No / The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?

No / This new collection examines the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India and the ways in which its Hindu nationalist agenda has been affected by the constraints of being a dominant member of a coalition government. Religious influence in contemporary politics offers a fertile ground for political-sociological analysis, especially in societies where religion is a very important source of collective identity. In South Asian societies religion can, and often has, provided legitimacy to both governments and those who oppose them. This book examines the emergence of the BJP and the ways in which its Hindu nationalist agenda has been affected by the constraints of being a dominant member of a coalition government. The collected authors take stock of the party's first full term in power, presiding over the diverse forces of the governing NDA coalition, and the 2004 elections. They assess the BJP's performance in relation to its stated goals, and more specifically how it has fared in a range of policy fields - centre-state relations, foreign policy, defence policies, the 'second generation' of economic reforms, initiatives to curb corruption and the fate of minorities. Explicitly linking the volume to literature on coalition politics, this book will be of great importance to students and researchers in the fields of South Asian studies and politics.

After three hundred and forty-two years of colonialism and apartheid, South Africans of all walks of life experienced their first democratic elections in 1994. Now, as the country is at the precipice of the 5th democratic elections, it has known no government other than the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC has had landslide victories at the ballot box and always managed to secure an electoral vote of around 66%. These victories have not been by accident and have been carefully managed through an Alliance Pact with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The nature of the Alliance has infiltrated and influenced the character of contemporary South African public administration. This study postulates vigorously that an alliance is not a coalition, but rather a partnership of ideological semblance and political decorum. This is most significantly expressed through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). The study further elucidates the notion that the NDR remains the main political artery of the ANC and is seminal in the policy debates and critical platforms for each of the Alliance Partners. The study affirms that irrespective of this convergence of ideology, there is periodic divergence on the leadership role of the ANC viz a viz that of the Alliance as the strategic centre for policy and governance issues. However, the ANC has over the years successfully challenged this assertion and through practice, led the Alliance in a politically driven manner that is predicated on consultation, due diligence and functional purpose. However, any member of the SACP or COSATU who desires to be part of parliament or the executive is required to be a member of the ANC. This, the study asserts, is the new formation of a political partnership. The study adumbrates that the SACP (even though it is registered as a political party with the Independent Electoral Commission) and COSATU do not contest elections separately. As part of the agreement, only the ANC contests elections and as such leads the Alliance. While COSATU and the SACP provide advice through Alliance structures on the deployment of cadres in the public service, the deployment committee is an ANC structure and the final decisions in regard to deployment resides with the ANC. This study has reinterpreted the dialogue within the Tripartite Alliance and how this has moulded the political nomenclature of the ANC, and the solidified impact on the way in which public administration is affected and effected in South Africa and vice versa. The study presents with equanimity how the practice, for example, of dual membership of two political organisations (ANC and SACP) enriches the public service and the policy-making process in a developmental state. It furthermore points to the imperative for a clear underlying ideology (as provided for through the NDR) and certainty as to who leads in such an arrangement. This study finds that it is through the Alliance structures that individual leaders within the Governing Party (ANC) are held to account for their actions – and after a hundred years of existence, the ANC and Alliance structures have managed to address the challenges of time, the pressures of political stress and the coalition of a “broad-based political church”. The logic of maintaining this political marriage and developmental triangulation, and also interpreting the essence of consolidating party manifestos to its membership, and further to preserving democratic principles, while at the same time translating this into the action of good governance in South Africa, is complex, yet manageable. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / am2013 / School of Public Management and Administration / unrestricted

Die Arbeit untersucht die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Sächsischen Landtag auf rechtsextremistische Inhalte. Dafür werden die entsprechenden Abschnitte der Plenarprotokolle aus dem ersten Teil der 4. Legislaturperiode (Oktober 2004 bis Juli 2006) mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse untersucht.

