This project explores the military and political mobilization of rural and urban working sectors of Puerto Rican society as the Island transitioned from Spanish to U.S. imperial rule. In particular, my research is interested in examining how this shift occurs via patterns of inclusion-exclusion within the military and the various forms of citizenship that are subsequently transformed into socio-economic and political enfranchisement. Analyzing the armed forces as a culture-homogenizing agent helps to explain the formation and evolution of Puerto Rican national identities from 1868 to 1952, and how these evolving identities affected the political choices of the Island. This phenomenon, I argue, led to the creation of the Estado Libre Asociado in 1952. The role played by the tens of thousands of Puerto Ricans in the metropolitan military in the final creation of a populist project taking place under colonial rule in the Island was threefold. Firstly, these soldiers served as political leverage during WWII to speed up the decolonization process. Secondly, they incarnated the commonwealth ideology by fighting and dying in the Korean War. Finally, the Puerto Rican soldiers filled the ranks of the army of technicians and technocrats attempting to fulfill the promises of a modern industrial Puerto Rico after the returned from the wars. In contrast to Puerto Rican popular national mythology and mainstream academic discourse that has marginalized the agency of subaltern groups; I argue that the Puerto Rican soldier was neither cannon fodder for the metropolis nor the pawn of the Creole political elites. Regaining their masculinity, upward mobility, and political enfranchisement were among some of the incentives enticing the Puerto Rican peasant into military service. The enfranchisement of subaltern sectors via military service ultimately created a very liberal, popular, and broad definition of Puerto Rico’s national identity. When the Puerto Rican peasant/soldier became the embodiment of the Commonwealth formula, the political leaders involved in its design were in fact responding to these soldiers’ complex identities, which among other things compelled them to defend the “American Nation” to show their Puertorriqueñidad.

Since TV became the most influential medium globally, the media content followed and as a result, a variety of programmes became international. When it came to entertainment, reality game show Survivor became a pioneer in crossing national borders when the programme’s format was licensed and sold worldwide. The ability of a single reality TV show format to appeal to different nations is remarkable and noteworthy, which consequently makes it an interesting field of research. Therefore, this essay focuses on analysing the narrative structures of the Survivor format productions in Sweden, the USA and Russia in pursuance of revealing representations and reproductions of the nations. It answers the questions about the narrative structures of the programmes, as well as about their common construction, and describes how the national identities are portrayed in a transnational reality game show format. In order to make the study extensive but at the same time significant, a structural narrative analysis with a comparative approach was chosen as a method. The selection was based on the importance of analysing the content of narratives in order to comprehend their illustrations of reality and, among other things, national identities. Mainly referring to a theory of nations as “imagined communities” and a theory about “banal nationalism”, the essay presents an analysis of the narrative structures. These structures, in their turn, expose the nation-specific elements that represent and reproduce the idea of nation. It is argued that national expressions are in general based on traditions and rituals of the nations. These representations are frequently unnoticed in everyday life; however they become noteworthy in the context of reality TV game shows such as Survivor.

This dissertation examines civilian mobilization amidst the Donbas war in Ukraine and the identity formation processes that it engendered. It focuses on ordinary residents of the frontline regions who voluntarily got together to address the humanitarian and military consequences of war in the absence of state support. It explores the micro-level dynamics of mobilization, particularly the demographic profile of volunteers, their motivations to join and their pathways to engagement. In so doing, it provides an account of how ordinary residents of seemingly passive regions became active in times of crisis. I use the concept of “identity formation” to analyze how war and war engagement have impacted citizen, gender, national and language identities of those active at the rear. The outbreak of war shattered habitual ways of thinking and acting and brought about new modes of belonging and meaning making for war volunteers. My findings suggest that successful volunteer efforts in wartime allowed volunteers to position themselves differently with respect to community, nation, and the state and to articulate new understandings of “good citizenship.” The shifting positioning of volunteers, as the research demonstrates, is inherently linked to the changing citizen regimes in Ukraine and the gendered conceptions of who counts as a legitimate member of the community. By employing ethnographic tools of inquiry, the dissertation provides an ethnographic account of wartime social change “from below” and speaks to larger social and political transformations in wartime using Ukraine as a case study. It does so with attention to the social-political environment within which collective action occurs and in relation to the new types of mobility, socializing and bonding it engenders.

