Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:27:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho tem a intenção de investigar as formas pelas quais a vida em liberdade foi construída pelos indivíduos oriundos do cativeiro, tomando como locus de observação o município de São Francisco de Paula, no nordeste do Rio Grande do Sul, durante as duas décadas finais do século XIX. Nesta localidade serrana, investiguei aspectos como moradia, relacionamento com os antigos senhores, tutela de menores, trabalho, criminalidade, engajamento militar e os nomes adotados pelos ex-cativos na vida em liberdade, como algumas vias de acesso aos complexos caminhos pelos quais se deu sua inserção, em novos parâmetros, na sociedade em que viviam / This paper intends to investigate the forms through which free life was built by former slaves, taking as locus the city of São Francisco de Paula, in the northeast of Rio Grande do Sul, during the two final decades of the 19th century. In this city,located in the highlands, I investigated subjects such as residence, relationship with the old masters, child tutelage, work, criminality, military engagement, and the names adopted by former slaves in free life as some of the means of access to the complex ways through which their insertion in their society was, under new parameters, made possible

En étudiant les textes du débat sur la Révolution française qui ont été publiés entre 1789 et 1815, cette thèse montre comment les métaphores naturelles ont servi à configurer des relations nouvelles entre la politique, la science et la littérature.La première partie étudie les métaphores naturelles en tant qu’instruments du débat sur la Révolution, envisageant successivement quatre fonctions rhétoriques : non seulement émouvoir et argumenter, mais aussi faire connaître et faire agir. La seconde partie étudie les relations entre les sciences de la nature et la politique. Elle porte sur les tentatives d’établir une véritable science politique à partir du modèle des sciences naturelles, sur les liens entre Révolution française et révolution scientifique ainsi que sur les stratégies discursives de promotion de la figure du savant. La troisième partie traite du débat sur la littérature qui se développe au cœur du débat sur la Révolution. Si les métaphores naturelles y sont remarquables pour leur force rhétorique et parce qu’elles mettent la littérature en tension avec la science et la politique, elles sont aussi des marqueurs littéraires : à travers elles, les écrivains légitiment leur œuvre, définissent leur rôle et s’inscrivent dans des traditions poétiques. Deux chapitres étudient spécifiquement les premières histoires de la Révolution.L’invention de la littérature comme usage fondamentalement esthétique du langage écrit est le résultat paradoxal de cette période où les liens entre la littérature, la politique et les sciences ont été particulièrement riches. / By studying a series of texts that debate the French Revolution between 1789 and 1815, this thesis aims to show how natural metaphors played a part in creating new relationships between politics, science and literature.The first part focuses on the rhetorical uses of natural metaphors in the debate. It studies how they were used not only to arouse emotions and to convince the reader, but also to produce knowledge and drive people to action. The second part deals with the relationships between the natural sciences and politics: first examining the attempt to create a new political science based on the model of the natural sciences, then analysing the relationship between the French Revolution and the scientific revolution, before finally considering the textual strategies used to create and promote the new figure of the scientist. The third part studies the debate about literature that developed at the centre of the debate on the French Revolution. In this context, natural metaphors are interesting not only because of their rhetorical power or because they create tensions between literature, science and politics, but also because they are used as indications of literariness: by using natural metaphors, writers legitimized their works, defined their social function and took their place in a literary tradition. Two chapters focus specifically on the first written histories of the French Revolution.The idea of literature as an essentially aesthetic use of written language is the paradoxical result of this period of deep and intensive interaction between literature, politics and sciences.

This thesis examines how the slave uprising in the French Caribbean sugar colony of Saint-Domingue (1791-1804) had dramatic and long-lasting repercussions on the neighbouring Spanish possessions of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Santo Domingo. Events in Saint-Domingue took place during a period of profound change in the Spanish colonies. Reforms implemented during the reign of Carlos III (1759-1788) had begun to shift the imperial economic focus from the extraction of precious metals in Spain's American colonies towards the potential of intensive agriculture, especially sugar. The process was accelerated by France's loss of Saint-Domingue in 1804, which presented the Spanish islands under Carlos IV (1788-1808) with the opportunity to have a much larger share of the sugar trade - a chance which Cuba and Puerto Rico were quick to seize. At the same time, Napoleon Bonaparte's overthrow of the Spanish monarchy, the war against France (1808-1814), and the writing of a Spanish constitution (1812) precipitated the unravelling of most of Spain's empire, bar the Philippines and the sugar islands in the Caribbean. The thesis focuses on how relations between Madrid and the Caribbean islands were significantly altered in the wake of peninsular upheaval. At the same time, this work also considers the islands' reconfigured relationship with new republic of Haiti, formed by the freed slaves of Saint-Domingue. Drawing from correspondence between the crown and the island authorities, as well as between colonial officials, this thesis also examines the culture of fear that permeated the Spanish possessions. Initially, this fear reflected anxieties about Saint-Domingue-style slave rebellions, but as mainland Spanish colonies became independent - and Santo Domingo fell under Haitian control in 1822 - this fear took on a new dimension and became a vital tie between Cuba, Puerto Rico, and Madrid, contributing to the continuation of colonial rule until the Spanish-American War of 1898.