Orientador: Antônio Carlos Mazzeo / Banca: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Banca: Adilson Marques Gennari / Resumo: O Partido Comunista Brasileiro, desde o seu surgimento em 1922, entendeu que para se conquistar a democracia seria preciso construir uma aliança operária camponesa, e este entendimento foi ampliado a partir do final da década de vinte, quando os comunistas visualizaram a burguesia como participe da aliança juntamente com o operariado e o campesinato. Por esta época, começou a se forjar entre os comunistas do Brasil - em consonância com o acordo manifestado pelos comunistas russos --, a concretização da estratégia política nacional-democrática, cujo processo revolucionário estaria calcado no etapismo. Quando se deu a cisão em 1962 surgiu o PCdoB, este partido manteve a mesma estratégia política durante as décadas de setenta e oitenta. Cabe destacar que apesar de em seus documentos o partido afirme com veemência que a burguesia representa a classe social a ser varrida da historia, não raras vezes esta mesma classe foi lembrada pelo PCdoB como necessária ao processo de democratização. Assim, foi devido a essa pendularidade, que compreendemos que o PCdoB poderia ser denominado de pêndulo vermelho. Durante o processo de democratização brasileira, cujo pano de fundo foi o projeto de auto-reforma perpetrado pelo regime militar, o PCdoB não economizou esforços para manter as amplas alianças, que nos estertores do governo do Gal. Figueiredo ficou conhecida como Aliança Democrática. Algum tempo depois, quando a burguesia se certificou de que a sua dominação e direção sobre o conjunto da nação estava assegurada, tratou aprofundar a sua política conservadora, não restando alternativa ao PCdoB, a não a ser a sua saída desta mesma aliança. Portanto, consideramos que o PCdoB (por nós denominado de pêndulo vermelho) manteve a mesma estratégia política de buscar alianças - mesmo que conjunturais - com a burguesia, outrora denominada nacional, mesmo... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The Brazilian Communist Party, since its inception in 1922, understood that to achieve the democracy would have to build a working peasant alliance, and this understanding was expanded from the late twenties, when the communists viewed the bourgeoisie as a participant in the alliance with the working class and peasantry. By this time, began to forge between the Communists in Brazil - in line with the agreement expressed by the Russian Communists - the achievement of national policy strategy-democratic revolutionary process which would be trampled in steps. When the split occurred in 1962 came the YNA, the party maintained the same political strategy during the seventies and eighties. It should be noted that although in their documents the party asserting strongly that the bourgeoisie is the class to be wiped out of history, often the same class was remembered by YNA as necessary to the process of democratization. Thus, it was due to this oscillatory, we understand that PCdoB could be called red pendulum. During the process of democratization in Brazil, whose background was the project of self-reform perpetrated by the military regime, the YNA was hard at work to keep the broad alliances that in the throes of the government of Gal. Figueiredo was known as the Democratic Alliance. Some time later, when the bourgeoisie is satisfied that its domination and direction for the whole nation was assured, tried to deepen their political conservative, and there is an alternative to YNA, not to their departure of that alliance. Therefore, we consider the YNA (we called pendulum red) remained the same political strategy of seeking alliances - even if short-term - with the bourgeoisie, once called national, even at the expense of subordinate communist during the term of the same political alliance with the bourgeoisie to the establishment of the National Constituent Assembly in 1987 / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-04-16Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:31:15Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 santosjunior_jo_me_mar.pdf: 855490 bytes, checksum: 0735539fe2b4b6313f9cd7dc22e5984d (MD5) / O Partido Comunista Brasileiro, desde o seu surgimento em 1922, entendeu que para se conquistar a democracia seria preciso construir uma aliança operária camponesa, e este entendimento foi ampliado a partir do final da década de vinte, quando os comunistas visualizaram a burguesia como participe da aliança juntamente com o operariado e o campesinato. Por esta época, começou a se forjar entre os comunistas do Brasil – em consonância com o acordo manifestado pelos comunistas russos --, a concretização da estratégia política nacional-democrática, cujo processo revolucionário estaria calcado no etapismo. Quando se deu a cisão em 1962 surgiu o PCdoB, este partido manteve a mesma estratégia política durante as décadas de setenta e oitenta. Cabe destacar que apesar de em seus documentos o partido afirme com veemência que a burguesia representa a classe social a ser varrida da historia, não raras vezes esta mesma classe foi lembrada pelo PCdoB como necessária ao processo de democratização. Assim, foi devido a essa pendularidade, que compreendemos que o PCdoB poderia ser denominado de pêndulo vermelho. Durante o processo de democratização brasileira, cujo pano de fundo foi o projeto de auto-reforma perpetrado pelo regime militar, o PCdoB não economizou esforços para manter as amplas alianças, que nos estertores do governo do Gal. Figueiredo ficou conhecida como Aliança Democrática. Algum tempo depois, quando a burguesia se certificou de que a sua dominação e direção sobre o conjunto da nação estava assegurada, tratou aprofundar a sua política conservadora, não restando alternativa ao PCdoB, a não a ser a sua saída desta mesma aliança. Portanto, consideramos que o PCdoB (por nós denominado de pêndulo vermelho) manteve a mesma estratégia política de buscar alianças – mesmo que conjunturais – com a burguesia, outrora denominada nacional, mesmo... / The Brazilian Communist Party, since its inception in 1922, understood that to achieve the democracy would have to build a working peasant alliance, and this understanding was expanded from the late twenties, when the communists viewed the bourgeoisie as a participant in the alliance with the working class and peasantry. By this time, began to forge between the Communists in Brazil - in line with the agreement expressed by the Russian Communists - the achievement of national policy strategy-democratic revolutionary process which would be trampled in steps. When the split occurred in 1962 came the YNA, the party maintained the same political strategy during the seventies and eighties. It should be noted that although in their documents the party asserting strongly that the bourgeoisie is the class to be wiped out of history, often the same class was remembered by YNA as necessary to the process of democratization. Thus, it was due to this oscillatory, we understand that PCdoB could be called red pendulum. During the process of democratization in Brazil, whose background was the project of self-reform perpetrated by the military regime, the YNA was hard at work to keep the broad alliances that in the throes of the government of Gal. Figueiredo was known as the Democratic Alliance. Some time later, when the bourgeoisie is satisfied that its domination and direction for the whole nation was assured, tried to deepen their political conservative, and there is an alternative to YNA, not to their departure of that alliance. Therefore, we consider the YNA (we called pendulum red) remained the same political strategy of seeking alliances - even if short-term - with the bourgeoisie, once called national, even at the expense of subordinate communist during the term of the same political alliance with the bourgeoisie to the establishment of the National Constituent Assembly in 1987

