21世紀是中國的世紀。自1978年改革開放以來，以漸進式的經濟改革政策成功發展出「具有中國特色的市場經濟」型態，使得經濟成長迅速。在2010年時，中國已經領先日本躍升為僅次於美國的世界第二大經濟體，累積雄厚經濟實力的中國，綜合國力迅速從亞洲崛起。隨著經濟力量、綜合國力的提升，中國在國際的地位也水漲船高，影響力日益升高，因此，中國在對各國的經濟外交運作上更具有著力度。 中國對非洲的經濟外交已經長達半個多世紀，從改革開放前的經濟無償援助關係，到改革開放後的雙方合資合作關係，再發展到現階段互利的「新型戰略夥伴」關係，中國以本身的經濟發展進程對非洲展開階段不同的經濟外交內容。 進入21世紀，崛起的中國需要更多的原物料、能源來維持經濟成長，而天然資源豐富、石油天然氣能源相繼被發掘的非洲，正是中國所需，加深中非經濟關係為中國本世紀要務之一，「中非合作論壇〈Forum on China – Africa Cooperation—FOCAC〉」基於這種背景下應運而生，透過論壇對話平台，中非關係在政治、能源和經貿關係上快速發展。同時，中國也認真落實歷屆論壇中對非洲所宣布的各项援助措施，因此，中國在非洲的影響大幅增強，中非關係更趨緊密。 另一方面，由於全球能源稀缺，西方大國也急於涉足非洲，密切的中非關係引來「中國威脅論」及「新殖民主義」的負面評論。“新非洲爭奪戰”在遙遠的非洲悄然掀起，也間接對全球國際關係產生了影響。 / The 21st century is the century of the Chinese. Since the reform in 1978, the progressive economic reform policy has successfully facilitated the development of the “Market economy with Chinese characteristics” model, thereby allowing the economy to achieve rapid growth. In 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy, ahead of Japan and second only to the United States. Having accumulated solid economic strength, China has increased its national strength and has soared in Asia. With this new economic power, combined with the increase in national strength, China’s international influence soared and its influence continues to increase. Therefore, China’s economic diplomacy in different countries has become more intense. China’s economic diplomacy in Africa has been progressed for over half a century. From the Aid for Debt Relief before the reform and opening-up, the joint venture partnership after the reform and opening-up, to the current mutually-benefiting development of the “new strategic partnership” relationship, China has launched economic diplomacy, the content of which has been carried out in different stages in connection with China’s own economic development process. In the 21st century, China has been the rise and is in need of more raw materials and energy to sustain its economic growth while Africa with abundant natural resources and natural gas energy being discovered is exactly what China is after. One of China’s priorities in this century is to deepen its economic relations with Africa. This background has led to the establishment of a platform for open talks: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation-FOCAC has undergone political, energy, and economic and trade relations with rapid development. Meanwhile, China has earnestly implemented the various assistance measures for Africa in the previous FOCAC sessions. Thus, China’s influence has intensified and China-Africa relations have become closer. On the other hand, due to the global energy scarcity, countries in power in the west have anxiously set food in Africa. The close relationship between China and Africa has led to negative comments such as the “China Threat Theory” and “New-colonialism. The “new scramble for Africa” has been quietly set off in Africa with an indirect impact on international relations.

The purpose of this study was to explore the socio-cultural impacts of cruise ship tourism on Port Vila residents and their coping strategies. The study was conducted in Port Vila over the months of June and July 2006. It employs the use of a qualitative research methodology, of participant observation, and semi-structured interviews with a range of tourism stakeholders, including the government, the church and chiefs, as well as a number of small businesses such as public transport operators, small indigenous tour operators and market vendors. These observations and interviews were conducted at the Mama’s Haus project, Centre Point Market Place, and the main wharf area. This thesis was initially aimed at exploring the strategies that the residents of Port Vila used to cope with the impacts caused by cruise ship tourism. As the research progressed, it become apparent from primary data collected that market vendors have not just adapted to the impacts of cruise ship tourism, but that the consequences of their adaptation may be seen as empowering them. They are empowered not just economically, but also psychologically, socially and politically. However, it must be acknowledged that not all small tourist operators in this study felt positively about the impacts of cruise ship tourism; some may be seen as being disempowered. Furthermore, the empowerment of these market vendors is dependent on the continuous flow of cruise ship visits to Port Vila; something beyond their control. The cancellation of future trips or decrease in the number of cruise ship voyages will have significant consequences for the sustainability of this informal sector and the longevity of these micro-enterprises. The study finding implies that coping strategies should not just address how residents and communities cope or respond to tourism, but should also go further by addressing the consequences of the coping strategies adopted.

