social commentary of such works, and to investigate the manner in which, and the extent to which, a specific and identifiably Scottish response to these ideological matters can be identified in popular prose fiction during this period. This will be done by discussing and comparing eight novels in total; four for each chosen popular genre. From the field of speculative fiction, I will examine texts by the authors Iain M. Banks, Ken MacLeod, Margaret Elphinstone and Matthew Fitt. The discussion will then turn to crime fiction, with an analysis of novels by Ian Rankin, Christopher Brookmyre, Denise Mina and Louise Welsh. As well as evaluating the work of each author and its relevance to other texts in the field, consideration will be given to the significance of each novel under discussion to wider considerations of ideology, genre and national identity which were ongoing both at the time of their publication and in subsequent years. The dissertation’s conclusion will then consider the nature of the relationship between the popular genres which have been examined and the mainstream of Scottish literary fiction within the period indicated above.

In the 60’s and 70’s a large group of Yugoslav migrants came to Sweden in search for jobs. These people mostly belonged to the generation born after the Second World War, a generation brought up in the official discourse of “Brotherhood and Unity”. A discourse downplaying ethnic differences in favour of a national identification. With the break-up of Yugoslavia in the early 1990’s their Yugoslav national identity was beginning to be contested. The Serb migrants had to redefine themselves due to the changing situation and to replace or redefine their Yugoslav identities. This paper presents a case study for three individuals in this group and how they defined themselves before the break-up and how they handled the break-up. It presents how they today look upon Yugoslavia and how that place has changed meaning in their everyday narratives. The question I try to answer is whether someone can call himself Yugoslav when Yugoslavia no longer exists, and how the image of Yugoslavia has changed due to the break-up. I show that the image of Yugoslavia is still very much alive but this image has turned from a place in physical space to a place in their narratives, close to Foucault’s definition of a Utopian place. A place in their minds, perfected in form. They still call themselves Yugoslavs, if the social context allows that, they still use the term to relate to their origin and in discussions of place.

This thesis examines French and English trade voyages and trade colonies in North American during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and French and English relations with Native Americans. The colonies of Port Royal, Jamestown, and Sagadahoc included members of previous French and English trade voyages and depended on the experience and information gained during trade voyages to formulate their economic objectives and colonial policies. French and English North American activity was intrinsically connected in this era through a plethora of amiable and competitive associations. National, transnational, and regional frameworks are all necessary in explaining Port Royal, Jamestown, and Sagadahoc. French and English interaction with Native American groups during these voyages and colonies was distinctly similar, and the diverse cultures of the native Mi’kmaq, Eastern Abenaki, Powhatans, and Armouchiquois, rather than the divisions between French and English culture, were central in shaping colonist-Native relations in the seventeenth century.

No description available.

Jerusalem is the declared capital of Israel, fundamental to Jewish tradition, and a contested city, part of the Israel–Palestine conflict. Departing from an analysis of mainly interviews and policy documents, this study aims to analyze the interplay between the Israeli identity politics of Jerusalem and city planning. The role of the city is related to discursive struggles between traditional, new, and post-Zionism. One conclusion is that the Israeli claim to the city is firmly anchored in a master commemorative narrative stating that Jerusalem is the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. A second conclusion is that there is a constant interplay between Israeli identity politics, city policy, and planning practice, through specific strategies of territoriality. The goals of the strategies are to create a political, historical and religious, ethnic, economic, and exclusive capital. Planning policies are mainly focused on uniting the city through housing projects in East Jerusalem, rehabilitating historic heritage, ancestry, and landscapes, city center renewal, demographic balance, and economic growth, mainly through tourism and industrial development. An analysis of coping strategies shows that Jerusalem planners relate to identity politics by adopting a self-image of being professional, and by blaming the planning system for opening up to ideational impact. Depending on the issue, a planner adopts a reactive role as a bureaucrat or an expert, or an active role, such mobilizer or an advocate. One conclusion drawn from the “Safdie Plan” process is that traditional Zionism and the dominant collective planning doctrine are being challenged. An alliance of environmental movements, politicians from left and right, and citizens, mobilized a campaign against the plan that was intended to develop the western outskirts of Jerusalem. The rejection of the plan challenged the established political leadership, it opened up for an expansion to the east, and strengthened Green Zionism, but the result is also a challenge to the housing needs of Jerusalem. / Författaren tillhör även "Forskarskolan Urbana och Regionala Studier – Städer och regioner i förändring"