Historiography of the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft, or people’s community, has traditionally been divided between historians surmising its construction under the Third Reich as a genuine undertaking meant to uplift German society, and those who view the project as a propaganda effort which assisted the Nazi Party (NSDAP) in retaining legitimacy. Utilizing the plethora of works written on the topic, and a handful of primary sources from pre-Nazified Germany, NSDAP officials, and average citizens alike, this work will demonstrate that, as early as 1807, German philosophers, statesmen, and eventually a large majority of the population yearned for the national unity of Volksgemeinschaft; that the National Socialists adapted the concept for their own ideology. Furthermore, this study finds that, although Adolf Hitler indeed exploited the Volksgemeinschaft for his retention of power, the Third Reich’s efforts in its development were certainly authentic, thus combining both schools of thought in the historiographical debate.

Dans le présent mémoire, nous nous intéressons principalement à la vision politique de Heidegger et à son rapport au nazisme. Plusieurs liens entre le philosophe originaire de Messkirch et des penseurs politiques comme Jünger et Spengler subsistent. Il se dit lui-même en dette concernant le livre L’homme et la technique et mentionne à Karl Löwith qu’il « est en train de lire avec beaucoup d’intérêt le livre plein d’esprit de Spengler sur Le déclin de l’Occident ». Est-ce que Heidegger appartient au mouvement de la Konservative Revolution, expression employée par le poète Hugo von Hofmannsthal, mais popularisée par la thèse de doctorat d’Armin Mohler (1920-2003) pour décrire un ensemble de penseurs appartenant à un mouvement hétéroclite auquel Jünger et Spengler sont associés ? Certains commentateurs comme Jürgen Habermas, Robert Steuckers, Reinhard Mehring, Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, Gérard Granel et Alexandre Douguine semblent de cet avis, tandis que d’autres comme François Fédier, en se fondant en partie sur la thèse de Mohler, affirment que Heidegger n’appartient pas à ce mouvement. Nous souhaitons montrer que la position de Mohler est plus nuancée et présente une ouverture à son inclusion au sein de la Révolution conservatrice allemande. / In this thesis, we will investigate the political vision of Martin Heidegger and his link to Nazism. Several links between the philosopher from Messkirch and political thinkers like Jünger and Spengler remain. He states he is indebted to the book Man and Technics and indicates to Karl Löwith that he “is reading with great interest Spengler’s witty book on The Decline of the West”. Does Heidegger belong to the movement of the Konservative Revolution, which is an expression used by the poet Hugo von Hofmannsthal, but made widely known by the doctoral thesis of Armin Mohler (1920-2003) to describe a set of thinkers belonging to a heterogeneous movement to which Jünger and Spengler are some of the most well-known thinkers? Some commentators like Jürgen Habermas, Robert Steuckers, Reinhard Mehring, Phillipe Lacoue-Labarthe, Gérard Granel and Alexander Dugin seem to share this opinion while others like François Fédier, partially based on Mohler’s thesis, believe Heidegger does not belong to this movement. We wish to show that Mohler’s position is more nuanced and offers an opening to include Heidegger in the Konservative Revolution.

This thesis addresses the controversy of Nazism as a political ideology in an ethical context, with emphasis on the role of man. The descriptive section looks at the origins and history of Nazism, its formation as a political party (NSDAP) and its main attributes. The topics of the prescriptive section are disputations the question of how Nazism stands in the context of various historical periods from antiquity to the peak period of Nazism. This section also deals with the problems of neo-Nazism. Two controversial publications of the major neo-Nazism promoters are subjected to examination and criticism. These publications and their promoters are ?My Awakening? by David Duke from the context of the world, and ?Taboos in the Social Sciences? by Petr Bakalář from the context of the Czech Republic.

This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism.

