Orientador: José Ricardo Barbosa Gonçalves / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T21:51:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rangel_RonaldoRaemy_D.pdf: 2011320 bytes, checksum: 8cbd2a68eb0ceeefba3750469bd375fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir o papel de um grupo específico das elites no Império, segmento que sem dúvida pertencia ao grupo hegemônico do país, mas que dele se destacava por sua instrução, nível cultural e, principalmente, por seu contato frequente com o mundo já desenvolvido nos moldes da revolução industrial. Por um lado tal segmento, como parte da elite econômica, atuou de forma pragmática na direção da criação de um Estado que se tornasse um ator privilegiado e que atendesse aos interesses dos produtores envolvidos com o modelo escravocrata¿agrário¿exportador e, por outro, adotou uma visão humanista que se vinculava a sua compreensão sobre as transformações em sociedades que desfrutavam de ganhos advindos da revolução industrial, mas que viam emergir novas relações sociais. Assim, o segmento da elite estudado, independente da esfera do Estado, buscou discutir questões relevantes para os seus interesses e o fez pela aproximação a instituições privadas de caráter não confessional através das quais puderam generalizar suas ideias, quer fosse entre seus próprios membros (já que entendiam como necessário que estivessem eles próprios organizados como atores coletivos) quer com o conjunto de homens livres, que não derivassem do grupo hegemônico. Uma das associações escolhidas por esse segmento foi a Sociedade Amante da Instrução que é usada como guia do trabalho / Abstract: This work intends to discuss the role of a specific group of elites in the Empire, a segment which belonged to the hegemonic group in the country, but it stood out for their education, cultural level, and especially for his frequent contact with the developed world after the industrial revolution. As part of the economic elite, acted pragmatically to create a State to become a privileged actor and would meet the interests of producers involved with model slave agrarian export, and, secondly, adopted a humanistic vision that was linked to transformations in societies that enjoyed gains from the industrial revolution, but they saw emerging new social relations. The segment of elite studied, regardless of the sphere of the State, sought to discuss issues relevant to their interests and made the approach to private institutions (non-confessional) through which could generalize their ideas, whether it were among their own members (as understood that they needed to be organized as collective actors) or among free men, that were not derived from the hegemonic group. One of the associations chosen by this segment was the Sociedade Amante da Instrução which is used to guide the work / Doutorado / Historia Economica / Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico

L’apparition à partir des années 1950 de pièces afro-caribéennes qui mettent en scène la Révolution de Saint-Domingue se révèle pour le moins symbolique. Annoncées par la création de La Tragédie du roi Christophe d’Aimé Césaire par Jean-Marie Serreau et la troupe du Toucan, ces expressions théâtrales contribueront à définir un genre théâtral à part entière - celui du théâtre révolutionnaire afro-caribéen d’expression française - possédant ses propres traits définitoires et catégoriels, ses codes d’écriture, son rapport à l’histoire ou aux personnages historiques, et surtout sa finalité, sa fonction politique et populaire. L’articulation entre le choix du théâtre, le thème politique de la Révolution de Saint-Domingue et les enjeux de la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle constituera l’emblème du théâtre historique révolutionnaire tout à la fois politique et populaire. / The appearance in the 50’ of afro-Caribbean’s pieces setting up the Dominican Revolution proves to be symbolic. Announced by the creation of La Tragedie du Roi Christophe from Aimé Césaire by Jean-Marie Serreau and the Toucan Troupe, these theatricals expressions will go towards defining a proper theatrical type- possessing his own characteristics, his writing codes, his connection with history and historical characters, and above all, his purpose, his finality : his political and popular function. The articulation between the choice of theater, the political theme of the Dominican Revolution and the stakes of the second half of the 20th Century will constitute the insignia of the historical revolutionary theater, both political and popular.

