This paper takes a critical stance to the conventional thinking about the relationship between Islam and gender equality in a functional idea analysis on the family codes in Algeria and Tunisia. With two different outcomes in spite of their historical and cultural similarities, this paper seeks to understand the developments from neo-colonial and Islamic feminist perspectives. The analysis investigates three variables brought from these theories: militarization, anti-westernism and Islamic law interpretation, and their possible effect on the shaping of the family code. By applying them to the historical, cultural and social contexts of the countries and comparing them to each other, the conclusion is made that all of the variables could be used to understand the family code-outcomes. This results in a hypothesized causal mechanism which can be tested on other muslim states, when seeking to understand differences in institutionalized gender equality around the world.

Despite its presentation as a pragmatic and universally applicable path to peace, the author argues that liberal peacebuilding offers no clear break from past colonial and imperial relations. Liberal peacebuilding is, in fact, colonial in its attempt to penetrate the markets and political systems of post-conflict countries and restructure economies and political life through the hegemonic imposition of liberal norms, facilitating their integration into global capitalism and a liberal community of states. The “liberal peace” created by this political and economic order often involves violent conditions of assimilation and exclusion. Moreover, the confluence of security and development concerns in the 1990s has set the strategic foundation for the incorporation of locally-driven “civil society” approaches to peacebuilding within statebuilding operations. In this thesis, the author identifies existing criticisms of peacebuilding, and, drawing on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Partha Chatterjee, David Scott, and Jenny Edkins, initiates a deeper critique that considers the historical context of colonialism, legitimations of violence, the construction of the non-west in categories of development, and the relations of power and knowledge associated with liberal approaches to making peace. The author provides a historical and political overview of wars in Angola, proposing that discourses and practices of international peacebuilding have concealed the continuation of war by other means.

This thesis project explores the connection between Cuban identity and the twentieth-century Neobaroque. The paper approaches the Neobaroque as a concept that reoriginates or "refracts" culture, implying a relationship between Baroque forms and post-colonial Latin America that creates a transformation of cultural expression. Furthermore, the Neobaroque is seen relating to questions of cultural identity, post-colonialism, transculturation, mestizaje, and Latin American modernity. The Neobaroque's relevancy with Cuba is stipulated in twentieth-century writings of three Cuban authors known as the Cuban triumvirate: José Lezama Lima, Alejo Carpentier, and Severo Sarduy. Similar themes of these writers concerning the Neobaroque's connection with the urban environment of Havana as well as connections to José Martí's writing Nuestra América are highlighted as key components connecting the Neobaroque with Cuban culture. / Graduate / 0336 / 0626 / scruiksh@uvic.ca

The author strongly holds- in the thesis- that the Theology of liberation can inspi re the poor of South Africa to uproot the post-1994 socio-economic and political evil structures which continue unabated to impoverish them. The introductory chapter studies the reasons which motivated the author to write the thesis. It further discusses the method, the format and the limitations of the thesis. Chapter one focuses on the author's understanding of the Theology of liberation, and its historical background. Chapter two discusses the relationship between the Theology of Liberation and black theology, while chapter three contemplates on the possibility of the creation of what the author calls, An African Theology of Liberation. Chapter four studies the relationship between the Theology of liberation and the Social Teachings of the Catholic Church as taught by the pope and his council. The study of this relationship is extremely difficult because of the on-going, and seemingly insurmountable ideological differences between the two parties. The author suggests, as a solutio n, that each party seriously considers and recognizes the contextual limitations of its theology. Chapter five focuses on the implementation of the Theology of Liberat ion into the South African situation. The author highly recommends the inclusion of the veneration of the ancestors of Africa, as a perfect instrument by means of which the Theology of Liberation can succeed in achieving one of its major aims, which is to convert the poor to be leaders of their own liberation. The concluding chapter suggests concrete ways through which the Theology of Liberation can be kept alive and relevant within the South African situation. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