Introduit à Taïwan durant la période japonaise (1895-1945), le baseball est associé au projet colonial japonais d'assimilation au tournant des années 1920. Il est ensuite instrumentalisé par le régime nationaliste chinois qui prend possession de l'île au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, avant de s'y réfugier en 1949, bouté hors de Chine par les forces maoïstes. Inscrit dans le programme de culture physique du Kuomintang, il devient un lieu privilégié de la mobilisation nationale pour la reconquête du continent et de la construction d'un État-nation pluriethnique. Les enfants aborigènes sont plus spécifiquement incités à participer à des compétitions de baseball scolaire où ils sont censés représenter les valeurs morales exemplaires d'une société majoritairement han. Ils résident durant toute l'année au sein de dortoirs où ils construisent prioritairement leur identité autour de leur communauté de pratique. Ce mode de vie ascétique s'impose aux joueurs professionnels qui doivent gérer le rythme effréné des saisons. Ils sont concernés par les mêmes contraintes d'exemplarité mais se heurtent à une corruption endémique qui s'inscrit au sein de leurs réseaux d'interconnaissance. Les supporters, qui construisent leur appartenance à un club au travers des valeurs qu'ils représentent, doivent composer avec les scandales récurrents qui frappent leurs vedettes. Ils les soutiennent durant le match par la mise en œuvre d'une animation bruyante et bariolée. Le baseball se trouve ainsi au centre d'enjeux locaux et nationaux. Il s'inscrit dans la globalisation comme symbole de l'existence d'une nation taïwanaise, ou chinoise. / Introduced in to Taiwan during the Japanese Period (1895-1945), baseball was associated with the Japanese colonial assimilation project at the start of the 1920s. It was subsequently exploited by the Chinese Nationalist regime which took possession of the island in the aftermath of World War II, before seeking refuge there in 1949 after being driven out of China by the Maoist forces. Incorporated into the program of physical culture of the Kuomintang, baseball has become a privileged place of national mobilization for the reconquest of the continent and the building of a multi-ethnic nation-state. Aboriginal children are particularly encouraged to participate in school baseball competitions during which they are supposed to represent the exemplary moral values of a predominantly Han society. Residing throughout the year in dormitories, their identity is constructed primarily around their community of practice. A similar ascetic lifestyle is required by professional players who must deal with the hectic pace of the seasons. Whilst affected by comparable constraints of exemplarity they also come against widespread corruption embedded within their social networks. Supporters, who construct a sense of belonging to their club based on the values they represent, have to deal with the recurring scandals affecting their stars whom they support during matches through exuberant and colourful performances. Baseball is thus at the center of local and national issues. It equally plays into debates on globalization, being a symbol of the existence of a Taiwanese, or Chinese, nation.

Quando nos debruçamos sobre as letras de samba e tango compostas entre 1917 e 1945, notamos a reiterada presença nos sambas do personagem chamado malandro e outros de seu universo. No caso do tango, testemunhamos a do denominado compadrito e outros relacionados a ele nos tangos. Essa presença se relaciona a uma contradição constitutiva, já que esses gêneros musicais, muitas vezes relacionados à representação do nacional, propagavam um modo de vida marginal, fora do apregoado como ideal de cidadão pelos respectivos Estados nacionais. É nosso objetivo nesta tese analisar como, nas composições nas quais aparece esse tipo de personagem, emergem embates, nas diferentes formas da heterogeneidade discursiva, entre vozes que identificamos, de um lado, como filiadas com a perspectiva marginal e, de outro, com posicionamentos relacionados às ações disciplinadoras dos Estados nacionais. Trabalharemos com composições elaboradas no período de 1917-1945, momento privilegiado de discussões de cunho nacionalista, quando o samba e o tango foram, por diferentes motivos e em distintas medidas, sendo associados a questões identitárias. Os referenciais teóricos que norteiam nossa pesquisa se relacionam especialmente aos estudos discursivos e enunciativos; porém, tendo em vista o caráter interdisciplinar de nosso trabalho, também lançaremos mão de conceitos relacionados aos estudos históricos, sociológicos, musicológicos e das ciências da comunicação. / When we dedicate our attention to the samba and tango lyrics produced between the years 1917 and 1945, we notice in them the persistent presence of the character known as malandro (smooth operator), and others belonging to his universe, as well as of the character known as compadrito, and others related to him in the tango songs. Such presences are related to a constitutive contradiction, for those musical genres which were constantly related to a national representation produced a propaganda of a marginal way of life, that is, the one of the outcast opposite to the ideal of citizen such as defended by national States. In this thesis, we take the compositions in which those characters are presented, and aim to analyze the way how clashes are established in the different manners of discursive heterogeneity. We identify voices sided with the marginal perspective, and we also identify other voices, on the other side, whose position stands for the one defended by the disciplining perspective of the national States. In such a frame, we work with lyrics composed in the period from 1917 to 1945, given that is a privileged moment for discussions from a nationalist perspective. Due to several reasons and different measures, that was the period when the samba and the tango were associated to identity matters. The theoretical references heading this research are mainly related to the enunciation and discourse studies; however, once we aim at maintaining the interdisciplinary aspect of our study, we also make use of conceptions related to the historical and sociological studies, as the ones belonging to the fields of musicology and communications

