La thèse examine certaines conceptions historiques, politiques et sociales d'un personnage-clé de la Révolution française, Maximilien Robespierre, par rapport à la tradition du républicanisme-classique. Elle identifie des traits caractéristiques de la culture politique tirée des républiques antiques : leur rhétorique et leurs stratégies de légitimation du pouvoir, appuyées sur des valeurs morales des aïeux, grands hommes et pères des républiques de l'Antiquité. Portant attention aux modèles de morale politique, par l'approche méthodologique de l'école de Cambridge qui exige l'interaction indissoluble entre la rhétorique collective et l'application individuelle par des acteurs politiques, il s'agit de suivre le "double rôle" de Robespierre, à la fois penseur et homme d'action, dont les conceptions correspondent à une nouvelle culture politique, partagée et contestée par les membres de l'élite intellectuelle française du XVIIIe siècle. Il s'agit ainsi d'interroger l'évolution des références à l'Antiquité républicaine comme moyen d'identification et d'interprétation, en un moyen d'action politique activement employé par les députés pour réclamer une sorte d'authenticité révolutionnaire, et la transformation de l'idéal républicain à l'ombre des événements révolutionnaires pour construire une première expérience républicaine en France. / The present PhD project examines certain concepts of historical, political and social nature, that are ascribed to a key figure of the French Revolution, Maximilien Robespierre, and correspond to the classical-republican tradition. Hereby are traits to be identified that are characteristic of the political culture of ancient republics, including rhetorical strategies of legitimating power which are referencing moral qualities of famous and illustrious ancestors, statesman and founding fathers of the republics of Classical Antiquity. The methodological approach of the socalled Cambridge School, that claims an indissoluble interaction between a collectively used rhetorical style and its application by individual political actors, is being employed in order to draw attention to models of political moral and to follow Robespierre's "double-role" as political thinker and actor, whose concepts are corresponding to a new political culture that was shared as well as contested by his contemporaries, belonging to the cultural elite of eighteenth-century France. It is therefore interrogated the issus of the evolution of references to the Republican Antiquity from an approved rhetorical and artistic device to an instrument of political action at the end of the eighteenth-century, that had been actively employed by the deputies of the French National Assemblies in order to claim revolutionary authenticity ; as well as the transformation of the Republican ideal during the revolutionary process that made possible the advancement of a first republican experience in France.

This doctoral thesis analyses the depiction of the historical topics of Conquest and Revolution across the literary writings of Alejo Carpentier (1904-1980) and Carlos Fuentes (1928-2012). These historical tropes constitute core topics of reflection throughout their literary and critical works, stressing the interplay between literature and history. I propose the concept of literary historicism to analyse their portrayal of historical topics and characterise the role of history in their poetics. This concept denotes the historical awareness that underpins the authors’ literary reinterpretations of historical events; their use of a historicist writing methodology; and the critical relationship established to historiographical sources and narratives. I argue that the authors’ deliberate historicism characterises their narratives, challenges disciplinary boundaries and posits literature as an alternative medium for the production of historical interpretation. This comparative study focuses on a corpus of fifteen fictional works from both authors that depict Conquest and Revolution. The first section analyses the authors’ literary portrayal of the Conquest of Mexico (1521) and stresses the relationship established to the historical sources consulted and their literary reinterpretation of this historical event. An assessment of the reflections and symbolisms embodied by their literary-historical figures elucidates the authors’ understanding of the Conquest. Thus, this section demonstrates the defining character of these authors’ literary historicism in their writing methodology and semantic interpretation when addressing historical tropes. The second section explores Fuentes’s and Carpentier’s depiction of historical Revolutions including the French, Mexican, Haitian and Cuban Revolutions. This section comprises a transversal and diachronic analysis of their Revolution cycles to demonstrate recurrent narrative, thematic and stylistic patterns in Fuentes’s and Carpentier’s literary portrayals of this historical phenomenon. I highlight the further meaning that these patterns acquire in their works, articulating a critical assessment of these historical revolutions. This thesis adds to the scholarship on these authors from an interdisciplinary perspective that re-centres attention on History. Through the concept of Literary Historicism, I demonstrate the existence of a central concern in their oeuvres to critically reassess the Latin American past and its historical interpretations from literary discourse. This study contributes to the understanding of history and literature in Latin America, for it analyses the interactions between these branches of written culture.