L'histoire contemporaine de l'Iran est marquée par deux révolutions qui ont bouleversé les relations entre l’Etat, la religion et la société. L’objectif de cette recherche est d’analyser l’évolution de ces rapports sous l’impact de la Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906/1907 et de la Révolution islamique de 1979, en soulignant que tous ces changements ont été influencés ou ont influencé l’économie de l’Iran. La Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906/1907 a été l’aboutissement des évolutions qui étaient à l’origine des conflits entre les modernistes et les forces attachées à l’ordre ancien. Elle a fait basculer le rapport de force en faveur des courants et des acteurs œuvrant pour l’entrée de l’Iran dans la modernité. Entre la Révolution constitutionnelle et la Révolution islamique, les forces ont subi des modifications importantes qui ont, tour à tour, favorisé les trois pôles du pouvoir : la monarchie et sa cour, le clergé et les élites modernistes. La montée au pouvoir de Reza shah a rompu l’équilibre fondé sur la Constitution en faveur de la monarchie au détriment du pôle religieux en s’appuyant sur les élites modernistes. L’invasion de l’Iran par les alliés et l’exil forcé de Reza Shah ont contribué à la montée des sentiments nationalistes hostiles à l’Occident. La nationalisation des ressources pétrolières par le gouvernement Mossadegh fait suite à cette évolution portée par une société iranienne acquise à ce nationalisme. Plus tard, la société et la religion se sont rejointes pour contester l’Etat autoritaire et répressif des Pahlavi. Cette dynamique aboutira à la Révolution de 1979 et donnera au pays un nouveau régime politique reflétant les rapports de forces entre les acteurs de cette deuxième révolution que le pays a connue soixante-douze ans après la Révolution constitutionnelle. La Révolution islamique de 1979 a été la principale conséquence du passage d’un « nationalisme autoritaire » incarné par Reza Shah Pahlavi à un « nationalisme libéral » porté par le Dr Mossadegh, puis à un « nationalisme religieux » représenté par l’ayatollah Khomeini. / The exsisting history of Iran is noticeable regarding to two revolutions witch mystified the relation among the State, the religion and the society. The objective of this research is to analyze the evolution oh these reports under the impact of the constitutional Revolution of 1906/1907 and the islamic Revolution of 1979. It shoud be emphasized that all these changes effected the economyof Iran. The constitutional revolution of 1906/1907 was the result of the evolutions witch were at the origin of the conflicts between the modernistic ones and forces attached to the old order.It turnes over the strength in favour as of currents and of the actors working for the entry of Iran into modernity. Between the constitutional Revolution and the islamic Revolution, the forces underwent important modifications witch have, in turn, supported the three poles of the power : monarchy and its court, cleargy and elites modernistic. The Reza Shah’s rise to power broke the balance based on the Constitution in favour of monarchy to the detriment of the religious pole while being based on the modernistic elites. The invasion of Iran by the allies and the forced exile of Reza Shah contributed to the rise of the hostile nationalist feelings in the Occident. Nationalisation of the oil resources by Mossadegh government made this evolution won over this nationalism carried by an Iranian company. Later, the company and the religion met to dispute the authoritative and repressive State of Pahlavi.These dynamics lead to the Revolution of 1979 and give the country a new political regime, reflecting the struggle between the actors of this second revolution the country faced the constitutional Revolution after 72 years. The islamic Revolution of 1979 was the principal consequence of the passage of « authoritative nationalism »incarnated by Reza Shah Pahlavi with a « liberal nationalism » carried by Dr Mossadegh, and with the « religious nationalism » which is represented by Ayatollah khoneini.

Rechercher dans les cinq districts du département des Bouches-du-Rhône, les Justices de paix installées dans tous les cantons, entre 1790 et fin décembre 1792. Etudier les difficultés de leur installation par rapport au système électoral de désignation des juges, des assesseurs, des greffiers, instauré par la Loi d'organisation judiciaire des 16/24 août 1790 et analyser le fonctionnement et l'évolution de ces juridictions pendant la première période de leur existence, entre 1790 et décembre 1792. / Search in the five districts of the Bouches du Rhone Department, the Justices of Peace installed in all cantons between 1790 and December 1792. Examine the difficulties of their installation relative to the electoral procedure of appointment of the judges, assessors, registrars who was established by the Law d'Organisation Judiciaire of the 16 and 24 August 1790. Examine the functioning of these jurisdictions during the first period of their life between 1790 and December 1792.

