The study of prehistoric trade and exchange networks in the Western Mediterranean is directly linked to the identification and location of commodities available to Neolithic communities in that region. One of these commodities is a volcanic glass commonly known as obsidian. This investigation focused on the procurement, processing, and distribution of obsidian from the island of Pantelleria, situated between the southwestern coast of Sicily in the Straits of Sicily and the northeastern coast of Africa near Cape Bon, Tunisia. Previous studies indicate that there are several chemically different source areas on the island. Research involved the identification of primary obsidian deposits and the collection of samples from primary and/or secondary sources. The position of each collection point was recorded using GPS coordinates, photographs, and physical descriptions, including accessibility and geological matrix. Additional information regarding the size, frequency, and grade (i.e. quality for tool production) was also noted. Each geological specimen and artifact was visually examined for color, luster, transparency and internal structure. Geological samples and artifacts were subjected to trace element analysis, and the density weight of each piece was determined. Multivariate analyses of these test results were used to establish the unique chemical signature of each primary source on Pantelleria and to identify the specific flows where obsidian was collected by Neolithic and Bronze Age communities on Pantelleria and Zembra. Artifacts from Late Neolithic and Bronze Age sites on Pantelleria, and from Zembra, a Late Neolithic site located on an island situated off the northeast coast of Tunisia near Cape Bon were also included in this study. The results of this research has proven the importance of using large geological sample populations in determining the unique geochemical signatures of obsidian flows on Italian source islands, and will enable researchers to identify with greater certainty the source of raw material used to create obsidian tools in the Western Mediterranean.

Analysis was performed on a 31-artifact sample of Late Terminal Formative obsidian excavated in 2003 from the archaeological site of Yugüe in the Lower Verde Valley of Oaxaca. This analysis was performed to determine the geochemical sources of the individual obsidian artifacts and replicate a prior study of Yugüe obsidian performed by David T. Williams for his thesis at the University of Colorado. This earlier analysis determined that five obsidian sources were present. Sourcing was accomplished using a handheld X-Ray fluorescence instrument and bivariate plotting of relevant trace elements. Five sources of obsidian were found during analysis: Pachuca, Otumba, Paredon, Guadalupe Victoria, and Zaragoza. Williams identified additional sources that were not identified in this study, but he also may have sampled artifacts from the site from other excavations. This previous analysis by Williams also did not attribute sources to individual artifacts, making it impossible for archaeological conclusions to be drawn about the life histories of particular artifacts. By attributing sources to individual artifacts during analysis, this project provides valuable context about both the site of Yugüe during the Terminal Formative period and the lower Rio Verde Valley.

The intent of this thesis is to analyze obsidian artifacts from Chiquiuitan, Guatemala to see if the samples can be traced to known obsidian sources in the Maya region based on their unique chemical elements. Another aspect of this analysis is to determine the accuracy and validity of the Handheld XRF instrument on small and irregular obsidian samples. Furthermore, sourcing analysis allows researchers to acquire information about trade, exchange, and acquisition patterns of the material and gives researchers indications to prehistoric, social, and economic features.

Fieldwork in the Zemplen Mountain area of north-eastern Hungary showed that there are at least eight geological sources of obsidian here, five of which have obsidian of a workable quality. There are a further three sources in the Slovak Zemplen, all of which provide workable obsidian. Sources in Central Slovakia are highly devitrified and not useable, and reported sources in Rumania had been discounted earlier (Nandris, 1975). Forty-six samples of obsidian from the Zemplen sources, and 293 pieces from 87 archaeological sites in Central and Eastern Europe, were analysed by neutron activation analysis for 15 trace and two major elements. The trace elements used included those which are geochemically likely to show the greatest variation between different obsidian sources, and which are not badly affected by devitrification and hydration of the obsidian, for example the rare earth elements. The analytical data was processed using Cluster Analysis. 242 of the archaeological samples came from Slovak sources, 22 from Hungarian sources, 9 from Lipari and 5 from Melos. In addition, 6 samples were tentatively assigned to Carpathian sources, and 9 could not be assigned to any source. Obsidian from the Zemplen Mountains was distributed up to a distance of approximately 480 km from the sources; it was used extensively in Slovakia and Hungary and reached southern Poland, Austria, Moravia, central Yugoslavia, north-east Italy and central Rumania. Obsidian use in central and eastern Europe began in the Mousterian period. The earliest pieces analysed were Aurignacian and came from Hungarian sources. Later, in the Gravettian, Slovakian sources began to be exploited and remained predominant until obsidian use declined sharply in the Later Neolithic, and Copper and Bronze Ages. The Carpathian obsidian distribution overlaps with the Liparian distribution at one site in north-east Italy. There is no evidence for an overlap with Aegean or Near Eastern sources. The rate of fall off of obsidian away from the sources suggests a down-the-line trading mechanism.