Iranians who were marginalized by Ruhollah Khomeini’s Islamicization of the 1979 Iranian Revolution nevertheless fought for Iran in the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). This has been ignored in popular discourse and academic scholarship. But leaving out the historical willingness of people from across the political and religious spectrums to die in the “Sacred Defense” has left us misunderstanding Iranian nationalism. In this dissertation, I argue that the willingness of “secular” Iranians to sacrifice for Iran results from internal conflicts over the sacred Iran, and the concomitant sacrifices, that occurred in the four preceding decades. I demonstrate that during this period religion and sacrificial rhetoric and imagery were intrinsic to groups across the political spectrum and not just to the political right (e.g., Khomeini), as existing research has it. Civil society engaged in a transformative discourse about Iran not just as a country or homeland (vatan) but as the sacred (moqadas) necessitating sacrifice (feda kardan). The deployment of writings, speeches, and images of Iran as sacred at the time of the Allied Forces Invasion in 1941 became politically ubiquitous by 1953. The battle between the Shah and the Liberal-Left being waged at this time was an ideological and physical contestation of each’s vision for their distinct, future, sacred Iran. By re-contextualizing both sides as utopian ideologues, I change the historical narrative to show an entrenched, continuous confrontation in the subsequent decades before the Iran-Iraq War over divergent, idealized notions of the nation-state. This period of “sacrificial creationism,” as I describe it, over contending visions of the sacred produced “the nation” and identified its people as “nationals” beyond the conceptualization of social and political elites who advanced an official state nationalism. This sacrificial creationism generated the charged sentiment and popular participation that united Iranians against the Iraqi invasion, a unity that crossed political and religious affiliations to include Christians, Zoroastrians, and the Fedayeen-e Khalq. Now, just like other nation-states, Iran became the higher, meaning-making entity—the sacred—that transcends individual interests.

Orientador: Marcos Del Roio / Banca: Tullo Vigevani / Banca: Javier Amadeo / Resumo: A linha que guia toda teoria política de Rosa Luxemburg consiste na importância fundamental fornecida à ação autônoma e criadora das massas para uma efetiva superação da sociedade capitalista em todas as esferas. A proposta deste trabalho é discutir, por meio do núcleo de acontecimentos que permearam a vida política de Luxemburg - Bernstein-Debatte, a revolução russa de 1905, a explosão da I Guerra e a crise no movimento social-democrata, a Revolução Russa de 1917 e a criação dos soviets no movimento operário socialista internacional, juntamente com as experiências dos conselhos na Revolução Alemã de 1918-1919 - a concepção de autonomia das massas e sua importância no processo histórico levando em conta os elementos objetivos e subjetivos, a relação entre espontaneidade e organização. Pretende-se portanto destacar as propostas de estratégias políticas de Rosa Luxemburg para o fortalecimento revolucionário das organizações e instrumentos de luta próprios do proletariado, crescimento interligado à conscientização das massas, e para o desenvolvimento de embriões socialistas no interior da sociedade capitalista, que tomam forma através dos conselhos de operários e soldados. Estes produtos da experiência de luta de massa são a essência da concepção de organização democrática proletária defendida pela autora. / Abstract: The line that guides all political theory of Rosa Luxemburg is the importance given to the autonomous and creative action of an effective mass to overcome the capitalist society in all spheres. The proposal of this study is to argue, through the core of events that permeated the political life of Luxemburg: Bernetein-Debatte, the Russian revolution of 1905, the eruption of the First War and the crisis of the social-democratic movement, the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the creation of soviets in the international socialist movement, along with the experiences of councils in the German Revolution of 1918-1919, the concept of autonomy of the masses and their importance in the historical process taking into account the objective and subjective elements, the relationship between spontaneity and organization. It is therefore proposed to highlight the political strategies of Luxemburg to the strengthening of the revolutionary organizations and the tools to fight the proletariat, growing awareness of the interconnected bodies, and the development of embryos within the socialist capitalist society, which take shape through the soviets and councils of workers and soldiers. These products from the experience of mass struggle is the essence of the conception of proletarian democratic organization supported by the author. / Mestre

No description available.