Mediante o cotejo interdisciplinar entre a crítica historiográfica, a análise fílmica e a interpretação psicanalítica nas linhas freudiana e lacaniana, essa pesquisa investigou quatro obras cinematográficas comissionadas pelo governo nazista durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial com a finalidade de promoção de suas políticas raciais e de gênero: Jud Süß (1940), Die große Liebe (1942), Münchhausen (1943) e Titanic (1943). A partir dessas produções, o estudo perscrutou os sistemas de justaposição de fantasias socialmente partilhadas aos denominadores ideológicos do nacional-socialismo. Identificou, igualmente, os processos de negociação entre as instâncias da indústria cultural e as agências governamentais para alinhar o desejo e a doutrina na forma flutuante da fantasia cinematográfica. / Making use of instruments pertaining to the domain of historical criticism, filmic analysis and psychoanalytic theory under Freudian and Lacanian guidelines, this research investigated four cinematographic works commissioned by the Nazi government during World War II aimed to promoting its racial and gender policies: Jud Süß (1940), Die große Liebe (1942), Münchhausen (1943) and Titanic (1943). Through these films, the analysis examined the systems of juxtaposition between socially shared fantasies and the ideological denominators of National Socialism. The research identified also the schemes of negotiation between instances of cultural industry and government agencies in order to align desire and doctrine in the floating form of film fantasy.

Esta tese reconstitui a trajetória de Sami Feder (1906-2000), diretor de teatro judeu polonês que atuou no contexto do movimento de resistência artística e emocional sustentado por artistas, atores, diretores, autores e espectadores durante o período em que o nazifascismo dominou grande parte da Europa (1933-45). Estendemos a análise para o período imediatamente após a liberação dos campos de concentração, especialmente o de Bergen-Belsen, por ser o Campo onde Feder permaneceu dias antes e 5 anos no final da Segunda Guerra. A relevância deste estudo está em resgatar e analisar historiograficamente o percurso e a atuação de Feder, que, por meio da arte teatral, aliada à música, literatura e poesia, buscou o exercício ético do acolhimento coletivo e da cidadania. O artista desenvolveu um teatro, pouco documentado devido às circunstâncias de reclusão e proibição e, ao mesmo tempo, de denúncia, crítica e reflexão subterrâneas durante a vigência do regime nazista. Mais tarde, com o fim da guerra, institucionalizou-se este teatro, com maior registro, criando-se a Companhia Kazet Theater, no Campo de deslocados DP Camp Bergen-Belsen (1945-50), onde a reabilitação e recuperação da dignidade humana tornou-se uma urgência frente ao desenraizamento e ao trauma. Ações intervencionistas como estas se propagaram pelas cidades ocupadas, guetos e campos de concentração, enquanto reação ao processo de desumanização sustentado pelo Estado nacional-socialista e países colaboracionistas. Posteriormente, significaram também uma forma de participar da reconstrução de uma identidade, de um povo, de uma cultura. / This thesis restores the path followed by Sami Feder (1906-2000), the Polish Jewish theater director, who worked during the resistance art and emotional movement supported by artists, actors, directors, authors and audiences during the period in which Nazi fascism dominated most of Europe (1933-45). We extend to the time immediately after the concentration camp liberation, stressing on the Bergen-Belsen camp, where Feder stayed some days during World War II and up to five years after its end. The relevance of this study is to retrieve and perform a historiographic analysis of Feders path and performance, that by theatrical art together with music, literature and poetry searched the ethical work of collective refuge and citizenship. The artist developed a poorly documented theater, due to reclusion and prohibition, not to mention underground complaint, criticism and reflection during the Nazi regime. Later, following the end of the World War, this theater was established, therefore better documented, and the Kazet Theater Company was founded in the Bergen-Belsen Displaced Persons Camp (1945-50), where rehabilitation and recuperation of human dignity became a matter of urgency, owing to the rootlessness and trauma. Interventionist actions like that were disseminated in occupied cities, ghettos and concentration camps as a reaction to the dehumanization sustained by the national socialist state as well as collaborationist countries, and afterwards, as a way to participate in the reconstruction of an identity, people and culture.

