Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-03-02Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:02:23Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 maia_cs_dr_arafcl.pdf: 1124492 bytes, checksum: ffd4f0e66c72d6eaa00d368cb317a596 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta tese, com base nos pensamentos de Franz Fanon, Homi Bhabha e Albert Memmi, faz uma leitura pós-colonial da obra do escritor brasileiro Gastão Cruls (1888-1959), examinando-a pelo viés de sua crítica à colonização e à neocolonização do Brasil e situando seu autor ao lado de Euclides da Cunha de Os sertões, como um dos mais importantes - se não o mais importante entre os de sua época - reveladores da realidade nacional, principalmente do Nordeste e do Norte do Brasil. Paralelamente, esta tese realiza uma leitura decadentista de alguns contos crulsianos e os examina em paralelo à obra de outros decadentistas, como Augusto dos Anjos, Alain Fournier e Oscar Wilde. O objetivo dessa leitura é, sobretudo, ressaltar, na obra de Gastão Cruls, sua produção decadentista de alto nível, ainda pouco estudada, como é a maioria de seus textos. Dessa forma, ao entrelaçar na análise da obra crulsiana a perspectiva pós-colonialista, para revelar o posicionamento crítico do autor em face de uma realidade histórica e de uma realidade social emergente, e a perspectiva decadentista, para explorar sua obra como uma manifestação estética singular que reage aos paradigmas da poética adotados pela sociedade burguesa, esta tese revela Gastão Cruls como um autor crítico, que nos dá uma faceta pouco explorada do período Modernista da Literatura Brasileira. / Based on FF’s, HB’s and AM’s thought, this dissertation offers a postcolonial reading of the work of the Brazilian writer Gastão Cruls (1888-1959) and examines his texts in the light of his critical stance against the colonization and neocolonization of Brazil. It also places Cruls, together with Euclides da Cunha, as one of the most important writers – and maybe the most important in his time – who revealed our national reality, especially of the north and northeast regions of the country. This dissertation also examines some of Cruls’s short stories with the lenses of the Decadent movement and compares them to the work of other writers, such as Augusto dos Anjos, Alain Fournier and Oscar Wilde. It stresses the importance of Cruls’s decadent texts and claims that they have not received the attention they deserve, as is also the case for most of his texts. Therefore, by intertwining a postcolonial perspective, that reveals Cruls’s critical view of the historical and emerging social reality of his country, with a decadent perspective, that elicits his singular literary response to the aesthetic paradigms of the Brazilian burgeois society of his time, this dissertation presents Gastão Cruls as a critical author that represents an almost unexplored aspect of the Brazilian Modernist period.

No description available.

Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-09-25T14:42:07Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Priscila Péclat Gonçalves Teixeira - 2018.pdf: 866897 bytes, checksum: e51753b240271f2f951ddb0198692015 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-09-26T11:35:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Priscila Péclat Gonçalves Teixeira - 2018.pdf: 866897 bytes, checksum: e51753b240271f2f951ddb0198692015 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-26T11:35:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Priscila Péclat Gonçalves Teixeira - 2018.pdf: 866897 bytes, checksum: e51753b240271f2f951ddb0198692015 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-25 / The conceptions of land and territory have undergone a reconfiguration of meaning in Contemporary Agrarian Law. Within a new context, the emergence of land grabbing has been observed that, in an international perspective, has preoccupied the society and has taken an interest in studies to attain its knowledge. Its existence is visible in the world, because of globalization and the principle of free movement of capital that is inherent. It occurs in countries of Africa, South America and Asia, but also, in particular, in the countries of the European Union. It is emphasized that its concept is still indeterminate and perhaps justified by the fact that researchers have not clearly achieved their forms of manifestation, causes and consequences, given that it is a recent phenomenon. It is a vertiginous race for acquisition and concentration of land, which have been intensified after a world food crisis and the subprime crisis. A central hypothesis that was sought to prove is the land grabbing is a fundamentally economic phenomenon, characterized by the accentuated accumulation, appropriation and exploitation of land, diverging from the dominant thesis that consists of a neocolonial, ideological and geographical view. A philosophical and historical examination of neocolonialism will be made, as well as a Weberian Analysis, through the relation between the law and the capitalist economy, regarding the restrictions and concessions that the legal system provides to the economic agents practicing land grabbing. Firstly, it was sought to understand it, by analyzing its emergence and its places of occurrence, with the score of its characteristics, and then to reach what is the basis of its manifestation. In a second moment, a reconstruction of the vision of the phenomenon is created, starting from its realization in the European States, through the demonstration of concrete cases, by means of bibliographical research, in which it is pointed out, in this way, the main causes, which are directly related to an economic substrate of financial interests of public or private agents, internal or external to the countries in which they occur. / As concepções de terra e território passaram por uma reconfiguração de significado no Direito Agrário Contemporâneo. Dentro deste novo contexto observa-se o surgimento do land grabbing, que em uma perspectiva internacional, tem preocupado a sociedade e ensejado em estudos para almejar seu conhecimento. Sua existência é visível no mundo, em razão da globalização e do princípio de livre circulação de capitais que lhe é inerente. Ocorre nos países da África, América do Sul e Ásia, mas também, com destaque, em países membros da União Europeia. Ressalta-se que seu conceito ainda é indeterminado e, talvez, se justifica pelo fato de os estudiosos não terem alcançado, com clareza, suas formas de manifestação, causas e consequências, tendo em vista que é um fenômeno recente. Trata-se de uma vertiginosa corrida por aquisição e concentração de terras, que se intensificou após a crise mundial de alimentos e a crise do subprime. A hipótese central que se buscou comprovar, é que o land grabbing é um fenômeno fundamentalmente econômico, caracterizado pela acentuada acumulação, apropriação e exploração de terras, divergindo da tese dominante que consiste em uma visão neocolonial, ideológica e geográfica. Far-se-á um exame filosófico e histórico do neocolonialismo, bem como uma análise weberiana, por meio da relação entre direito e economia capitalista, no que tange às restrições e concessões que o sistema jurídico proporciona aos agentes econômicos praticantes do land grabbing. Primeiramente, busca-se entendê-lo, mediante análise de seu surgimento e de seus lugares de ocorrência, com pontuação de suas características, para então alcançar o que fundamenta sua manifestação. Em um segundo momento, cria-se uma reconstrução da visão do fenômeno, tendo como ponto de partida sua realização nos Estados Europeus, por meio da demonstração de casos concretos, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, em que se assinala, desta forma, as principais causas, as quais estão diretamente relacionadas a um substrato econômico, de interesses financeiros de agentes públicos ou privados, internos ou externos aos países em que ocorrem.

