The world of aesthetics is usually reserved for the artist and to some degree held separate from the science of politics. This paper sets out to explore the relationship between these too-often separated disciplines by examining how the political manifests itself in the aesthetical. The theoretical framework in this paper is based on Crispin Sartwell’s theory about political manifestation in aesthetic expressions in political environments. The method of delivery forthe purpose is challenging Sartwell’s theory in a semiotic picture analysis of the motionpicture Olympia, produced under the direct supervision of Hitler in 1930’s Nazi Germany.The contents of this famous film are commonly described to hold high in the sphere of theaesthetical, but not so much in the political, despite for being a Nazi-produced film. Theresults go to show however, that such is not the case. In fact, this aesthetical piece holdsmany representations of Nazi ideology. The aesthetics of the film can at first seem to besubtle and purely aesthetical. But through careful analysis, the aesthetical expressions arerevealed to be all but simply artistically creative expressions; they are the visualmanifestations of central aspects of Nazi ideology.

This study looks at the meeting between secularization, Christian political mobilization, and national socialism in Western Sweden during the first half of the twentieth century. The study follows the ideological developments of the Christian newspaper Göteborgs Stifts-Tidning, their organization into the political party Kyrkliga Folkpartiet and their increasing ties to both the Swedish and German national socialism parties and ideologies during the 1930s. Using a hermeneutical method, the study examines the newspaper Göteborgs Stifts-Tidning over almost 40 years to track ideological developments and a changing world view. The results showthat Göteborg Stifts-Tidning saw itself as upholders and defenders of religion against the forces of secularization brought in by the modern political parties, particular socialism, later the jews. They viewed the conservatives and later the national socialists as possible allies against secularization.

Inom den rasideologiska och nationalsocialistiska svenska Nordiska motståndsrörelsen förstås vi idag leva i en tid av destruktivitet, där det svenska samhället präglas av en förintande könskamp som hotar de vita folken. Hotet, som förkroppsligas och bedrivs av feministerna, lägger grunden till den antifeminism som genomsyrar rörelsen, och i denna studie analyseras hur antifeminismen tar sig uttryck inom Nordiska motståndsrörelsen. Syftet är att analysera hur feministen, och indirekt feminismen, konstrueras av rörelsen genom att dels undersöka hur feministen konstrueras i relation till (re)producerade normativa föreställningar om genus, ras och sexualitet, dels i relation till de emotioner som genomsyrar framställningarna av feministen. Det socialkonstruktionistiska perspektivet har kombinerats med Laclau och Mouffes diskursteori som tillsammans med diskursanalytiska verktyg hämtade från Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys lagt grunden till studiens metod och analys. Utifrån diskursteori och Butlers teori om performativitet samt Ahmeds teoribildning om affektiva figurationer har jag kunnat visa hur rörelsens antifeminism grundas i idealet om den ”naturliga” könsordningen och den heterosexuella kärnfamiljen, där den vita kvinnokroppen blir en symbol för den föreställda vackra nordiska nationen. I motsats till detta ideal konstrueras feministen som en affektiv figuration, en ”ful feminist”, som förkroppsligar det demoraliserande projekt den kulturmarxistiskt influerade feminismen förstås utgöra. Genom narrativet om den vita nationens undergång drivs en rädslans politik vilken legitimerar rörelsens kamp mot feminismen och feministerna, där NMR förstås förkroppsliga kärleken i motsats till feministernas hat. Att vara antifeminist inom Nordiska motståndsrörelsens diskurs är att förespråka kärleken för nationen samtidigt som det innebär att kämpa för den vita rasens överlevnad, och antifeminismen blir därmed ett bärande element för rörelsens upprätthållande.

This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism.