The thesis has investigated the place of Zimbabwean indigenous intangible heritage in a globalising environment. It used the Shona language and intangible heritage situation as a case study. It argued that Zimbabwean intangible heritage is continually being eroded by the agents of globalisation and that the only way of safeguarding it from extinction is through the preservation of Zimbabwean indigenous languages. The thesis has come to this conclusion after having established that there is an intimate and inseparable bond between language and its intangible values so much that it is not possible to talk of one devoid of the other. The relationship has been seen to be symbiotic. The Shona language has been established to embody, express and to be a carrier of all the intangible heritage of its speakers into the future by re-living them in the people’s daily life while these intangible values have been seen to conserve the language through their continued practice by the people. The research has also established that Zimbabwean intangible heritage marginalisation has roots in colonialism, dating as far back as the early Christian missionary days. The Shona intangible heritage has also been seen to be still of value despite the global threats as evidenced by the people’s continued re-living of it through language. The thesis has also noted that the Zimbabwean Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture is still using out-dated colonial language policies that still further the ascendancy of English and the intangible values it stands for while indigenous languages and values are marginalised in the education system, in government and in industry thereby worsening their predicament in the global environment. The current socio-economic and political developments in the country and some Shona novelists in Shona and in English are also culprits in this whole process as they continue to demonise and infantilise Zimbabwean intangible heritage. The thesis has therefore asserted that Zimbabwean intangible heritage is most likely to be eroded from the face of the earth if no measures are taken to safeguard it from extinction. It has therefore wound up by arguing that the survival of Zimbabwean intangible heritage lies in the survival of Zimbabwean indigenous languages through which it continues to be practised and felt by its people. The thesis has therefore recommended that the Zimbabwean government adopt sound language policies that safeguard the survival of Zimbabwean indigenous languages to enable the indigenous intangible heritage of the people to survive as well as the two are intricately related. / African Languages / D. Litt. et. Phil.(African Languages)

This dissertation for the M.A. in Creative Writing consists of a full-length play, titled Last Laugh and a mini-dissertation. The mini-dissertation explores the phenomenon of Theatre-for-Development, which differs significantly from the performance tradition of classical African drama. The study identifies ways in which Theatre-for-Development practitioners, animators or catalysts, (interchangeable names given to agents who teach target community members theatre-for-development skills) abandon the conventions of classical African drama performances, in terms of the form of plays, stage management and costumes. They find different and less formal ways to tackle the social problems which the target communities experience. The origins of Classical African drama are traced from the western tradition, from which it borrows heavily, and there is some discussion of the socio-historical conditions that prevailed during the time when African playwrights performed those plays, and the rise of nationalism in colonised African states, which in part influenced their production. This study then examines how the socio-political dynamics in the Zimbabwean post-farm-invasions era gave rise to Theatre-for-Development projects in the newly resettled farming communities that faced social development challenges. Despite the land gains peasants enjoyed, the resettled communities found themselves in places far away from schools, hospitals, shops and social service centres. That was the source of their problems. It will be shown how government sponsored Theatre-for-Development groups to mobilise the people, through theatre, to initiate home-groomed solutions to their social and economic problems during a time when the government was bankrupt and the country’s economy was shattered by the destruction of the agricultural and mining sectors, triggered by the invasions of the white commercial farms. The Ziya Community Theatre’s production of Sunrise is analysed in the light of these considerations. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / English / unrestricted

This research paper addresses the compelling intersection of economic behavior and neo-colonial structures, specifically within the context of the CFA Franc currency union. The central issue under examination is the impact of the CFA Franc agreement on the behavior of capital owners in Guinea-Bissau. The purpose of this study is to understand the complex interplay between economic actions and neo-colonial mechanisms, tested via two hypotheses derived from Public Choice theory and the CFA agreement, and further relate the findings to the discourse on neo-colonialism. The study employs an Interrupted Time Series (ITS) design and Time Series Analysis (TSA) to systematically explore changes over time and assess the cause-effect relationships in a realistic manner. Findings partially confirm the hypothesis regarding foreign reserves, indicating that the CFA agreement indeed impacts capital owners' behavior. However, contrary to expectations, capital flight was found to decrease post-intervention, suggesting additional factors at play. The results illuminate the complex dynamics of the CFA union and broaden the understanding of potential neo-colonial structures, contributing to the ongoing debate on economic inequality and neo-colonialism.