It has been over sixty (60) years since decolonization in Africa. In years gone by, a pattern has emerged of former French colonies being marginally worse off than their British counterparts. Britain and France as the two most dominant colonial powers in Africa allows for these comparisons in growth and development to be made. Using a case study of Cote D’Ivoire, this study argues the continuous existence of neocolonialism in former French colonies through cooperation agreements as an explanation to this divergence in growth. The research question posed is: “To what extent was the Cooperation Agreements signed between France and Cote D’Ivoire in 1960 a pivot from France colonial to neocolonial rule in Cote D’Ivoire?” In order to answer this question a conceptual framework focusing in particular on colonialism, extractive political and economic institutions, neocolonialism, dependency, and the structural theory of imperialism were chosen. The methods employed were secondary literature review, content analysis of the cooperation agreements signed between France and Cote D’Ivoire in 1960, and a conducted survey of Ivorians. This study concludes that these Agreements cede to France indirect and subtle control in all aspects of Ivorian statehood: economy, finance, military, foreign policy, diplomacy, trade, judiciary, education, natural resources, and even internal security. This has resulted in Cote D’Ivoire being politically and economically dependent on France. Arguably, the most detrimental to Ivorian growth and development is its lack of monetary control through the continuous use of the colonial currency of the CFA franc and membership in CFA Zone. As a currency, the CFA franc is pegged to the French franc and now Euro. This study argues that the currency is overvalued and incongruent to growth and development in an agricultural export-based economy like Cote D’Ivoire. And being political dependent on France renders Ivorian leaders reluctant to opt their country out from the CFA Zone, thus perpetuating a cycle of exploitation and inhibiting growth. The result of this study contributes to studies on growth divergence in Africa, and towards understanding relations between former colonies and colonizers, and its impact on global wealth divides and dependency.