O objetivo desta tese é o estudo da vida dos judeus na Alemanha, a partir de msua saída do gueto ao final do século XVIII. Tive a preocupação em contextualizar a história do antijuda-ísmo, desde a chegada dos romanos na antiga Germânia no século II, ressaltando os momentos mais críticos, como a Primeira Cruzada em 1096 e o enforcamento do judeu Süß em 1738, por razões de animosidades políticas. O estudo rastreia o antissemitismo a partir dos acontecimen-tos da primeira metade do século XIX, permitindo compreender a eclosão dos horrores da Shoá, como o auge de um processo que se desenvolveu durante um longo período. Foram observadas tentativas de integração à sociedade alemã, envolvendo progressos curtos, entremeados por re-cuos, pontuados por movimentos dos próprios judeus, evidenciando o paradoxo entre a liber-dade adquirida pela saída do gueto, com a entrada na vida urbana, e os crescentes sentimentos antijudaicos, agora no seio da sociedade alemã, ocasionando o agravamento desses sentimentos, com os quais os judeus tiveram de conviver. O trabalho demonstra como essa integração se tornou estímulo para o recrudescimento de tendências antijudaicas latentes. O antissemitismo foi tomando, progressivamente, forma mais política e serviu de sustentação ao crescimento do na-cional-socialismo, que o tomou como bandeira, para dar sentido ao ódio gerado pelas tensões vigentes na nação germânica. A insatisfação decorrente da humilhação acarretada pela derrota da Primeira Guerra Mundial e pelo Tratado de Versalhes fez com que o movimento crescente em direção à Segunda Guerra Mundial ficasse aí determinado. A imagem dos judeus ficou as-sociada ao que passou a ser visto pelos setores reacionários e nacionalistas, como intimamente ligados à República de Weimar, levando os arianos a declarar guerra a tudo o que fosse oci-dental, judaico, liberal e iluminista. A maldição estava posta. Houve tentativas de reação judai-cas, objeto central deste estudo, a partir da fundação do Central Verein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens em 1893, que existiu até 1938, e é a reafirmação da identidade alemã dos judeus. A insistência dos judeus em constituir-se como parte integrante da sociedade alemã pôde ser verificada a posteriori. Foi uma tentativa derradeira, condenada ao fracasso, porém corajosa. A abertura dos arquivos de Moscou permitiu conhecer este processo e alimentou de informações preciosas o estudo aqui apresentado. / The purpose of this study was to investigate the life of the German Jews after leaving the ghetto at the end of the 18th Century. There was a concern to put the History of Anti-Judaism in con-text, ever since the Romans entered Ancient Germania, emphasizing critical moments such as the 1st Crusade and the hanging of the Jew Süss in 1738 because of political animosities. The study tracked Anti-Semitism from the events of the first half of the 19th century, allowing an understanding of the outburst of the horrors of the Holocaust as the peak of a long progressing process. Attempts of the Jews to become integrated in the German society were observed, with momentary progresses interspersed with retreats, punctuated by movements of the Jews them-selves in this integration process. There is a paradox between the freedom conquered by exiting the ghetto and entering the urban life and the growing anti-Jewish feelings within the German society with which they had to live. It is shown in this work how this integration became a stimulus for anti-Jewish revivals. Anti-Semitism became more and more political, supporting the growth of National Socialism that adopted it as a flag, in order to give a meaning to the hatred arising from the tensions present in the German population. Then the dissatisfaction re-sulting from the humiliation caused by the defeat in World War I and the Treaty of Versailles determined the increasing movement towards World War II. Reactionary and nationalist sectors associated the image of the Jews with the Weimar Republic and so the Arians declared war against everything considered Western, Jewish, liberal and enlightening. The curse was on. Jewish attempts to react, also featuring a confirmation of their German identity and their insist-ence in belonging to the German society, were the core of this study. In retrospect, the founda-tion of the CV can be considered a last and brave attempt, yet destined to fail. The opening of the Moscow archives allowed getting to know this process, providing valuable information for the present study.

Am Beispiel der Kunsthistorischen Institute Breslau und Posen sowie der dort tätigen Kunsthistoriker und Kunsthistorikerinnen wird dargelegt, wie sich in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus die Disziplin Kunstgeschichte an der sog. Ostforschung beteiligte. Die "Ostforschung" zielte nicht auf eine Erforschung von Kunst und Kultur der osteuropäischen Nachbarländer ab, sondern auf die Ermittlung des "deutschen" Anteils an deren Herausbildung. Mit Breslau und seinem Direktor Dagobert Frey stehen einerseits ein Institut und ein Protagonist an der Ostgrenze des Deutschen Reiches und mit Posen andererseits ein im besetzten Polen an der Reichsuniversität gegründetes Institut und sein Leiter Otto Kletzl im Fokus. Der Schwerpunkt wird auf deren Forschungen zum Nachbarland Polen gelegt. Die Autorin zeigt auf, wie politische Prämissen Eingang in die Lehre und in die Publikationen fanden und wie diese Positionen durch Vorträge und Ausstellungsmitarbeit auch im außeruniversitären Bereich vermittelt und verbreitet wurden. Die Direktoren beider Institute waren zudem in weiteren außeruniversitären Forschungsprojekten, Vereinen sowie Institutionen der Ostforschung aktiv. Sowohl Dagobert Frey (Breslau) als auch Otto Kletzl (Posen) beteiligten sich zudem für eine begrenzte Zeit als Kunstgutachter am Kunstraub im besetzten Polen. Neben diesen beiden Hauptprotagonisten werden die Karriereverläufe von Nachwuchswissenschaftlern und Nachwuchswissenschaftlerinnen dargelegt, eröffnete der Krieg doch für eine begrenzte Zeit auch Frauen die Möglichkeit, in akademische Positionen zu gelangen. Die Arbeit kombiniert auf der Basis einer umfassenden Quellenrecherche institutionengeschichtliche, biographische und handlungstheoretische Ansätze, um die Handlungsspielräume im Spannungsfeld von Wissenschaft und Politik herauszuarbeiten. Die Autorin kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass sich die untersuchten Kunsthistoriker an der Legitimierung und Unterstützung der deutschen Okkupationspolitik in Osteuropa beteiligten. / Focussing the institutes of art history in Breslau und Posen as well as male and female arthistorians working there the author shows how the discipline arthistory participated in the so-called Ostforschung (Eastern research) in the time of nationalsocialism. "Eastern research" was not interested in the research of art and culture of the Easteuropean neighbourcontries, but in the "German" role in their development. Two places, persons and institutes are the center (focus): Breslau and its director Dagobert Frey and his institute, a protagonist from the Eastern border of the German Reich on the one hand and Otto Kletzl - leader of an institute in Posen at the so-called ReichsuniversitŠt (Reichs-University) on the other hand. The main focus lies on their research concerning Poland. The author shows how political topics found their way in the teaching: in lectures as well as in the publications. She also makes clear how their positions were spread in the field beyond universiy by lectures and their participation in exhibitions. Both directors have further been very active in non-university research projects, associations and institutes of the Eastern research. Dagobert Frey (Breslau) and also Otto Kletzl (Posen) participated for a certain time as experts in the art robbery in occupied Poland. Next to these main protagonists the career of young researchers, men and women, are presented. For a short time the war opens women the opportunity to get into academic positions. Based on a broad archival research the author combines institutional, biographical and action theory approaches to show the scope of activities in the tension zone between science and politics. She comes to the result that the art historians participated in the legitimization and support of the German occupation politics in Eastern Europe.