L’Etat moderne qui articule le principe de souveraineté avec l’affirmation des droits subjectifs et qui rompt avec le modèle impérial du pouvoir, est contemporain de la découverte et de l’exploitation du Nouveau Monde. Il s’agit ici de montrer que les deux processus sont solidaires et qu’il est possible de reconsidérer les différentes élaborations théoriques justifiant la formation des souverainetés étatiques, à partir du rapport au Nouveau Monde traversé par la tension structurante entre cosmopolitisme et impérialisme. Une première partie examine la genèse du droit des gens moderne, et la question du cosmopolitisme, à partir de la réflexion de Vitoria sur les « titres » de la conquête et de la colonisation de l’Amérique par l’Espagne. Cette partie s’efforce également de restituer les enjeux liés à la pratique de la piraterie. Celle-ci ne saurait être réduite à sa dimension criminelle : elle correspond à cette époque à une lutte pour la liberté des mers ainsi qu’à l’expérimentation de nouvelles formes d’association et de liberté qui font écho à la pensée utopique. Une seconde partie met en lumière le rôle des enjeux coloniaux dans l’élaboration de la théorie du pouvoir souverain (sous la forme de la monarchie absolue). Les auteurs convoqués sont Bacon et Hobbes. Enfin une troisième partie prend en charge l’irruption du concept de peuple dans les théories de l’Etat et examine là encore la manière dont les expériences coloniales informent ce concept (les références sont alors Locke et Rousseau). La Révolution de Saint-Domingue est évoquée en toute fin pour son exemplarité dans la manière dont elle questionne tous les concepts constitutifs de l’Etat de droit moderne. / It is worth considering that when the modern State reconciles the principle of sovereignty with the assertion of subjective rights, and consequently breaks with the imperial government system, it is doing so at the very time when the New World is being discovered and exploited. The point here is to show that these two processes are interdependent, and that it is possible to reconsider the different theoretical elaborations which have so far accounted for the emergence of state sovereignty, by referring to the structuring tension between cosmopolitism and imperialism, which characterizes the New World. What is dealt with the first part is the birth of international law, and the issue of cosmopolitism, revisited in the light of Vitoria’s study about the titles of the Spanish conquest and colonization. It is also devoted to restoring the stakes of piracy practice. The later cannot be reduced to its criminal dimension: at the time it means a fight for freedom on sea, together with the experimentation of new forms of association and liberty, which echo the utopian way of thinking. The second part is devoted to emphasizing the role of colonial stakes in the construction of the theory of sovereign power (as Absolute Monarchy). The authors referred to are Bacon and Hobbes. A third part is devoted to the emergence of the concept of People in the State theories, together with a study of the way this concept feeds from the colonial experience (the authors referred to this time being Locke and Rousseau). The Revolution in Santo-Domingo is mentioned in the very end, due to its exemplarity in the way it questions all the concepts that make out the modern state under the rule of law.

The purpose of the essay is to investigate whether the principles formulated by Peter Ackerman and Christopher Kruegler, concerning strategic non-violent conflicts, can serve a purpose when analyzing improvised non-violent conflicts. The principles are derived from factors that have been prominent in earlier successful improvised non-violent conflicts. The essay is based on two research questions; if the factors included in the principles formulated by Ackerman and Kruegler, exist in the two cases that this study investigates, and if those principles offer a satisfactory explanation for the outcome of an improvised non-violent conflict. To answer the questions the study uses a comparative method, where the improvised non-violent conflict of 2004 in Ukraine is compared to the improvised non-violent conflict of 1988 in Burma. The answer to the first question shows that the factors contained in the principles previously mentioned, exists in both cases. The answer to the second question is more uncertain, as there seems to be doubts on whether the case of Ukraine really was completely improvised. Another reason for caution is that the factors contained in the principles, only consider actions made by non-violent actors, and not by opponents or third parties. Thus the risks of missing vital explanatory factors are substantial.