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:16:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Alice dos Santos Ferreira.pdf: 1668173 bytes, checksum: 1f91d98416bec06d870f87e6ee1338ee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-09-21 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The present work explores the matters of brazility on the perspective of the modern art and the contemporary printed publicity. For this, it departs from the visual analysis of the Brazilian popular culture s imaginary in these the two instances. It observes how traces of brazility were built from the modern art aesthetic, on its first phase (from 1922 to 1945), which collaborated for certain representations about Brazil as instruments of strength and consolidation for the artistic creation. As this imagery compilation have been used for the contemporary publicity toward the approach and identification with its public, it is evident that the advertisement has had more prominence in the social relations of the individuals which, as a symbolic mediator, constitutes the entities that mediate the constructions that build national identities. Indeed, from these two mediations, a passage is perceived where the used imagery resources toward brazility are similar. However, if they differ in its organizations and its amplitudes of directions, in which the dialectic established between belonging and recognition propels for the answers by means of the investigation on the universal and the particular one / O presente trabalho explora as questões de brasilidade dentro da perspectiva do modernismo e da publicidade impressa contemporânea. Para isso, parte da análise da visualidade do imaginário da cultura popular brasileira nestas duas instâncias. Observa como foram construídos traços de brasilidade a partir da estética modernista da primeira fase (mais ou menos de 1922-45), que elaborou certas representações sobre o Brasil como instrumento de fortalecimento e consolidação para a criação artística. Analisa, também, como esse repertório imagético vem sendo utilizado pela publicidade contemporânea, no sentido de aproximação e identificação com seu público. Constata-se que a propaganda tem exercido cada vez mais destaque nas relações sociais dos indivíduos e que como um mediador simbólico, constitui as entidades que mediam as construções que edificam as identificações nacionais. Ainda, a partir destas duas mediações, percebe-se um percurso em que os recursos imagéticos utilizados, no sentido de brasilidade, são próximos. Porém, se diferem em suas organizações e sua amplitude de sentidos, nos quais o jogo do pertencimento e do reconhecimento é propulsor para as respostas mediante a indagação sobre o universal e o particular

Quando nos debruçamos sobre as letras de samba e tango compostas entre 1917 e 1945, notamos a reiterada presença nos sambas do personagem chamado malandro e outros de seu universo. No caso do tango, testemunhamos a do denominado compadrito e outros relacionados a ele nos tangos. Essa presença se relaciona a uma contradição constitutiva, já que esses gêneros musicais, muitas vezes relacionados à representação do nacional, propagavam um modo de vida marginal, fora do apregoado como ideal de cidadão pelos respectivos Estados nacionais. É nosso objetivo nesta tese analisar como, nas composições nas quais aparece esse tipo de personagem, emergem embates, nas diferentes formas da heterogeneidade discursiva, entre vozes que identificamos, de um lado, como filiadas com a perspectiva marginal e, de outro, com posicionamentos relacionados às ações disciplinadoras dos Estados nacionais. Trabalharemos com composições elaboradas no período de 1917-1945, momento privilegiado de discussões de cunho nacionalista, quando o samba e o tango foram, por diferentes motivos e em distintas medidas, sendo associados a questões identitárias. Os referenciais teóricos que norteiam nossa pesquisa se relacionam especialmente aos estudos discursivos e enunciativos; porém, tendo em vista o caráter interdisciplinar de nosso trabalho, também lançaremos mão de conceitos relacionados aos estudos históricos, sociológicos, musicológicos e das ciências da comunicação. / When we dedicate our attention to the samba and tango lyrics produced between the years 1917 and 1945, we notice in them the persistent presence of the character known as malandro (smooth operator), and others belonging to his universe, as well as of the character known as compadrito, and others related to him in the tango songs. Such presences are related to a constitutive contradiction, for those musical genres which were constantly related to a national representation produced a propaganda of a marginal way of life, that is, the one of the outcast opposite to the ideal of citizen such as defended by national States. In this thesis, we take the compositions in which those characters are presented, and aim to analyze the way how clashes are established in the different manners of discursive heterogeneity. We identify voices sided with the marginal perspective, and we also identify other voices, on the other side, whose position stands for the one defended by the disciplining perspective of the national States. In such a frame, we work with lyrics composed in the period from 1917 to 1945, given that is a privileged moment for discussions from a nationalist perspective. Due to several reasons and different measures, that was the period when the samba and the tango were associated to identity matters. The theoretical references heading this research are mainly related to the enunciation and discourse studies; however, once we aim at maintaining the interdisciplinary aspect of our study, we also make use of conceptions related to the historical and sociological studies, as the ones belonging to the fields of musicology and communications