This study pursues the quest and struggle for total liberation in post-independence Shona poetry. The study also relies on views of key respondents obtained through interviews and questionnaires. Couched and guided by Afrocentricity and Africana womanism, the study elucidates the politico-economic and socio-cultural factors that militate against Africa’s total liberation in general as well as women’s liberation, respectively. Simultaneously, critical judgments are passed on the extent to which poets immerse their art in African existential philosophy. The study is energized by the idea that pursuing the quest for authentic liberation provides a lens through which one can understand threats to Africa’s true liberation. It observes that poets and key informants largely attribute ersartz independence to internal problems. The researcher holds that it is problematic to hold a domesticated vision of the African condition to the extent that poets and other literary workers need to widen their canvas beyond fighting internal oppression and internationalise the struggle. The researcher argues that it is myopic and self-defeating to protest against Africa itself without giving adequate attention to the incapacitating hegemonic world system. Therefore, the poetry is lacking on its critique on domination. The centerpiece of the thesis is that in order to be purposeful and functional, poets need to grapple with both endogenous and exogenous factors that obstruct the march towards genuine liberation. The study also observes that in some instances poets produce cheap literature which is marked by a narrow and moralistic approach and this is attributable to the fact that poets lack a scientific vision in understanding reality. Concerning women’s authentic liberation, the commonly identified obstacles to women’s freedom are the male counterpart, self-depreciation, lack of education and culture. The study observes that women poets in Ngatisimuke (1994) and key respondents seem to approach gender relations from a feminist perspective and hence fail to situate women’s condition in the context of the history and culture that shape African gender relations. Women poets in Ngatisimuke fall short of internationalising their struggle in concert with the male counterpart such that their poetry degenerates into sponsored and misguided activism. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Michaela Löfflerová Comparison of China-Angola and China-Nigeria relations in regards to energy security and Chinese investments Abstract The master thesis "Comparison of China-Angola and China-Nigeria relations in regards to energy security and Chinese investment" focuses on the analysis of Chinese activities towards Angola and Nigeria as representatives of Subsaharan oil-rich countries. The thesis aims to test two hypotheses about China's approach to Angola and Nigeria in the period 2000-2007 and 2008-2018. The first hypothesis, based on the concept of energy security, tests whether China's approach to oil-rich countries has changed over the period under review as a result of the 2008 financial crisis and subsequent global trends. The second hypothesis, based on the concept of neocolonialism, tests whether Chinese activities have expanded into other sectors through oil extraction, which in turn has led to a significant dependence of states on China. The diploma thesis aims to focus on economical, security, and political aspects using quantitative and qualitative analyzes. Monitoring China's activities in these countries serve as a case study of the impact of Chinese foreign policy on resource-rich countries in the second and third world. In the last chapters, the thesis will focus on the analysis of the...

Between the years 1962 and 2013, the Swedish government gave over $6 billion in development assistance to Tanzania. Despite this, the country remains to be one of the poorest countries in the world. The Swedish aid has failed to achieve the one thing it was destined for - helping Tanzania rise from poverty. This raises the question whether aid really works or not. Some scholars argue that aid assistance is primarily dictated by strategic and political interests, wherein Western states still exercise power through colonialism, merely in other forms. Could this then be the case within Sweden and Tanzania's aid relations? The purpose of this study is to analyze various cases from the aid relationship between Sweden and Tanzania in order to find if there are any hidden intentions. By problematizing the aid relation through the theories of Neocolonialism and Eurocentrism, this thesis aims to identify if these intentions can be connected to the theories in question. Furthermore, suggestions for an aid relation without the characteristics of Neocolonial and Eurocentric theories are presented. This has been achieved through a qualitative content analysis of carefully selected material to bring relevant points and perspectives to the study. The study finally concludes that traces of the theories of Neocolonialism and Eurocentrism exist within aid relations between Sweden and Tanzania.

Since its independence almost three decades ago, the nation-state of Kazakhstan has been nestled in a search for identity and unity. Located in a geographically strategic location between two of the world's most significant actors, and with a colonial history to one of them —the Soviet Union— the country's strive for identity in a self-determined world continues. Surrounding the influx of Chinese investments coming with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, the country now sees the national political space drifting in a different direction. By looking at identity building and researching contemporary scholarly articles, and with aid from the methodology of a case study. This thesis aims to utilise postcolonial theory to analyse how and if Chinese investments through the BRI are the beginning of a new neocolonial in post-independent Kazakhstan and if the previously colonised country's identity, or lack thereof, is a leading factor in being more susceptible to Chinese influence in the twenty-first century. To conclude, this work presents new research on how the Kazakh nation responds to Chinese BRI and determines that a lack of national identity due to previous colonisation can increase susceptibility to new actors' influence later down the road.

The study discusses selected Shona novels‟ depiction of the theme of protest in the post-independence era in Zimbabwe. The ideas that these novels generate on protest are examined in the context of socio-political and socio-cultural issues in post-independent Zimbabwe. The study is an investigation of the extent to which protest literature is indispensable in the struggle of African people to liberate themselves from imperialist servitude. Novels on socio-political protest show how the government has failed to deliver on most of its promises because of neocolonialism and corruption. Novels on socio-cultural protest show how cultural innovations in post-independence Zimbabwe brought problems .The study comes to the conclusion that for literature to be reliable and useful to society it is not enough to highlight weaknesses in criticizing, but it should go beyond that and offer constructive and corrective criticism. This shows that protest literature is a vital tool for social transformation in Zimbabwe. / African languages / M.A. (African languages)

No description available.