Ce travail de thèse présente une nouvelle lecture technologique des industries lithiques qui documentele Middle Stone Age de la fin du Pléistocène moyen en Ethiopie. Il s’appuie principalement sur une ré-analyse detrois sites majeurs de Gademotta et Kulkuletti (Région du lac Ziway, Vallée du Rift éthiopien), initialement fouillés par F. Wendorf, R. Schild et collaborateurs en 1972. Le croisement des donnés technologiques sur cesindustries à l’échelle locale permet d’aborder la question des dynamiques évolutives qui accompagnenl’émergence des premiers Homo sapiens dans la Corne de l’Afrique. Alors que les traditions techniques montrent une forte stabilité au cours du temps, notamment parl’emploi majoritaire d’une grande diversité de méthodes Levallois de débitage pour la production d’éclats et delames, se dégagent des caractéristiques techniques spécifiques qui se révèlent être des marqueurs régionaux echronologiques. Un changement majeur s’opère sur le plan conceptuel et se caractérise par une augmentation dela prédétermination des morphologies d’outils au débitage, notamment des outils phares du Middle Stone Age les outils à bords convergents (pointes). Ce changement s’accompagne d’une diminution du recours aufaçonnage et du développement de méthodes Levallois dévolues à la production d’éclats triangulaires. Encorollaire, le recours au procédé technique du coup de tranchet latéral, fréquemment appliqué aux outilstriangulaires façonnés dans les phases anciennes, diminue puis disparait au profit d’outils aux bords peutransformés. L’étude met également en exergue la maîtrise de la production laminaire Levallois, dès les phasesanciennes, antérieures à 280 ka, ainsi que la production ubiquiste de petits éclats laissés brut comme un objectifdu débitage Levallois et non Levallois à part entière. Cette étude renseigne les changements comportementaux à l’œuvre aux lendemains de l’Acheuléen, àune période charnière de l’évolution humaine, qui demeure peu documentée. Cette phase initiale du MiddleStone Age est un jalon essentiel dans la Préhistoire africaine qui annonce les phases plus récentes de la périodedurant lesquelles se multiplient les manifestations de comportements symboliques dans certaines parties ducontinent, ainsi que l’emprunt de routes de sortie d’Afrique par l’Homo sapiens. / This thesis presents new technological insights concerning Middle Stone Age (MSA) lithic industries from the end of the Middle Pleistocene in Ethiopia. Based mainly on a reanalysis of three major occupation sites from Gademotta and Kulkuletti (Lake Ziway Area, Main Ethiopian Rift Valley) initially excavated by F. Wendorf, R. Schild and collaborators in 1972, a local-scale comparison of the technology from these three nearby sites enables the evolutionary dynamics accompanying the emergence of Homo sapiens in the Horn of Africa to be discussed. While most of the technical traditions are stable through time, particularly the use of a broad diversity of Levallois methods for producing flakes and blades, several technical idiosyncrasies are also evident and can be considered strong regional and chronological markers. A major conceptual change is characterised by an increase in the predetermination of tool shape during the core reduction process, especially for the major MSA tool group – tools with convergent edges (points). This shift is accompanied by a decrease in the use of shaping techniques (façonnage) and the development of Levallois methods for the production of triangular flakes. The use of the lateral tranchet blow technique, frequently applied to triangular tools during the oldest phases, also decreases and then disappears with tools bearing little transformation becoming dominant. Furthermore, this analysis documents well-developed technical skills evident in earliest occurrences (before 280 ka) of Levallois blade production coexisting with the ubiquitous and independent Levallois and non Levallois production of small flakes. This study highlights behavioural changes evident during the still poorly documented post-Acheulean period, a turning point in human evolution. These initial stages of the Middle Stone Age are crucial for African prehistory as they set the stage for subsequent periods which see not only an increase in symbolic behaviours, but the expansion of Homo sapiens out of Africa.