The thesis examined the roles and contributions of Black women during the African ancient civilization by analyzing the lives, roles and contributions of Queen Hatshepsut and Nefertiti as case studies and interrogates how Black women positioned themselves as political, military and spiritual leaders during the age of antiquity. The argument is that African women were more involved as leaders in the affairs of their communities as compared to the contemporary times. By using African centered paradigms, Afrocentricity and juxtaposing robust anti-colonial and Black feminist thoughts, the thesis investigates and recreates systematic narratives of the past roles of African women at the very height of African civilization, discussed the changes in sex-gender roles and explained why contemporary women continue to experience difficulties in assessing position of leadership and resources. The study reproduces measured facts to confront the blurred roles and contributions of African women and situates it at the centre of education.

The thesis examined the roles and contributions of Black women during the African ancient civilization by analyzing the lives, roles and contributions of Queen Hatshepsut and Nefertiti as case studies and interrogates how Black women positioned themselves as political, military and spiritual leaders during the age of antiquity. The argument is that African women were more involved as leaders in the affairs of their communities as compared to the contemporary times. By using African centered paradigms, Afrocentricity and juxtaposing robust anti-colonial and Black feminist thoughts, the thesis investigates and recreates systematic narratives of the past roles of African women at the very height of African civilization, discussed the changes in sex-gender roles and explained why contemporary women continue to experience difficulties in assessing position of leadership and resources. The study reproduces measured facts to confront the blurred roles and contributions of African women and situates it at the centre of education.

Kwame Nkrumah was the first African leader to pursue the idea of Africa’s continent-wide unity with fervour. Many thought that African unity will only be the pooling of poverty and that Nkrumah’s dream was impossible. Nkrumah was known for his philosophy "Seek ye first the political kingdom and all things shall be added unto it". He thought that political unity should precede economic unity, which would naturally follow. Even though the newly independent African states agreed on the necessity of unity, his philosophy was not welcomed when the Organisation of African Unity was established in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) in 1963. Rather, delegates opted for incremental political integration leading to economic integration –an aspiration that Africa is still struggling to bring to fruition. This study demonstrates that Nkrumah’s idea of political unity before economic integration was and still is valid for Africa’s continent-wide unity. To this end, the study will use textual sources and use diachronic and integrative approaches as analytical tools. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Text in Afrikaans / In this thesis the term post-colonialism in the Afrikaans drama is investigated, focussing on the post-sixties. The term post-colonialism is difficult to define. Not only are theories of post-colonialism in a state of continuous flux and shifting emphasis, but as a result of different colonial dominations, separate identities have been constructed in South-Africa; so that defining the terms colonial, post colonial and post-colonial proves to be even more problematic. The purpose of this study is to determine to what extent the Afrikaans drama fits into these discourses. The basic point of departure is the fact that post-colonialism played a considerable role in the development of the Afrikaans drama, at the same time providing a more varied scope. The research covers several aspects of post-colonialism in Afrikaans drama; each dealt with in a separate chapter. A multitude of perspectives are featured within the broader discourse in order to obtain multiple norms and standards in a phase of self-criticism. The focus falls mainly on themes and not on performance aspects. New perspectives on issues such as canon texts, silence, hero-worship, the portrayal of woman, patriarchy, and neo-colonialism are presented (chapter 1). In chapter 2 focus falls on the period before 1960, and notably the question of nationalism (associated with apartheid) and the portrayal of the Afrikaner. The literary canon, forms of violence and the position of the super-Afrikaner are viewed in a new light during the re-writing of post-colonial history and the resulting paradigm shifts after 1960. Renewed emphasis is placed on discourse concerning land (chapter 3). Contrasting concepts regarding race, class, language, gender and religion are reconsidered in order to contribute towards the heterogeneous nature of post-colonialism (chapter 4). The function of theatre is to re-evaluate in the context of a post-1994 democratic system. Texts now focus especially on empowerment, re-discovery and re-ordering of history, reconciliation, inter-cultural contact and a post-apartheid syndrome (chapter 5). Anti-hegemonic resistance in Afrikaans literature since the sixties has confronted writers with the challenge of depicting or creating a larger post-colonial reality through their texts. / Afrikaans and Theory of Literature / D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)