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:17:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao mayara historia.pdf: 4898675 bytes, checksum: 7eceb65371653b29441280e0f5118fb2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-30 / The debate about amnesty in the National Constituent Assembly of 1946 involved a negotiation process initiated in 1945 with the amnesty decreed by the government Vargas. The amnesty decree signed by President Getúlio Vargas in 1945 aimed at the liberation of the Communists, in particular, Luiz Carlos Prestes in jail since 1936. Constituents elected in 1946, the Communists were "foreign body" of that Assembly. The political upheavals of the post-war and post-Estado Novo in Brazil have generated a resurgence of strong anti-communism in the country. The debate about amnesty in the Assembly involved, among other things, the political trial of the action of the Communists. The Assembly turned to the trial of the past. The impatience of opposition to the inheritance Vargas became the Constituent Assembly on stage for a battle of memory in two plans: the competition among political elites, and veto the Communists. The debate on the amnesty was far from promoting forgetfulness and forgiveness needed to disarm political, in contrast, memory was the scene of strong political dispute, feeding resentments and divisions that marked the Brazilian political life at that juncture. / O debate sobre a anistia na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946 envolveu um processo de negociação iniciado no ano anterior com a anistia decretada pelo governo Vargas. O Decreto assinado por Getúlio Vargas em 1945 visava à libertação dos comunistas, em especial, Luiz Carlos Prestes, preso desde 1936. Eleitos Constituintes em 1946, os comunistas eram o corpo estranho daquela Assembleia. As transformações políticas do pós-Guerra e do pós-Estado Novo no Brasil geraram o ressurgimento de um forte anticomunismo no país. O debate sobre a anistia na Constituinte envolvia, entre outros temas, o julgamento político da ação dos comunistas. A Constituinte voltou-se para o julgamento do passado. O inconformismo da oposição com a herança varguista transformou a Assembleia Constituinte em palco para uma disputa de memória em dois planos: a disputa entre as elites políticas e o veto aos comunistas. O debate sobre a anistia esteve longe de promover o esquecimento e o perdão necessários ao desarme político, ao contrário, a memória foi palco de forte disputa política, alimentando divisões e ressentimentos que marcaram a vida política brasileira naquela conjuntura.

This diploma thesis will study the mental attitude of Viktor Dyk (poet, prose writer, and politician) to fascism. The aim of this thesis is to understand the development of his thinking, identify the key historic moments that shaped him, and in doing so, reconstruct his political opinion. Those historic moments are most importantly the events of December 1987, the first world war, the fall of the Habsburg monarchy and the creation of the Czechoslovakian republic (1914-1918). The year 1922 (in which the first fascist groups in Czechoslovakia were created) was crucial for the shaping of his relationship to fascism. The goal of this work is to evaluate, whether Viktor Dyk leaned towards fascism or not. To allow us to study Dyk's relationship to fascism, the first part is dedicated to defining fascism. Afterwards we define the basic principles on which fascism stands. A short chapter is dedicated to Dyk's life, which is important to understand his worldview. The objective of the second part is to analyse Dyk's position on the fascist principles, which were defined in the first part. For this analysis, Dyk's poems, political speeches, journal articles and his prosaic works were used. In the framework of the three principles of fascism (leader, state, and nationalism) are also analysed the motives, which...

Die Arbeit untersucht die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Sächsischen Landtag auf rechtsextremistische Inhalte. Dafür werden die entsprechenden Abschnitte der Plenarprotokolle aus dem ersten Teil der 4. Legislaturperiode (Oktober 2004 bis Juli 2006) mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse untersucht.

The dissertation called "The Relationship between the Czechoslovak fascist and fascistoid Parties during in the Period of the First Republic" goes back to the period of the so called First Republic that is generally understood to be the Czechoslovak Republic from 28th October 1918 till 29th September 1938. The dissertation aspires to give the reader an outline of the relationship between the National Fascist Community and other parties having fascist tendencies. On the one hand, the dissertation will present the National Fascist Community as the main representative of the Czech fascism. On the other hand, it will focus on the National League of Jiří Stříbrný and also on the radical parts of the Czechoslovak National Democratic Party. Mutual relations in the Czech fascism were created mainly from this triangle. And other parties show themselves as well in these relations - the National Unity and the National Front. The dissertation will also take account of the personal relationships between Radola Gajda and Jiří Stříbrný. Their personal relationships had a strong influence on the fascism of the period of the First Republic. It will also be important to show how these two persons got to the Czech fascism. Radola Gajda was an outstanding general in Siberia in the First World War. Jiří Stříbrný was...