Obsidian has been a center of interest both for geologists and archaeologists. Geologists have studied on physical and chemical properties of obsidian where archaeologists have worked on this material as a common artifact found in excavations. In this study, obsidian samples from &Ccedil / atalh&ouml / y&uuml / k excavations are examined using their rare earth element (REE) concentrations. Inductively Coupled Plasma-Optical Emission Spectrometry (ICP-OES) have been used for this purpose. A mixture (4:1) of lithium metaborate and lithium tetraborate was used for fusion of samples. Because of the low concentrations of REEs, a preconcentration step is needed. Successful recovery results have been achieved with Amberlite IR-120. The developed method is tested using the standard reference material SARM-1.

This article reviews the evidence of the exchange of obsidian and cinnabar, highly coveted resources that traveled in prehistoric Peru from the south-central highlands to the Paracas culture area. The evidence for exchange of these materials is compared with evidence of cultural exchange between the coast and the south-central highlands, focusing on ceramic materials uncovered from excavations at the archaeological site Atalla, located in the region of Huancavelica, Peru. The article argues that the south-central highlands were integral to the obsidian and cinnabar exchange networks of the south coast. In particular, the site of Atalla, a regional ceremonial center connected to the Early Horizon interaction networks, was connected economically to the south coast and participated in the regional interaction sphere of the south-central highlands, but also maintained very strong cultural connections with the center of Chavín de Huántar. It is also suggested that the nature of the interactions between the Paracas society and those of the south-central highlands varied depending on the region; the interaction between Paracas and Atalla seems to have concentrated mainly on economic and non-cultural exchange, whereas sites such as Campanayuq Rumi from the Ayacucho region demonstrate evidence of Paracas cultural influence. Some possible mechanisms which might explain the observed variability in exchange patterns are explored. / Este artículo examina la evidencia sobre el intercambio de obsidiana y cinabrio, recursos altamente codiciados que viajaron en la prehistoria del Perú, desde la sierra centro-sur a la zona de la sociedad Paracas. La evidencia del intercambiode estos materiales se compara con evidencia de intercambio cultural entre la costa sur y la sierra centro-sur, material cerámico descubierto de excavaciones en el sitio arqueológico Atalla, ubicado en la región de Huancavelica, Perú. El artículo sostiene que la sierra centro-sur era parte integral de las redes de intercambio de obsidiana y cinabrio de la costa sur. En particular, el sitio de Atalla, un centro ceremonial regional conectado a las redes de interacción del Horizonte Temprano, estaba conectado económicamente con la costa sur y participaba en la esfera de interacción regional de la sierra centro-sur, pero mantuvo conexiones culturales muy fuertes con el centro de Chavín de Huántar También se sugiere que la naturaleza de las interacciones entre la sociedad de Paracas y las de la sierra centro-sur varió según la región; la interacción entre Paracas y Atalla parece concentrarse principalmente en el intercambio económico y no cultural, mientras que sitios como Campanayuq Rumi, de la región de Ayacucho, demuestran evidencia de la influencia cultural de Paracas.Se exploran algunos posibles mecanismos que podrían explicar la variabilidad observada en los patrones de intercambio.

Chronology and Connections: Preceramic Evidences at Asana SiteWith its long and continuous history of occupation, the site of Asana has a unique body of information to offer for the study of the Archaic Period in the south-central Andes. In this paper, I explore two important themes: the chronological sequence of occupation at the site with specific regard to the ways in which phases are defined, and the evidence from the site that describes the connections Asana had throughout its occupation with other regions of the Andean world. In the latter I examine in detail projectile point style and the sources of obsidian and other lithic materials found at the site. There is strong evidence for connections to the central Andes, the Colca valley, and the northern Chilean valleys. / Con su larga y continua historia de ocupación, el sitio de Asana tiene un único conjunto de información que ofrecer para el estudio del Periodo Arcaico en los Andes surcentrales. En este artículo, exploraremos dos temas importantes: la secuencia cronológica de la ocupación en el sitio con énfasis en los modos en que se definen las fases y la evidencia que describe las conexiones que Asana tuvo a través de sus ocupaciones con otras regiones del mundo andino. Por último se examinan en detalle los estilos de puntas de proyectil y las fuentes de obsidiana, así como otros materiales líticos encontrados en el sitio. Hay una fuerte evidencia para conexiones con los Andes Centrales, el valle del Colca y los valles del norte chileno.