Operating through complex supply chains and multiple jurisdictions, today’s business enterprises can outsource manufacturing to different parts of the world where they can take advantage of low labour- and production costs. In the global quest for businesses to maximise their profits, deteriorating working conditions for offshore labour workers are increasing the risks of human rights abuses. Such abuses often take the form of ‘modern slavery’, which refers to situations of exploitation in which labour workers are trapped and unable to leave due to threats, violence, deception, abuse of power or other forms of coercion. In 2015, the United Kingdom (UK) enacted the Modern Slavery Act (MSA), aimed at combatting modern slavery by requiring business enterprises to be transparent with the steps they have taken to ensure that modern slavery is not taking place within their supply chains. By putting pressure on business enterprises to display their actions taken to address adverse human rights impacts, the MSA has brought the responsibility of business enterprises to conduct ‘human rights due diligence’ (HRDD) – as stipulated in the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) - into domestic law. While the MSA has been regarded as a ‘world-leading instrument’ and a ‘historic milestone’ by the UK government, its effectiveness in counteracting modern slavery has been questioned in various studies, pointing towards a risk that the MSA is allowing human rights abuses to prevail under a form of a legal veil. Bearing in mind the country’s long colonial history, the enactment of the MSA can be seen as carrying an important symbolic value for the UK when it comes to taking accountability for human rights abuses committed overseas. However, adopting weak or ineffective legislation could instead, paradoxically, reflect an interest by the UK government to maintain beneficial trade relationships based on exploitative working conditions in a manner that reflects a continuation of former colonial power structures. This thesis is set out to examine this potential paradox by analysing the MSA’s level of compliance with the UNGPs from a postcolonial perspective.

Text in Afrikaans / In this thesis the term post-colonialism in the Afrikaans drama is investigated, focussing on the post-sixties. The term post-colonialism is difficult to define. Not only are theories of post-colonialism in a state of continuous flux and shifting emphasis, but as a result of different colonial dominations, separate identities have been constructed in South-Africa; so that defining the terms colonial, post colonial and post-colonial proves to be even more problematic. The purpose of this study is to determine to what extent the Afrikaans drama fits into these discourses. The basic point of departure is the fact that post-colonialism played a considerable role in the development of the Afrikaans drama, at the same time providing a more varied scope. The research covers several aspects of post-colonialism in Afrikaans drama; each dealt with in a separate chapter. A multitude of perspectives are featured within the broader discourse in order to obtain multiple norms and standards in a phase of self-criticism. The focus falls mainly on themes and not on performance aspects. New perspectives on issues such as canon texts, silence, hero-worship, the portrayal of woman, patriarchy, and neo-colonialism are presented (chapter 1). In chapter 2 focus falls on the period before 1960, and notably the question of nationalism (associated with apartheid) and the portrayal of the Afrikaner. The literary canon, forms of violence and the position of the super-Afrikaner are viewed in a new light during the re-writing of post-colonial history and the resulting paradigm shifts after 1960. Renewed emphasis is placed on discourse concerning land (chapter 3). Contrasting concepts regarding race, class, language, gender and religion are reconsidered in order to contribute towards the heterogeneous nature of post-colonialism (chapter 4). The function of theatre is to re-evaluate in the context of a post-1994 democratic system. Texts now focus especially on empowerment, re-discovery and re-ordering of history, reconciliation, inter-cultural contact and a post-apartheid syndrome (chapter 5). Anti-hegemonic resistance in Afrikaans literature since the sixties has confronted writers with the challenge of depicting or creating a larger post-colonial reality through their texts. / Afrikaans & Theory of Literature / D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)