Meine Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit einem Autor, der in den Jahren 1928 bis 1932 in Deutschland große Erfolge hatte und seit der Machtergreifung der Nationalsozialisten dort nicht mehr gespielt werden durfte. Um dennoch weiterhin in Deutschland als Schriftsteller arbeiten zu dürfen, unterschrieb Ödön von Horváth am 11.07.1934 die Aufnahme- Erklärung für seinen Eintritt in den „Reichsverband Deutscher Schriftsteller“ (RDS), eine Unterorganisation der nationalsozialistischen „Reichschrifttumskammer“ (RSK). Unter dem Pseudonym H.W. Becker schrieb er einige Filmszenarios, von denen nur zwei realisiert wurden. Die Phase der Jahre 1934/35 nenne ich unter Verwendung seines Pseudonyms die Becker-Phase. In der Horváth-Forschung wurde seit den 70er Jahren bislang das Bild eines Autors festgeschrieben, das ausgehend von den vier bekannten Volksstücken, darunter den meistgespielten Geschichten aus dem Wienerwald Horváth als einen politisch motivierten antifaschistischen Kämpfer zeichnet. Dieses Bild entstand unter Ausklammerung seiner Aktivitäten in den Jahren 1934 bis 1936. Voreilig wurde Horváth dem Kanon der verbotenen, exilierten und sogar verbrannten Schriftsteller zugerechnet. Die These meiner Arbeit besteht darin, die Dissoziation eines Autors unter der Diktatur des Nationalsozialismus darzustellen. In der Horváth-Forschung soll diese Arbeit dazu dienen, der Biographie eines Autors ein notwendiges neues Element der Periodisierung an die Hand zu geben: Die Becker- Periode ist die Phase der selbst gewählten Schizophrenie eines Dichters, der sich kurzfristig auf ein System einlässt, das er früher ideologisch bekämpft hat, und darum für dieses System kurzfristig brauchbar wird. Aus diesem Wechselspiel entsteht die beschriebene Dissoziation: Horváth versuchte erst unter Verzicht auf sein Können unpolitische und zensurgerechte Filmtreatments zu schreiben, was dann auch auf seine Stücke dieser Zeit Einfluss hat und der Verzicht wird dann zum Verlust des Könnens. Diese Arbeit soll den Nachweis liefern, dass die bisher in der Sekundärliteratur vorgeschlagenen Erklärungsmodelle der Wendung eines Schriftstellers vom Realistischen zum Metaphysischen, die sich ebenso wie die noch immer zu überwindende Legendenbildung vom unerschrocken antifaschistischen und aktiv kämpfenden Dichter durchgesetzt zu haben scheinen, lediglich versuchen, den Ausfluss dieser Phase zu beschreiben, aber keineswegs ursächlich sind. / This thesis deals with the work of an author who was very successful in germany during the period from 1928 to 1932, and whose work was suppressed by the nazi regime after 1933. To retain at least a foothold in his field of endeavour and to be allowed to continue to write, Ödön von Horvath joined the Reichsverband Deutscher Schriftsteller on july 11, 1934, becoming a member of that organization''s subsidiary known as the national socialist "Reichsschrifttumskammer" or "chamber of literature (rsk). Using the pseudonym H.W.Becker, Horvath produced scripts for several movies, of which only two were ever produced. in my dissertation, the years 1934 and 1935 are referred to as the "Becker Phase". Other investigators, working mainly during the 1970S, have described Horvath by way of such well-known projects as his "tales from the vienna woods" and "Kasimir and Karoline" as a politically motivated and committed anti fascist fighter. i, on the other hand, have attempted to show that, except for his output during 1934 to 1936, Horvath was an outright victim, who was indeed both hurt and damaged by dint of being among the many authors fobidden and exiled by the nazis, with many of their works literally burned in bonfires by the nazi regime. My thesis attempts to trace the growing dissociation of Horvath (an undisputed author in league with the intra-german opposition against Hitler) as it turns out, trying to survive with his genius intact under the national socialist dictatorship. in this way, my research enabled me to present the biography of this author in a new light. thus, the "Becker period" (my term for the phase) demonstrates a form of “voluntary schizophrenia” of the author as he pretends for a time to go along with the regime’s doctrine. and because he had initially raged against nazism, he thus briefly becomes useful to the n.s. system as an assumed collaborator. I have attempted to show how Horvath , no doubt temporarily, set aside his genius by writing non-political texts that would withstand the n.s. censor''s pen -- and how this strategy eventually and tragically resulted in the loss of his creative talent altogether. My work attempts to establish how the transformation of this writer from the realm of realism to that of metaphysics aided in the development of something akin to a "Horvath legend", which to this day appears to be growing in literary circles.