Fieldwork in the Zemplen Mountain area of north-eastern Hungary showed that there are at least eight geological sources of obsidian here, five of which have obsidian of a workable quality. There are a further three sources in the Slovak Zemplen, all of which provide workable obsidian. Sources in Central Slovakia are highly devitrified and not useable, and reported sources in Rumania had been discounted earlier (Nandris, 1975). Forty-six samples of obsidian from the Zemplen sources, and 293 pieces from 87 archaeological sites in Central and Eastern Europe, were analysed by neutron activation analysis for 15 trace and two major elements. The trace elements used included those which are geochemically likely to show the greatest variation between different obsidian sources, and which are not badly affected by devitrification and hydration of the obsidian, for example the rare earth elements. The analytical data was processed using Cluster Analysis. 242 of the archaeological samples came from Slovak sources, 22 from Hungarian sources, 9 from Lipari and 5 from Melos. In addition, 6 samples were tentatively assigned to Carpathian sources, and 9 could not be assigned to any source. Obsidian from the Zemplen Mountains was distributed up to a distance of approximately 480 km from the sources; it was used extensively in Slovakia and Hungary and reached southern Poland, Austria, Moravia, central Yugoslavia, north-east Italy and central Rumania. Obsidian use in central and eastern Europe began in the Mousterian period. The earliest pieces analysed were Aurignacian and came from Hungarian sources. Later, in the Gravettian, Slovakian sources began to be exploited and remained predominant until obsidian use declined sharply in the Later Neolithic, and Copper and Bronze Ages. The Carpathian obsidian distribution overlaps with the Liparian distribution at one site in north-east Italy. There is no evidence for an overlap with Aegean or Near Eastern sources. The rate of fall off of obsidian away from the sources suggests a down-the-line trading mechanism.

Southern Turkey’s Amuq Valley has been described as a point of convergence bridging distant regions within the ancient Near East. Through an in depth techno-typological and chemical characterization study of 290 obsidian artefacts, this research details changes in deep-time patterns of obsidian use from the Late Neolithic to Early Bronze Age (6000 BCE – 2400 BCE), arguing that shifting traditions of consumption reflect socio-economic developments both within and beyond the Northern Levant. These artefacts come from the three sites of Tell al-Judaidah, Tell Dhahab and Tell Kurdu, the material excavated during the 1930’s by the University of Chicago’s Oriental Institute. Methodologically raw material sourcing was achieved using energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (EDXRF) in the well-established McMaster XRF Lab [MAX Lab]. With these artefacts’ raw materials all being exotic to the Amuq Valley, originating from various outcrops in Cappadocia, the Lake Van region and Transcaucasia (Turkey and Armenia), over 1000km away, this study not only offers new insight into how Amuq Valley communities engaged in long-distance relations, but also contributes to a larger, deep-time regional study of obsidian consumption as a proxy for understanding significant shifts in Near Eastern socio-economics, from hunter-gatherers to the earliest states. In turn, this study, by employing an Annales school framework to consider practice over deep time at the local and supra-regional level further contributes to an ‘archaeology of the long-term’. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / This research involved the chemical analysis of 290 artefacts of archaeological obsidian – a naturally occurring substance made of crystallized lava - as a means of studying ancient exchange systems in the Near East. More specifically, this study covers archaeological periods from 6000 B.C.E. (Late Neolithic) to 2400 B.C.E. (Early Bronze Age) in the Amuq Valley region of southern Turkey. These artefacts were procured during excavations under the Oriental Institute Museum (University of Chicago) beginning in the 1930s. All artefacts are exotic to the Amuq Valley from several known obsidian outcrops in Anatolia (Turkey), some over 1000km away. Analysis was conducted using X-ray fluorescence (XRF) to match each artefact to its geological origin thereby identifying the range of exotic materials were exchanged across long-distances. The goal of this research was to uncover social and/or economic dynamics of the Amuq Valley through deep-time with regards to the greater obsidian trade network of the Near East.