The main focus of this work is genocide in one of the former German colonies. German South West Africa, in the present day known as Namibia, faced such a frightening event at the beginning of 20th century that very few situations in human history can compare to it. This work tries to bring the reader closer to the situation in southwest Africa in the period of German colonialism, especially to the genocide of the Herero and Nama nations. The main goal of this diploma thesis is based on defining the term genocide and the description of contemporary events in German South West Africa. The key aim is to find certain connections between genocide committed by the German Empire in German South West Africa and genocide perpetrated several decades later by Nazi Germany in Eastern Europe during Second Word War.

The world of aesthetics is usually reserved for the artist and to some degree held separate from the science of politics. This paper sets out to explore the relationship between these too-often separated disciplines by examining how the political manifests itself in the aesthetical. The theoretical framework in this paper is based on Crispin Sartwell’s theory about political manifestation in aesthetic expressions in political environments. The method of delivery forthe purpose is challenging Sartwell’s theory in a semiotic picture analysis of the motionpicture Olympia, produced under the direct supervision of Hitler in 1930’s Nazi Germany.The contents of this famous film are commonly described to hold high in the sphere of theaesthetical, but not so much in the political, despite for being a Nazi-produced film. Theresults go to show however, that such is not the case. In fact, this aesthetical piece holdsmany representations of Nazi ideology. The aesthetics of the film can at first seem to besubtle and purely aesthetical. But through careful analysis, the aesthetical expressions arerevealed to be all but simply artistically creative expressions; they are the visualmanifestations of central aspects of Nazi ideology.

Ce travail prend pour objet d’abord de montrer que la pensée politique et national-socialiste de Heidegger est le vrai point d’appui de son anti-cartésianisme. Pour cela, je défends la thèse selon laquelle Heidegger a vu dans le national-socialisme une puissance de détruire la rationalité et tout ce qui se fonde sur le cartésianisme, et qu’il a considéré cette « destruction » comme métaphysiquement nécessaire à une « nouvelle expérience de l’être ». Ensuite, je me propose de lire Descartes à l’encontre de Heidegger. La pensée de Descartes, qui est celle de la sagesse humaine, s’oppose tant à la pensée de la donation ou de la technè (soit théologique, soit phénoménologique, soit ontologique) qu’à la pensée national-socialiste de Heidegger qui se fonde sur l’« absolutisme de l’être ». Enfin, je soutiens que la nécessité de la défense de l’humanité nous exhorte à relire la philosophie de Descartes. En effet, celle-ci a montré la voie à suivre pour qui aspire à la liberté humaine affranchie de tout absolutisme, et à une politique ou une société qui recherche un accord entre des idées différentes sans détermination ontologique préalable ni norme préétablie. / The first object of this dissertation is to show that Heidegger’s anti-cartesianism is based on his political and national socialistic thought. For this purpose, I defend the thesis that Heidegger saw in the National Socialism a power to destroy rationality and all that is derived from the Cartesianism, and that he regarded this « destruction » as metaphysically necessary for a new « experience of Being ». And then I propose to read Descartes against Heidegger. Descartes’ Philosophy is opposed not only to the thought of « donation » or technè (either theological, or phenomenological, or ontological) but also to the national socialistic thought of Heidegger, which relies on the « absolutism of Being ». My final thesis is that Descartes’ philosophy showed a way toward human being’s liberation from every kind of absolutism and toward a politics or a society, which seeks an agreement between different opinions without ontological precondition or preestablished norm.