Este é um estudo sobre o debate entre dois periódicos publicados em meio aos processos de independências políticas da América ibérica: o Correio Braziliense e o Correo del Orinoco. Ocorrido entre os anos de 1817 e 1820, o diálogo motivado pelos acontecimentos de Pernambuco em 1817, converteu-se em um debate sobre revolução, conceito-chave para o entendimento daquela conjuntura, tendo como perspectiva a interação e influência mútua entre duas de suas vertentes: Brasil e Venezuela. / This is a study about the debate between two periodicals published during the Iberian America political independence process: Correio Braziliense and Correo del Orinoco. Occurred between 1817 and 1820, the dialog motivated by the events from Pernambuco in 1817, became a debate about revolution, key concept to understanding that conjuncture, through the perspective of the interaction and mutual influence between two of its exponents: Brazil and Venezuela.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a atuação das editoras de livros de caráter político em Portugal entre 1968 e 1980, a fim de verificar o papel político, cultural e ideológico que desempenharam no processo de transformações pelo qual passou o país nesse período. Para isso, busquei: a) identificar as editoras que realizaram essas publicações e examinar as vinculações políticas que tinham; b) realizar o recenseamento das obras de caráter político publicadas no período em estudo; c) identificar as pessoas e organizações responsáveis por essas editoras e publicações. A partir dos dados levantados procuro entender como atuavam estes editores, quais suas motivações políticas, ideológicas e empresariais, como organizavam as editoras do ponto de vista intelectual e comercial, e qual o peso das vinculações políticas na vida das editoras. Em termos cronológicos, o período em foco começa em 1968, com o afastamento por motivos de saúde de Salazar do poder e sua substituição por Marcelo Caetano, e vai até 1980, com a formação do primeiro governo de direita após o fim da ditadura em 25 de abril de 1974. Uma síntese do trabalho mostra que existiram pelo menos 137 editoras que publicaram livros de caráter político em Portugal entre 1968 e 1980, tendo editado cerca de 4.600 títulos políticos no período. Este trabalho apresenta estudos sintéticos sobre 106 destas editoras. Minha tese é que estas editoras conformaram o que podemos chamar de edição política no país. Ao realizar um trabalho editorial que vinculava de modo direto engajamento político e ação editorial, estas editoras e seus editores atuaram com clara intenção política de intervenção social, tornando-se sujeitos ativos no processo político português no período final da ditadura e nos primeiros anos de liberdade política. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the political publishing houses actions in Portugal between 1968 and 1980. Our particular focus is the political, cultural and ideological role of these publishing houses in the process of profound changes that Portugal went through that period. In order to achieve these goals, I have sought: a) to identify the main publishing houses and their political connections; b) to make a census of the political oeuvres published in that period; c) to identify people and organization that were in charge of the publishing houses. Taking in consideration the sources and data collected, I examine how these publishers acted, and which were their political, ideological and business motivations. I also analyze how they organize the publishing houses from a intellectual and commercial perspective, as well as how was the weight of the political connections in the everyday life of the publishing houses. Chronologically, my investigation starts in 1968, when the Dictator Salazar, due health reasons, was replaced by Marcelo Caetano. The final date of my research is 1980, when a first rightwing government is formed after the end of the dictatorship in April 25, 1974. In short, my thesis demonstrates that at least 137 publishing houses edited books with clear political features in Portugal between 1968 and 1980. In this period 4,600 different political titles were published. This thesis presents synthetic studies about 106 publishing of these. My argument is that those publishing houses conformed what we can call political publishing era in Portugal. By realizing an editorial work that directly combined political activism and editorial action, theses publishing houses and their publishers acted with a clear political intention of social intervention. In this sense they become important and active social actors in the Portuguese political process in the final period of the dictatorship and beginning of the democratization years.