Durante pouco mais de oito anos, o alemão Friedrich Reck-Malleczewen escreveu um diário, no qual registrou suas impressões a respeito do regime nazista, ao qual radicalmente se opunha. A redação do diário só foi interrompida quando o autor foi preso pela Gestapo, pela segunda vez, e enviado ao campo de Dachau, onde perderia a vida poucas semanas antes da chegada das tropas aliadas. O relato de Reck-Malleczewen, além do drama pessoal que cerrega, é especialmente interessante pelo fato de que representa uma voz de oposição conservadora, de alguém que não era, originalmente, alvo de perseguição por parte do regime nazista. No presente trabalho, traduzimos, pela primeira vez para o português, o Diário de Reck-Malleczewen, procurando contextualizar a obra, criticamente, no contexto em que foi escrita. / For a little more than eight years, the German writer Friedrich Reck-Malleczewen kept a diary, where he registered his impressions related to the Nazi government, to which he was radically opposed. The journal was interrupted only when the Gestapo arrested Reck for the second time, sending him to Dachau, where he died a few weeks before the arrival of the allied troops. Reck-Malleczewens testimony, along with the personal drama it carries, is especially relevant because it represents the voice of a conservative opposition to the Nazi government, a voice from someone who was not, at least not initially, a target to the Nazis. Here we translate, for the first time to the Portuguese language, the Reck-Malleczewns journal, trying to put it, through comments and footnotes, in the context in which has been written.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:39:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oswaldo Henrique Duek Marques.pdf: 995964 bytes, checksum: a677e6a03805227f7a6aa2cd85b5fbb9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-14 / This work analyses Erich Fromm s psychoanalytical contributions to the understanding of Nazism and its intrinsic anti-Semitism by conducting a theoretical research in Psychoanalysis, while taking into account the historical and philosophical basis. In the first chapter we focus on the historical aspects of Nazism and anti-Semitism. In the second chapter, we discuss psychoanalytical contributions from de the Freudian field in order to reflect on the question of Nazism from a psychoanalytical point of view, as an introduction to Fromm s ideas on this topic. In the third and final chapter, we study aspects of Nazism and anti-Semitism in Fromm s works. In the conclusion, we present Fromm s main psychoanalytical contributions to these themes. Through a critical and reflexive analysis this work attempts to demonstrate this author s crucial contribution to the psychoanalytic understanding of Nazism and Anti-Semitism. The value of this research resides in the fact that no deep and specific study on Fromm s psychoanalytic contributions to the understanding of these topics has been found. The referred issues are still current in today s world, as they reveal, from a psychoanalytical standpoint, the mechanisms that unleash the discrimination and intolerance in totalitarian regimes / Este estudo analisa as contribuições psicanalíticas de Erich Fromm para a compreensão do nazismo e do antissemitismo nele inserido, por meio de pesquisa teórica em Psicanálise, sem afastar as bases históricas e filosóficas. Para tanto, enfoca inicialmente, no primeiro capítulo, os aspectos históricos do nazismo e do antissemitismo, para, na sequência, no segundo capítulo, discorrer sobre os subsídios psicanalíticos no campo freudiano, a fim de pensar a problemática do nazismo da ótica da psicanálise, como introdução às ideias de Fromm sobre esse tema. No terceiro e último capítulo, pesquisam-se, na obra conjunta desse autor, os aspectos do nazismo e do antissemitismo. Ao final, na conclusão, são apresentadas as principais contribuições psicanalíticas de Fromm sobre esses temas. Este trabalho pretende demonstrar, por meio de uma análise crítica e reflexiva, a contribuição essencial desse autor para a compreensão psicanalítica do nazismo e do antissemitismo. Esta pesquisa se justifica na medida em que não foi localizado estudo aprofundado e específico que apontasse as contribuições psicanalíticas de Fromm para compreender o nazismo e o antissemitismo. Os assuntos tratados revestem-se de atualidade, por revelarem, do ponto de vista psicanalítico, os mecanismos que desencadeiam a discriminação e a intolerância, presentes nos regimes totalitáriosa