In this thesis, the need for the step by step transformation of industry towards sustainability is emphasized. This work involves looking at the Olive Oil Industry (OOI) from a systems perspective through the lens of Strategic Sustainable Development (SSD) and applying backcasting from a principled view of socio-ecological sustainability. A specific project is also looked at, the Integrated Waste Management Project (IWMP), which aims at contributing to the sustainability of this particular industry. The OOI was analysed through the ABCD methodology, a tool used in planning for SSD, and measures were drawn up to guide the industry’s transformation. Following this analysis, the IWMP was examined within the context and results of the OOI research. Overall, the industry is transitioning and the IWMP is a good opportunity and contributor to the evolution of the Olive Oil Industry towards sustainability. At the same time, OOI and other industries would benefit greatly from embracing a systems perspective and a strategic approach for sustainable development.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’efficience organisationnelle résulte d’une myriade de microdécisions prises au plus près possible du lieu et du temps d’où émerge la perturbation contextuelle. Le Toyota Production System, au niveau du management, ou l’essor d’Apple Corporation, au niveau des outils pratiques de productivité individuelle, témoignent de cette évolution où la pensée n’est plus séparée de l’action. A preuve, les itinéraires des principaux acteurs de la révolution numérique : les fondateurs de Linux, de Yahoo!, de Wikipédia, d’Amazon.com, de Google ou de Facebook. Ils ne sont pas partis d’une théorie apprise sur les bancs d’une institution scolaire. Procédant par essais et par erreurs, ils n’ont jamais séparé la pensée de l’action. On retrouve ce pragmatisme vertueux en Bavière, Flandre, Ecosse, Euzkadi, Catalogne, Lombardie, Vénétie… Ces régions jouissent du même type d’autonomie – y compris et surtout au niveau culturel - que les Länders allemands ou les cantons helvétiques. La France jacobine a suivi la voie inverse : éradiquer les langues régionales et minoritaires c’est-à-dire les systèmes de signes demeurés au contact sensoriel des choses. Or aujourd’hui, la montée en puissance de la complexité, en saturant la puissance significative du concept, crée les conditions du retour du signe. A l’heure d’Internet, de la transition énergétique et de la nouvelle phase de la mondialisation qui obligent à penser global pour mieux agir local, le retour du signe est inévitable. Il devrait favoriser des modes de production autonome de sens autorisant les organisations et territoires à s’adapter aux mutations d’un contexte devenu imprévisible. / Organizational efficiency is the result of a myriad of micro decisions taken as close as possible from the place and time at which contextual interference emerges. The Toyota Production System, on the management level, and the boom of the Apple Corporation, on the level of the intuitive tools for personal productivity, demonstrate this evolution where thought and action are no more segregated. Proof is the path taken by the main actors of the digital revolution : the founders of Linux, Yahoo!, Wikipedia, Amazon.com, Google or Facebook. It did not begin from a classroom theory, but by a trial and error approach that never disconnected the mind from the act.This virtuous pragmatism is also found in Bavaria, Flanders, Scotland, Euskadi, Catalonia, Lombardy, Veneto ... Indeed, these regions have an autonomy - including and particularly at the cultural level - similar to that of the German Länder or the Swiss cantons. On the contrary, Jacobin France followed the opposite path: the eradication of regional and minority languages in which sensory contact with things remained in the sign systems.But today, the rise of complexity, even saturating the significant power of the concept itself, brings the conditions for the return of the sign.

Y-a-t-il une cohérence interne entre l'expérience vécue et la pensée politique chez Simone Weil ? Afin de ressaisir le questionnement de Simone Weil sur les conditions de possibilité de la liberté, notre recherche porte en premier lieu sur les critiques qu'elle a adressées aux théories philosophiques et politiques de Marx. Il s'agit donc tout autant d'analyser l'influence que Marx a pu avoir sur elle, que de prendre la mesure des écarts que sa critique l'a amenée à poser, et des principes philosophiques dont elle s'est servie à cet effet. Nous étudions, dans un deuxième temps, l'essence même du phénomène de l'oppression et à partir de là, nous dégageons quelques perspectives de la liberté individuelle et sociale, dans le sillage de ce que nous propose la philosophie. Y-a-t-il une cohérence de la ligne politique dans laquelle elle a voulu placer ses engagements sociaux et politiques pour répondre à ce problème ? Il convient pour nous, dans un troisième temps, de connaître et d'examiner le chemin qui l'a amenée à l'expérience religieuse et ce qu'elle a dit sur la connaissance surnaturelle comme la part indispensable pour rendre la vie sociale respirable. Comment concevoir la relation entre les deux expériences politique et religieuse chez elle ? Cette approche religieuse constitue-t-elle une ouverture à l'égard de sa critique politique ? / Is there an internal consistency between the experiences lived out by Simone Weil and her political thought ? In order to grasp her questioning of the conditions of the possibility of freedom, our search starts off with the critique which she wrote on the philosophical and political theories of Marx. It is therefore a matter of analysing the influence that Marx might have had on her, as well as studying the differences which her critique led her to present, and the philosophical principles of which she made use to this effect. One should secondly look at the very essence of the phenomenon of oppression, and hence gauge several perspectives on individual and social freedom, in the wake of what is proposed by this philosophy. Is there a consistency in the political line in which she wanted to place her social and political commitments in order to respond to this problem ? One should, thirdly, examine and get to know the path which led her to religious experience and what she said about supernatural knowledge as the essential component for leading a bearable social life. How do we conceive the relationship between both her religious and political experiences ? Does this approach constitute an opening with regards to her political critique ?