Text in French / Member of the union of black workers in the port of Marseille, in France, and an eyewitness to the misery of black workers in the European environment, Sembène Ousmane, in 1956, wrote, using his personal experiences, his first book entitled The Black Docker. In this novel, he describes the sufferings of the working class, the struggle between colonisers and colonised. In 1960, he uses as a pretext the strike of the Senegalese railway workers in 1937 to write a book entitled God's Bits of Wood. In this story where two forces clashed, on one hand, the colonised struggling against the colonial system and want, at all costs, to improve their living conditions, and on the other hand, the colonisers that are in support of their colonialist ideals and refuse the changes, the author tells the epic story of strikers in Senegal and their relentless struggles against the colonisers to change their living conditions for better. In 1973, an eyewitness of the daily realities of his native country, Senegal, after gaining national sovereignty, Sembène Ousmane wrote and published a book entitled Xala. In this book, he describes the evils of neo-colonialism and criticises the new African middle class, born after independence. After reading these novels, one notes that Sembène Ousmane, a defender of freedom, denounces the injustices done to the blacks, both in the colonial era as well as in the post colonial period. This is why from a book to another, he continues tirelessly his struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, evoking the sufferings and tragedies endured by the Africans. It occurs constantly in his imaginary creations, a theme, or better still a dialectical; commitment and militancy. What does he mean by « commitment » and « militancy » ? How do these two concepts manifest themselves in the works of the Senegalese writer? What strategy does he propose to the oppressed in the struggle against the oppressors? What means has he put at the disposal of the disinherited struggling to break the yoke of oppression and exploitation in order to achieve freedom and equality? / Membre du syndicat des travailleurs noirs, au port de Marseille, en France, et témoin oculaire de la misère vécue par les ouvriers noirs dans ce milieu européen, Sembène Ousmane, en 1956, écrit, en se servant de ses expériences personnelles, son premier ouvrage intitulé Le Docker noir. Dans ce roman, il décrit la souffrance de la classe ouvrière, la lutte entre colonisateurs et colonisés. En 1960, il se sert d’un prétexte, la grève des ouvriers sénégalais en 1937, pour écrire un ouvrage intitulé Les Bouts de bois de Dieu. Dans ce récit, où s’affrontent deux forces, d’une part les colonisés qui luttent contre le système colonial et veulent, à tout prix, l’amélioration de leurs conditions de vie, et d’autre part, les colonisateurs qui soutiennent les idéaux colonialistes et refusent le changement, l’auteur relate l’histoire épique des grévistes au Sénégal, et la lutte implacable qu’ils mènent contre les colonisateurs pour le changement de leurs conditions de vie. En 1973, témoin oculaire des réalités quotidiennes de son pays natal, le Sénégal, après son accession à la souveraineté nationale, Sembène Ousmane écrit et publie, un ouvrage intitulé Xala. Dans ce livre, il décrit les méfaits du néocolonialisme et critique la nouvelle classe bourgeoise africaine, née après l’indépendance. Après lecture des trois romans, on constate que Sembène Ousmane, défenseur de la liberté, dénonce les injustices faites aux Noirs, aussi bien à l’époque coloniale qu’à la période postcoloniale. C’est pourquoi, d’un ouvrage à l’autre, il continue, inlassablement, sa lutte contre le colonialisme et le néocolonialisme, en évoquant les souffrances et les drames endurés par les Africains. Il revient, constamment, dans ses créations imaginaires, à une thématique, ou mieux une dialectique, l’engagement et le militantisme. Qu’entend-il par « engagement » et « militantisme »? Comment ces deux lexèmes se manifestent-ils dans les écrits de cet écrivain sénégalais? Quelles stratégies propose-t-il aux opprimés dans la lutte qui les oppose aux oppresseurs? Quels moyens met-il a la disposition des déshérités en lutte pour briser le joug de l’oppression et celui de l’exploitation afin d’obtenir la liberté et l’égalité? / Linguistics and Modern Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (French)