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-03-23T13:30:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 carlosalbertopavam.pdf: 1348489 bytes, checksum: 5e02a52ea66df47e2200680c9243f098 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-04-24T02:30:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 carlosalbertopavam.pdf: 1348489 bytes, checksum: 5e02a52ea66df47e2200680c9243f098 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-24T02:30:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carlosalbertopavam.pdf: 1348489 bytes, checksum: 5e02a52ea66df47e2200680c9243f098 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-28 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A proposta da dissertação é analisar as estruturas discursivas dos Jornais Folha de São Paulo e O Estado de São Paulo a fim de verificar a validade da hipótese segundo a qual a grande mídia brasileira interiorizou a imagem identitária estereotipada dos latino-americanos, no geral, e do brasileiro, em particular, engendrada pelos colonizadores europeus. Foi pesquisada a cobertura de três cúpulas do processo de integração da América Latina recorrendo aos fundamentos teóricos e metodológicos da análise de conteúdo. O trabalho parte de referenciais teóricos nos quais a identidade é entendida como um fenômeno narrativo que traduz a disputa por acesso privilegiado a bens simbólicos e materiais existentes em uma sociedade. E para a corrente pós-colonialista, o poder de narrar, ou de impedir que se formem e surjam outras narrativas, está no centro da luta pela hegemonia cultural. Os jornais, por reconstruírem a realidade, são palco privilegiado desse embate. A conclusão é que a elite que tem sua opinião publicada nos jornais brasileiros busca incorporar a identidade do antigo colonizador, assumindo a visão estereotipada deste, numa tentativa de apresentar-se como superior ao restante do povo latino-americano. / The purpose of the dissertation is to analyze the discursive structures of the Newspapers Folha de São Paulo and O Estado de São Paulo in order to check the validity of the hypothesis that the mainstream Brazilian media internalized the stereotypical identity image of Latin Americans in general, and Brazilians, in particular, engendered by European in the colonialism era. The work takes the publications in the papers of three summits of the process of Latin American integration using the theoretical and methodological content analysis. The theoretical part of the work assumes identity as a phenomenon that reflects the struggle for privileged access to material and symbolic goods existing in a society. And the post-colonial studies assert that the power to narrate, or to prevent others from forming and emerging narratives, are at the center of the struggle for cultural hegemony. Newspapers, for reconstructing reality, are privileged stage of this clash. The conclusion is that the elite that has its opinion published in Brazilian newspapers seeks to incorporate the identity of the former colonizer, assuming the stereotypical view of him, an attempt to present themselves as superior to the rest of the Latin American people.