O objetivo desta tese é o estudo da vida dos judeus na Alemanha, a partir de msua saída do gueto ao final do século XVIII. Tive a preocupação em contextualizar a história do antijuda-ísmo, desde a chegada dos romanos na antiga Germânia no século II, ressaltando os momentos mais críticos, como a Primeira Cruzada em 1096 e o enforcamento do judeu Süß em 1738, por razões de animosidades políticas. O estudo rastreia o antissemitismo a partir dos acontecimen-tos da primeira metade do século XIX, permitindo compreender a eclosão dos horrores da Shoá, como o auge de um processo que se desenvolveu durante um longo período. Foram observadas tentativas de integração à sociedade alemã, envolvendo progressos curtos, entremeados por re-cuos, pontuados por movimentos dos próprios judeus, evidenciando o paradoxo entre a liber-dade adquirida pela saída do gueto, com a entrada na vida urbana, e os crescentes sentimentos antijudaicos, agora no seio da sociedade alemã, ocasionando o agravamento desses sentimentos, com os quais os judeus tiveram de conviver. O trabalho demonstra como essa integração se tornou estímulo para o recrudescimento de tendências antijudaicas latentes. O antissemitismo foi tomando, progressivamente, forma mais política e serviu de sustentação ao crescimento do na-cional-socialismo, que o tomou como bandeira, para dar sentido ao ódio gerado pelas tensões vigentes na nação germânica. A insatisfação decorrente da humilhação acarretada pela derrota da Primeira Guerra Mundial e pelo Tratado de Versalhes fez com que o movimento crescente em direção à Segunda Guerra Mundial ficasse aí determinado. A imagem dos judeus ficou as-sociada ao que passou a ser visto pelos setores reacionários e nacionalistas, como intimamente ligados à República de Weimar, levando os arianos a declarar guerra a tudo o que fosse oci-dental, judaico, liberal e iluminista. A maldição estava posta. Houve tentativas de reação judai-cas, objeto central deste estudo, a partir da fundação do Central Verein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens em 1893, que existiu até 1938, e é a reafirmação da identidade alemã dos judeus. A insistência dos judeus em constituir-se como parte integrante da sociedade alemã pôde ser verificada a posteriori. Foi uma tentativa derradeira, condenada ao fracasso, porém corajosa. A abertura dos arquivos de Moscou permitiu conhecer este processo e alimentou de informações preciosas o estudo aqui apresentado. / The purpose of this study was to investigate the life of the German Jews after leaving the ghetto at the end of the 18th Century. There was a concern to put the History of Anti-Judaism in con-text, ever since the Romans entered Ancient Germania, emphasizing critical moments such as the 1st Crusade and the hanging of the Jew Süss in 1738 because of political animosities. The study tracked Anti-Semitism from the events of the first half of the 19th century, allowing an understanding of the outburst of the horrors of the Holocaust as the peak of a long progressing process. Attempts of the Jews to become integrated in the German society were observed, with momentary progresses interspersed with retreats, punctuated by movements of the Jews them-selves in this integration process. There is a paradox between the freedom conquered by exiting the ghetto and entering the urban life and the growing anti-Jewish feelings within the German society with which they had to live. It is shown in this work how this integration became a stimulus for anti-Jewish revivals. Anti-Semitism became more and more political, supporting the growth of National Socialism that adopted it as a flag, in order to give a meaning to the hatred arising from the tensions present in the German population. Then the dissatisfaction re-sulting from the humiliation caused by the defeat in World War I and the Treaty of Versailles determined the increasing movement towards World War II. Reactionary and nationalist sectors associated the image of the Jews with the Weimar Republic and so the Arians declared war against everything considered Western, Jewish, liberal and enlightening. The curse was on. Jewish attempts to react, also featuring a confirmation of their German identity and their insist-ence in belonging to the German society, were the core of this study. In retrospect, the founda-tion of the CV can be considered a last and brave attempt, yet destined to fail. The opening of the Moscow archives allowed getting to know this process, providing valuable information for the present study.