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruth Kelson.pdf: 920154 bytes, checksum: 207a341e9ab105b0b58f0319d1c443df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-27 / This dissertation intends to enlarge the scope of the concept Banality of Evil, a term coined by Hannah Arendt to qualify an Evil that had not yet been detected as a particular form and that she had observed in the Nazi Adolph Eichmann during his trial in Jerusalem in 1962. She called it an Evil without roots, which is like a fungus in the surface. She found it in a nonperson, in someone that doesn t think , that doesn t perform the dialogue me-with-myself and acts in heteronomy, under an external command to which it obeys without assuming personal responsibility for its moral consequences. This concept helps to elucidate the way totalitarianisms of the modern era acts and the attitude of those that only follow orders , without considering the monstrosities that they can embed. The first condition for this new form of Evil was man s preceding transformation in a pure animal laborans, dedicated nearly exclusively to his survival as a species. Transformed in a thing, as a mean and not an end in itself, man acquired the condition of superficiality from which it could derive the logic of extermination. The second condition was the destruction of the sacredness of man in modern times. With the death of God, he was transformed into a simple thing, able to be molded, used and discarded. The third condition is the predominance of the process in the world today which has an autonomous dynamics and is independent of man and his decisions. Zigmunt Baumann added to Hannah Arendt s vision a new comprehension of the mechanisms and motives that can slip into this form of Evil: the fight against the indeterminate, the chaotic and the ambivalence, trying to create a controlled and less threatening world. But, in the fight against ambivalence, an even greater chaos is created around this orders that are built. In this world on which one wants to impose the order of a deterministic law or project, the bureaucrat is the main agent of this form of Evil. The question of the Banality of Evil raises the question of what are the means at our disposal to oppose it / Com esta dissertação, pretende-se ampliar a abrangência do conceito de Banalidade do Mal, um termo criado por Hannah Arendt para qualificar um Mal que não fora ainda detectado com uma forma própria e que ela observou no nazista Adolf Eichmann durante seu julgamento em Jerusalém em 1962. Ela o chamou de um Mal sem raízes, que é como um fungo na superfície. Localizou-o em uma não-pessoa, em alguém que não pensa , que não realiza o diálogo de mim-comigo-mesmo e age em heteronomia, sob uma determinação exterior à qual obedece sem se responsabilizar pessoalmente por suas conseqüências morais. Este conceito ajuda a elucidar a forma de agir dos totalitarismos da era moderna e a atitude daqueles que somente cumprem ordens , sem levar em conta a monstruosidade que elas podem trazer embutidas. A primeira condição para esta nova forma do Mal foi a transformação prévia do homem num puro animal laborans, dedicado quase que exclusivamente à sua sobrevivência como espécie. Transformado em coisa, em meio e não em fim em si mesmo, o homem adquiriu a condição de superfluidade da qual pode derivar a lógica do extermínio. A segunda condição foi a destituição da sacralidade do homem na modernidade. Com a morte de Deus, o homem se tornou simples coisa, passível de ser moldado, usado ou descartado. A terceira condição é o predomínio do processo no mundo atual, que tem uma dinâmica autônoma e independe do homem e de suas decisões. Zigmunt Baumann acrescentou à visão de Hannah Arendt uma nova compreensão dos mecanismos e motivos que podem resvalar para esta forma de Mal: a luta contra o indeterminado, o caótico e a ambivalência, com o objetivo de criar um mundo controlado e menos ameaçador. Porém, na luta contra a ambivalência, cria-se um caos ainda maior em torno a estas ordens que são construídas. Neste mundo em que se pretende impor a ordem de uma lei determinística ou de um projeto, o burocrata é o principal agente da Banalidade do Mal. A questão desta forma de Mal suscita a pergunta de quais meios dispomos para nos contrapormos a ela