Des femmes et des hommes ayant vécu un désir homosexuel à l’époque soviétique tardive (1960-1985) articulent un discours sur soi marqué par un ethos soviétique du secret. Sans être totale, l’atomisation stalinienne des sociétés soviétiques a empêché la formation d’identités et de communautés homosexuelles. Il est dès lors essentiel de prendre la mesure de la rareté du discours disponible sur l’(homo)sexualité pour saisir la singularité des rapports à soi que l'on peut entretenir lorsqu'on vit un désir homosexuel à l’époque soviétique tardive. Des subjectivités homosexuelles existent face à l’opprobre, mais elles n'intériorisent pas nécessairement de sentiment de honte. À un régime général de non-savoir inauguré par le stalinisme, répond un discours sur soi au sein duquel des femmes et des hommes se constituent comme sujet·te·s de leur désir homosexuel, s’affrontant à une pathologisation et une criminalisation communes dont ne rendait pas compte la déclinaison genrée induite par un discours médico-légal méconnu. Des textes de discours sur soi énonçant un « je » ou un « nous » homosexuel, des ego documents, le manifeste d’Evgueni Kharitonov, mais surtout des entretiens en Russie et en Géorgie attestent d’un commun, dans l’humour, le langage et les solidarités partagées, en butte à l’héritage stalinien d’une culture du soupçon, à une différenciation sociale accrue à cette période et à de fortes assignations genrées. Ces subjectivités puisent dans une identité supranationale soviétique pour se dire, tout en se positionnant vis-à-vis de modèles nationaux, autour par exemple de la question juive. / The concern here is with how women and men who lived and expressed their homosexual desire during the late Soviet period (1960-1985) articulated a discourse on self marked by a Soviet ethos of secrecy. The Stalinist atomization of Soviet societies, without being total, prevented the formation of homosexual communities and identities. If we are to grasp the singular character of relations to self which gave expression to homosexual desire and experience during the late Soviet period, we must therefore take full measure of the rarity of discourses available on (homo)sexuality. Homosexual subjectivities within the Soviet context existed in the face of opprobrium without necessarily internalizing the feeling of shame which such opprobrium might occasion. In response to a general regime of non-knowledge inaugurated by Stalinism, a discourse on self emerged through which women and men constituted themselves as subjects of their homosexual desire. They confronted a common pathologization and criminalization, a fact not registered by the gendered declination of subjectivities as the product of a legal-medical discourse which is itself poorly recognized. Texts expressing a discourse on self relating to a homosexual ‘I’ or ‘we’, ego documents, the manifesto of Evgueni Kharitonov and, above all, interviews conducted in Russia and Georgia attest to shared resources of humour, language and a background of solidarity formed in reaction to and against the Stalinist heritage of suspicion, the heightened social differentiation of the period and strong gender assignations. These subjectivities draw upon a supranational Soviet identity, while also positioning themselves in relation to national models, when addressing, for example, the ‘Jewish question’.

Les études sur la mémoire, qui connaissent une grande popularité depuis les années 1980, ont mené à un intérêt pour l’histoire de l’histoire et pour la création de figures héroïques. Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’inscrit dans ces courants de recherche en étudiant le sort qu’une historiographie plurinationale a réservé à trois officiers français du théâtre nord-américain de la guerre de Sept Ans. Nous observerons comment les ouvrages britanniques, français, américains, canadiens-anglais et canadiens-français ont traité de Vaudreuil, Bougainville et Lévis. Nous pourrons ainsi exploiter la richesse de l’historiographie relative à cette guerre, qui date du XVIIIe siècle jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Il s’agira de suivre les regards croisés que les historiens des différentes époques et allégeances nationales ont porté sur nos personnages. C’est que ces trois hommes incarnent trois postures que l’historiographie interprétera de façon variable. En effet, comme cette production historique est surtout marquée par des rivalités entre les personnages qui prennent des allures de conflits nationaux, nos héros seront surtout jugés selon une perspective nationale. Vaudreuil, le gouverneur canadien né dans la colonie y devient donc le champion de son «pays», Bougainville, le métropolitain critique des conditions coloniales, futur navigateur et homme des Lumières, est jugé en fonction de ses propos sur le Canada, alors que Lévis, le métropolitain discret dans ses écrits, sera surtout jugé en fonction de sa victoire à Sainte-Foy en 1760. / Very popular since the 1980s, studies on collective memory have stimulated interest in historiography and especially in the construction of heroic figures. The thesis follows this trend in studying how a multinational historiography treated three French officers of the Seven Years’ War’s North American theatre. We observe how Vaudreuil, Bougainville and Lévis have fared at the hands of historians from Great Britain, France, the United States and English and French Canada, from the eighteenth century to the present. The purpose of the study is to isolate the varying perspectives from which historians of different times and national allegiance have examined the three figures. In the end, the three men were seen to incarnate three contrasting, variously interpreted postures. Since historians were particularly sensitive to what they saw as national conflicts, they judged their heroes accordingly. Vaudreuil, the Canadian-born governor of Canada, thus became the champion of his “country”; Bougainville, French-born future navigator and protagonist of the Enlightenment who wrote disparagingly about the colony, was judged on these opinions; while Lévis, a Frenchman who was more discreet in his writings, was evaluated above all as the victor of the battle of Sainte-Foy in 1760.