While most scholars focus on analyzing the content of photographs taken under Nazi rule, this dissertation examines photographic practices as social acts aimed at building the Nazi racial community (Volksgemeinschaft). Nazi officials envisioned photography as both an action and a shared experience which would transform Germans into National Socialists and unite them. Beginning in 1933, the dictatorship promoted photography for those who belonged to that community and set about excluding Jews from it. The dispossession of Jews in the photographic industry reinforced the connection between photography and national belonging even further. Because of the regime’s active intervention in the marketplace, many Germans had come to view photography by 1939 as a pastime that strengthened the bonds between members of this exclusive community, an association which acquired new significance during the Second World War. German soldiers and their families were actively encouraged by Nazi authorities to exchange photographs in order to fortify morale during military conflict. Based on a review of hundreds of albums, it is clear that soldiers and their loved ones understood sharing photographs and compiling photo albums as both a medium of intimate communication and a form of patriotic duty. On the war front, the act of photographing daily routines and the intervals between combat situations provided a way for Wehrmacht soldiers fighting on the Eastern Front and SS-men guarding concentration camps to reaffirm the values of comradeship and family that the Nazis viewed as fundamental to the racial community. Focused as they were on enacting these values, soldiers largely omitted atrocities in the photographs they sent home for their albums. Ultimately, it would fall to concentration camp prisoners to use photography to expose the violence and cruelty on which the Nazi project also depended, but which popular photography under National Socialism had treated as a secondary subject all along.

Uppsatsen är en analys av den svenska politiska aktivisten Per Engdahl och hans rörelsers ideologiska innehåll. Engdahl som föddes 1909 och avled 1994 var under hela sitt liv verksam i olika svenska fascistiska och högerextrema organisationer såsom Sveriges Fascistiska Kamporganisation, Riksförbundet det Nya Sverige, Sveriges Nationella Förbund, Riksföreningen Sverige-Tyskland, Svensk Opposition, Europäische Soziale Bewegung samt Nysvenska Rörelsen. Dessutom utgav han under nästan 50 år tidningen Vägen Framåt. Studien omfattar perioden 1931 till 1950. Fyra olika politiska program samt fyra ledarartiklar ur Vägen Framåt, från 1942 alla författade av Engdahl, har analyserats. Metoden har varit ideologianalys speciellt med hjälp av textanalys.Studiens syfte är att utifrån teorin om generisk fascism undersöka Per Engdahl och hans organisationers ideologiska grund. En sådan analys har inte tidigare genomförts utan Engdahl har betecknats som fascist eller nazist utifrån empiriska studier av organisationerna och inte på grundligare studier av hans idéer.Till idéhistorikern Lena Bergrens minimidefinition av generisk fascism har jag i min definition lagt till begreppet auktoritär och ersatt holistisk till metafysisk. Den lyder sålunda: Fascismen är en ultranationalistisk revolutionär och auktoritär ideologi med metafysiska och synkretistiska pretentioner som syftar till att skapa ett radikalt nytt samhälle och en ny typ av människa.Utifrån denna definition och andra centrala begrepp i fascismen betraktar jag Per Engdals ideologi som fascistisk under den undersökta perioden 1931 till 1950. Jag anser även att Engdahl var antisemit under perioden 1931 till 1942 och att han regelbundet spred rasideologiska idéer i sina texter fram till och med 1950. / This work is an ideological analyse of the Swedish political activist Per Engdahl and his different organizations. Engdahl was born 1909 and died 1994. He was active his whole life in different Swedish fascist an extreme right-wing organizations as Sweden’s Fascist Combat Organization, The National Federation the New Sweden, The National Swedish Association, The National Association Sweden-Germany, Swedish Opposition, The European Social Movement and The New Swedish Movement. He was also the publisher, for almost 50 years, of the political paper The Way Forwards. This study extends from 1931 to 1950. I have analysed four different political manifests and four editorials dated 1942 from his paper The Way Forwards. My method is primarily an ideology analysis including text analysis.The purpose of the study is to use the theory of generic fascism on Per Engdahls texts to find out the ideology can be defined as fascism. An analysis like this has not been done before but Engdahl has primarily been labelled as a Fascist or Nazi from empirical studies of his organizations and not by more thoroughly studies of his ideas.From the historian of ideas Lena Berggren I have borrowed her mini definition of generic fascism. But I have added the term authoritarian and substitute holistic with metaphysical. My definition reads: Fascism is an extreme nationalistic revolutionary and authoritarian ideology with metaphysical and syncretistic pretension which aims at a radical new society and an new type of individual.From this definition and other central concepts of Fascism I will define Per Engdahls ideology as fascism during the examined period from 1931 to 1950. I also see Engdahl as an anti-Semite during 1931 to 1942 and that he also constantly spread racism within texts and programmes until the end of the examination 1950.