O objetivo desta dissertação é entender as modificações temáticas ocorridas na obra literária de João de Minas (pseudônimo do jornalista Ariosto Palombo, 1896-1984), autor de 12 livros entre 1929 e 1936. O principal caminho utilizado é a analise temática de suas narrativas, bus-cando-se como o escritor configura o \"mundo da obra\" literária, revelador das escolhas e te-mas significativos para o escritor no período estudado. Diversas mudanças temáticas em sua literatura estão relacionadas ao impacto exercido na vida do autor pelo movimento de outubro de 1930. Em função de seus antigos vínculos com o Partido Republicano Paulista, o evento gerou em João de Minas um sentimento de deslocamento social, que o levou, de 34 em diante, a tratar de forma mais crítica da história, da sociedade e da política de seu tempo. Tal percep-ção reverberou no seu fazer literário: deixou de se preocupar com uma a realidade distante e desconhecida do sertão ou de defender o regime oligárquico vigente até 1930, mas passou a refletir distanciada e ironicamente sobre as mazelas e convenções da vida urbana. Descolado do PRP, João de Minas se sentiu livre para representar o que via como o obsceno da vida polí-tica e da vida social das grandes cidades. / The main goal of this dissertation is to understand the changing of themes in João de Minas\' literary work (pseudonym of the journalist Ariosto Palombo, 1896-1984), author of 12 books published in 1929-1936. The methodology used was to analyze the themes of his stories, searching how the writer configured the literary \"world of the work\", that show us the choices and the main themes used by the writer in that time. Several changes in the themes of his literary work concern the impact which the \"1930\'s Revolution\" had in his life. For João de Minas, due to his ancient links with Paulista Republican Party, the \"revolution\" brought a feeling of a social displacement that lead him, since 1934, to treat critically of history, society and politics of his time. That feeling affected the author\'s literature: he stopped writing about a far and unknown reality of wilderness or support oligarchic established regime, which lasted until 1930, and began to reflect distant and ironically about customs and problems of urban life. Unattached to PRP, João de Minas was free to draw what he saw as the obscene in political and social life of the great cities.

Esta dissertação visa realizar uma revisão historiográfica da obra Considerações sobre a França (1797), de Joseph de Maistre, que representa um dos primeiros ensaios de interpretação histórica do fenômeno revolucionário em língua francesa e do ponto de vista da contra-revolução. Neste ínterim, pretendemos oferecer uma visão de conjunto do uso que a historiografia da Revolução Francesa fez das Considerações de Maistre. Simultaneamente, empreendemos uma síntese biográfica-intelectual do saboiano, com o objetivo de sublinhar a complexa natureza de sua reação à Revolução e ao Iluminismo reação esta caracterizada por uma excêntrica interação entre jesuitismo, iluminismo e filosofia das Luzes. Por fim, apresentamos ao público uma tradução dessa obra, ainda inédita em língua portuguesa. / The purpose of this study is to present a historical revision of Joseph de Maistres Considérations sur la France (1797), which represents a pioneering attempt of historical interpretation of the revolutionary phaenomenon in French language and from the point of view of the counter-revolution. In doing so, we intend to offer a panoramic view of the use made of Joseph de Maistres most famous pamphlet in the historiography of the French Revolution. It also provides a brief intellectual biography of the savoyard which tries to underline the complexity of the Maistrean reaction to the Enlightenment and the Revolution - marked by an eccentric interaction with certain currents of jesuitism, iluminism and the Enlightenment. Last but not least, we present a translation of the pamphlet, heretofore neglected in Portuguese.