La récurrence de la figure du fou errant dans le roman d’Afrique noire suscite bien des questionnements sur les raisons de sa mise en oeuvre dans l’époque tumultueuse des prétendues indépendances. Cette étude couvre un laps de temps allant des années 1950 à la première décennie du nouveau siècle ; et elle inclut les textes narratifs francophones et anglophones en vue de fournir une vue d’ensemble permettant de retracer l’évolution de la représentation du fou d’un point de vue diachronique. L’étude typologique de fous errants précède une analyse du discours dans le texte littéraire focalisée sur trois niveaux : le plan de l’énonciation,celui des techniques romanesques et le plan du langage de l’imaginaire. Il en résulte un dynamisme évoquant l’emprise du fou sur les trois instances du discours, d’où l’hypothèse du fou comme étant une figure de médiation dans les différents domaines de la société : médiateur spirituel et religieux ; interlocuteur intermédiaire avec l’autorité institutionnelle ; et enfin dispositif médian en littérature, aussi bien dans la pratique scripturale que dans l’institution littéraire. Le caractère marginal du fou dans la société et l’élan réformateur qu’il assume à l’époque contemporaine, font de lui un outil cognitif capable de créer un nouveau code littéraire et d’articuler le discours africain en quête d’autonomie. Les mêmes caractéristiques marquent en outre le statut des oeuvres africaines et du romancier dans la situation actuelle. / The recurrence of wandering madmen and fools in the black African novel raises many questions about the reasons behind its implementation during the so-called independences. This study covers a time span ranging from the 1950s to the first decade of 2000. It includes Francophone and Anglophone fiction in order to gain an overview that allows one to observe an evolution in the representation of the fool with a diachronic perspective. The typological study of wandering fools precedes the discourse analysis in the literary texts, focusing on three levels: speech, narrative procedures and imagery. It fallows that the fool’s dynamism recalls his impact on the three modes of discourse. This leads to a hypothesis that he is a figure of mediation in many areas of society, being a spiritual and religious mediator, an intermediary to institutions of authority,and even an intermediary in literature, both in writing and in the literary institution. The social marginalization of the fool and the reformist zeal he takes in contemporary times, make him an instrument of knowledge that can create a new literary code and articulate the African discourse in its quest for autonomy. Moreover, these features mark the social status both of African works and of the novelist in the literary scene. / La ricorrenza della figura del folle in cammino nel romanzo dell’Africa nera suscita numerosi interrogativi sulle ragioni della sua messa in opera nell’epoca turbolenta delle cosiddette indipendenze. Lo studio abbraccia un arco temporale che va dagli anni ’50 al primo decennio del 2000 e comprende la narrativa francofona ed anglofona al fine di ricostruire una panoramica che permetta di tracciare l’evoluzione della rappresentazione del folle sul piano della diacronia. A uno studio tipologico di folli erranti segue l’analisi del discorso nel testo letterario che si focalizza su tre piani: quello dell’enunciazione, quello dei procedimenti narrativi e quello del linguaggio dell’immaginario. Ne risulta un dinamismo che evoca il dominio del folle sulle tre istanze del discorso, da cui l'ipotesi del folle come una figura di mediazione nei diversi ambiti della società : mediatore spirituale e religioso ; interlocutore intermediario con l’autorità istituzionale ; infine strumento mediano in letteratura, tanto nella pratica della scrittura quanto nell’istituzione letteraria. Ilcarattere marginale del folle nella società e lo slancio riformista che egli assume nella contemporaneità, fanno di lui uno strumento conoscitivo in grado di creare un nuovo codice letterario e di articolare il discorso africano in cerca di autonomia. Le stesse caratteristiche segnano lo statuto delle opere africane e del romanziere nello scenario attuale.

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As the global demand for natural resources grows, conflicts and instability surrounding minerals and resources continue to mark the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operation MONUSCO has been deployed in the DRC since 2010, and that same year, the United States (US) established the Dodd-Frank Act with its Section 1502 concerning conflict minerals originating from the DRC. These actors play a crucial partin the effects foreign aid and support has on the Government of the DRC’s efforts to act autonomously in order to mitigate conflicts and create peace, yet research on the matter mainly focuses on the impact the Dodd-Frank Act has on American companies and the Congolese population, as well as the challenges of MONUSCO. This study therefore aims at investigating how the involvement of these actors have affected the Government of the DRC’s ability to act autonomously in peacekeeping, through a qualitative content analysis based on 22 UN Security Council Resolutions on the extension of MONUSCO and Section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act. These documents have been analysed through the theoretical framework of neo-colonialism, dependency theory and aid dependency. The results of this thesis show that the involvement of MONUSCO and the establishment of the Dodd-Frank Act has increased the DRC’s dependence on their support, as previous research points out how violence has increased after the Dodd-Frank Act’s entry into force. The results further show that the conditions created by these actors have left the Government of the DRC in a state of dependence instead of strengthening their sovereignty and ability to act autonomously in creating peace.