Text in French / Member of the union of black workers in the port of Marseille, in France, and an eyewitness to the misery of black workers in the European environment, Sembène Ousmane, in 1956, wrote, using his personal experiences, his first book entitled The Black Docker. In this novel, he describes the sufferings of the working class, the struggle between colonisers and colonised. In 1960, he uses as a pretext the strike of the Senegalese railway workers in 1937 to write a book entitled God's Bits of Wood. In this story where two forces clashed, on one hand, the colonised struggling against the colonial system and want, at all costs, to improve their living conditions, and on the other hand, the colonisers that are in support of their colonialist ideals and refuse the changes, the author tells the epic story of strikers in Senegal and their relentless struggles against the colonisers to change their living conditions for better. In 1973, an eyewitness of the daily realities of his native country, Senegal, after gaining national sovereignty, Sembène Ousmane wrote and published a book entitled Xala. In this book, he describes the evils of neo-colonialism and criticises the new African middle class, born after independence. After reading these novels, one notes that Sembène Ousmane, a defender of freedom, denounces the injustices done to the blacks, both in the colonial era as well as in the post colonial period. This is why from a book to another, he continues tirelessly his struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, evoking the sufferings and tragedies endured by the Africans. It occurs constantly in his imaginary creations, a theme, or better still a dialectical; commitment and militancy. What does he mean by « commitment » and « militancy » ? How do these two concepts manifest themselves in the works of the Senegalese writer? What strategy does he propose to the oppressed in the struggle against the oppressors? What means has he put at the disposal of the disinherited struggling to break the yoke of oppression and exploitation in order to achieve freedom and equality? / Membre du syndicat des travailleurs noirs, au port de Marseille, en France, et témoin oculaire de la misère vécue par les ouvriers noirs dans ce milieu européen, Sembène Ousmane, en 1956, écrit, en se servant de ses expériences personnelles, son premier ouvrage intitulé Le Docker noir. Dans ce roman, il décrit la souffrance de la classe ouvrière, la lutte entre colonisateurs et colonisés. En 1960, il se sert d’un prétexte, la grève des ouvriers sénégalais en 1937, pour écrire un ouvrage intitulé Les Bouts de bois de Dieu. Dans ce récit, où s’affrontent deux forces, d’une part les colonisés qui luttent contre le système colonial et veulent, à tout prix, l’amélioration de leurs conditions de vie, et d’autre part, les colonisateurs qui soutiennent les idéaux colonialistes et refusent le changement, l’auteur relate l’histoire épique des grévistes au Sénégal, et la lutte implacable qu’ils mènent contre les colonisateurs pour le changement de leurs conditions de vie. En 1973, témoin oculaire des réalités quotidiennes de son pays natal, le Sénégal, après son accession à la souveraineté nationale, Sembène Ousmane écrit et publie, un ouvrage intitulé Xala. Dans ce livre, il décrit les méfaits du néocolonialisme et critique la nouvelle classe bourgeoise africaine, née après l’indépendance. Après lecture des trois romans, on constate que Sembène Ousmane, défenseur de la liberté, dénonce les injustices faites aux Noirs, aussi bien à l’époque coloniale qu’à la période postcoloniale. C’est pourquoi, d’un ouvrage à l’autre, il continue, inlassablement, sa lutte contre le colonialisme et le néocolonialisme, en évoquant les souffrances et les drames endurés par les Africains. Il revient, constamment, dans ses créations imaginaires, à une thématique, ou mieux une dialectique, l’engagement et le militantisme. Qu’entend-il par « engagement » et « militantisme »? Comment ces deux lexèmes se manifestent-ils dans les écrits de cet écrivain sénégalais? Quelles stratégies propose-t-il aux opprimés dans la lutte qui les oppose aux oppresseurs? Quels moyens met-il a la disposition des déshérités en lutte pour briser le joug de l’oppression et celui de l’exploitation afin d’obtenir la liberté et l’égalité? / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (French)