A Revolução Islâmica pode ser entendida como um marco histórico, tendo em vista seu aspecto religioso e a mudança de paradigmas que trouxe para o estudo das Ciências. Seja no aspecto político, econômico ou social, a implantação da República Islâmica do Irã provocou uma mudança nas relações internas e também externas refletidas no sistema internacional. Esse estudo procura desenvolver um aspecto da Revolução Iraniana que muitas vezes não é tratado pelos especialistas, qual seja, a real viabilidade de a revolução expandir-se para outros países muçulmanos. Muitas vezes essa possibilidade é apresentada como uma meta política norteadora do governo iraniano, no entanto, sem que sejam analisadas as reais possibilidades para que se concretize. Nesse sentido, o objeto principal desse trabalho é apresentar a gradual ampliação da importância que os ulemás alcançaram na vida política iraniana a partir do final do século XIX e que desencadeou a Revolução (1978-79). Para que esse processo se tornasse viável, além das condições políticas propícias, foi necessário que os ulemás se apropriassem ainda mais da linguagem religiosa e a transformasse em instrumento político para mudar o status da população xiita, ou seja, de resignada para ativa. Ainda, além da alteração nessa postura dos ulemás frente à dominação do xá, houve a necessidade de que uma liderança desencadeasse o processo contestatório que levaria ao final da monarquia. Para tanto, a liderança do aiatolá Khomeini foi imprescindível e, ainda mais, o desenvolvimento da teoria do wilayat al-faqih, que nortearia a estrutura política do governo no pós-revolução. Contudo, mesmo diante de um panorama político que convergiu para a ocorrência da Revolução, esse estudo defende a tese de que a doutrina usulita abriu a possibilidade para a ijtihad e essa liberalidade foi muito bem utilizada pelo aiatolá Khomeini ao criar discursos políticos impregnados de elementos religiosos. Como resultado de seus discursos em Najaf (1970), surgiu o wilayat al-faqih. No entanto, o mesmo pragmatismo que possibilitou o entendimento particularizado da situação política iraniana e desencadeou a Revolução, hoje se apresenta como um impeditivo para sua expansão, tendo em vista que o atual Líder Supremo iraniano não goza do mesmo prestígio que o carismático Khomeini, tampouco os aiatolás iranianos têm interesse em delegar completamente suas prerrogativas religiosas a ele. Assim, quando essa pesquisa buscou entrevistar os atuais aiatolás que fazem parte do bloco governamental, intencionava mostrar que o wilayat al-faqih continua sendo o estabilizador da revolução, mas não tem condições para se tornar um modelo que agregaria outros estados, uma vez que, além do nacionalismo enraizado nos demais grupos xiitas do Oriente Médio, a ausência de uma liderança carismática faz com que o pragmatismo dos aiatolás impere. Com isso, mesmo que a intenção de Khomeini fosse utilizar o wilayat al-faqih para expandir a revolução, com sua morte houve o sepultamento dessa via. / The Islamic Revolution can be understood as a historical landmark in view of its religious aspect and the paradigm shift it brought to the study of Sciences. Be it on the political, economic, or social aspects, the implantation of the Islamic Republic of Iran triggered a turn in both internal and external relations reflected in the international system. This study aims to develop an aspect of the Iranian Revolution which is often not treated by specialists, that is, the actual viability of the revolution to expand itself to other Muslim countries. Frequently this possibility is presented as a guiding political goal for the Iranian government, however, without being analyzed the real possibilities for it to be realized. In this sense, the main object of this work is to present the gradual enlargement of importance that the ulama achieved in the Iranian political life starting from the end of the nineteenth century and which set off the Revolution (1978-79). For this process to become viable, in addition to the propitious political conditions, it was necessary for the ulama to appropriate even further the religious language and change it into political instrument to transform the status of the Shia population, namely from resigned to active. Yet, besides the alteration of the ulamas posture in face of the Shahs domination, there was a need for a leadership to trigger the contestatory process which would lead to the end of the monarchy. To this end, the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini was indispensable and, even more, the development of the wilayat al-faqih theory, which would guide the political structure of the government at the post-revolution period. However, even though confronted with a political overview that converged to the occurrence of the Revolution, this study defends the thesis that the Usulis doctrine opened the possibility for the ijtihad, and this liberality was very well used by Ayatollah Khomeini by creating political discourses impregnated with religious elements. As a result of his discourses in Najaf (1970) the wilayat al-faqih came to existence. Nonetheless, the very same pragmatism that allowed the particularized understanding of the Iranian political situation and which triggered the Revolution presents itself today as a hindrance for its expansion, taking into account that the current Iranian Supreme Leader does not enjoy the same prestige such as the charismatic Khomeini, neither do the Iranian Ayatollahs have interest in delegating completely their religious prerogatives to him. Hence, when this research sought to interview the current Ayatollahs that are part of the governmental bloc, it purposed to show that the wilayat al-faqih is still the revolutions stabilizer, but has no condition to become a model which could aggregate other states, since that, beyond the nationalism rooted in the other Shia groups in the Middle East, the absence of a charismatic leadership causes the Ayatollahs pragmatism to prevail. With this, even if Khomeinis intention was to use the wilayat al-faqih to expand the revolution, with his death followed the burial of this idea.