‘Just Like Hitler’ explores the manner in which Nazism is used within mass American culture to create ethical arguments. Specifically, it provides a history of Nazism’s usage as a metaphor for evil. The work follows that metaphor’s usage from its origin with dissemination of camp liberation imagery through its political usage as a way of describing the communist enemy in the Cold War, through its employment as a vehicle for criticism against America’s domestic and foreign policies, through to its usage as a personal metaphor for evil. Ultimately, the goal of the dissertation is to describe the ways in which the metaphor of Nazism has become ubiquitous in discussion of ethics within American culture at large and how that ubiquity has undermined definitions of evil and made them unavailable. Through overuse, Nazism has become a term to vague to describe anything, but necessary because all other definitions of evil are subject to contextualization and become diminished through explanation. The work analyzes works of postwar literature but also draws in state sponsored propaganda as well as works of popular culture. Because of its concentration on Nazism as a ubiquitous definition of evil, it describes American culture through a survey of its more prominent, popular, and lauded works.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how the argumentation for the freedom of speech versus the right to safety was presented when these rights came in conflict with each other when a neo-Nazi organization was allowed to co-arrange Almedalen 2017. The material consists of press statements, debate articles and news articles where the arguments of four key agents connected to Almedalsveckan 2017 were collected. In order to fulfill the purpose of the study, the argumentation is analyzed by answering three research questions: How did each agent present their argument? How did the argumentation rely on current law? How did the agents rely on the others’ rights claim? The argumentation is analyzed qualitatively through a normative theory in order to investigate how the claims were made for each right. The agents that claim freedom of speech are Region Gotland and the police. The agents that claim the right to safety are RFSL and Funktionsrätt Sverige together with the JAG Association. The argumentation is categorized thematically for each agent and every category is analyzed separately. The results show that both sides used emotionally charged arguments or affective language and both sides may be considered as lacking in concretization regarding the meaning of their main arguments. Both sides clearly relied on current law by either mentioning laws explicitly or implicitly. All of the agents made some statement about the other key agent’s position or responsibility. Both sides can be considered as having valid right claims by referring to intrinsic values and current law. In the end, Region Gotland and the police have the right to determine who is allowed to co-arrange Almedalen and can therefor decide which claimed rights that is prioritized in the value hierarchy. Furthermore, the study shows that each conflict of rights needs to be valued individually as the circumstances, consequences and claims are crucial for the determination of the hierarchy. For future research, I recommend investigating how the public opinion considers allowing or limiting neo-Nazi’s freedom of opinions, as well as investigating how the Swedish praxis regarding the application and restriction of freedom of opinions for neo-Nazi organizations and parties is carried.

Few figures in the history of the Americas are surrounded with more colorful lore and acclamation than the Cuban politician, teacher, patriot, and poet Jose Marti. Among Marti's literary contributions, his Ismaelillo, a collection of fifteen poems published in 1882, claims prominence as both Marti's first book of poems and as a seminal Latin American text. Celebrated for its sincere communication of paternal love and lauded as the genesis of Hispanic literary modernism, Ismaelillo captures the longing of an exiled father separated from his son and homeland. Its language is at once evocative of classical Spanish literature and innovative, incorporating allusions to Golden Age drama while introducing neologisms and oneiric imagery that were daring for Marti's time. Despite the significance of Ismaelillo in Latin American literature, no complete English translation of the work has yet been published. The foremost aim of this thesis project, then, is to fill this lack. The English translation seeks to reflect Marti's meaning, rhythm, and additional phonological effects such as alliteration, rhyme, and anaphora. It balances primary concerns of fidelity to the original text with concerns of accessibility and satisfaction for a contemporary English audience. To reveal further the meaning of Marti's Ismaelillo, annotations and a critical introduction explore the text's historical and literary contexts.

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