Submitted by Fabricia Fialho Reginato (fabriciar) on 2015-08-28T00:31:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JoseXarao.pdf: 1413710 bytes, checksum: fa6148c8c30c304e6d086d27e7ce1bfb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-28T00:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JoseXarao.pdf: 1413710 bytes, checksum: fa6148c8c30c304e6d086d27e7ce1bfb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-30 / Milton Valente / Crise e revolução: lugar e modo da transformação social, segundo Karl Marx é um estudo sobre a correlação entre os conceitos de crise e revolução na obra marxiana. Comumente esses termos têm sido associados de forma subordinada, ou a uma teoria da revolução cujo estopim é a crise, ou a uma teoria das crises cujo desfecho é a revolução. Neste trabalho, sustentamos a tese de que somente sob um enfoque filosófico reunindo os dois termos em uma teoria da criação e revolução das formas políticas é que ambos os termos podem ser coerentemente relacionados, tornando plausível a abordagem política (teoria da revolução) e a abordagem econômica (teoria das crises). / Crisis and revolution: place and manner of social change, according to Karl Marx it is a study on the correlation between the concepts of crisis and revolution in the marxian work. Commonly these terms have been associated as subordinated either to the theory of revolution, which the spark is a crisis, or to a theory of crisis, which the outcome is a revolution. In this paper we defend the thesis that just under a philosophical focus combining the two terms into the theory of creation and revolution of the political forms is that both terms may be coherently related, becoming plausible the political approach (theory of revolution) and the economical approach (theory of crisis).

Although it has long been portrayed as the nation’s ‘moat defensive’, recent examinations of Anglo-French rivalry during the long eighteenth century have revealed that the English Channel was, in reality, a highly permeable and vulnerable maritime border territory. Within this context, the Channel Islands assumed a strategic and tactical significance which was vastly disproportionate to their physical size, population or resources; emerging as what Morieux terms ‘a lynchpin of control' over local shipping and trade. Although a great deal of research has been already undertaken – particularly in relation to the Channel Islands’ role as a base for commerce-raiding and intelligence gathering – much of this has covered the entire long eighteenth century. However, it was only during the Great French War that the British government embraced the military potential of the Channel Islands to the fullest; not only exploiting the inhabitants’ knowledge of the seas and intimacy with her ‘enemies’, but also transforming the archipelago into a chain of offshore fortresses. In addition, prior scholarship has often focused on individual aspects of the Channel Islands’ involvement in the Great French War; while local historians have tended to embrace the ‘Great Man’ approach, examining the period through the lens of the careers of local commanders. Consequently, this thesis seeks to provide a more complete picture of the Channel Islands’ role within Britain’s military and naval strategy; integrating an examination of local defence and security with several of already well-covered topics. Moreover, in light of the fact that existent scholarship has often centred upon ‘Great Men’, it is hoped that the thesis shall serve to better demonstrate the extent to which the celebrated achievements of Don, Doyle and D’Auvergne rested upon the efforts of a number of ‘unsung heroes’.

This thesis traces the intellectual trajectory of Lorenz Stein (1815-1890), a German legal scholar and political thinker who, despite being a significant theorist during his lifetime, is an obscure figure today, especially in Anglophone scholarship. It focuses on Stein's writings on socialism and argues that they provide crucial insights into the changing nature of socialist thought in the mid-nineteenth century. It contributes to the project of departing from a Marxist interpretation of the history of socialism that has long been predominant, and uses Stein's intellectual biography to illustrate how contingent political, cultural and personal factors have shaped both the creation and reception of socialist ideas.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vitor Bartoletti Sartori.pdf: 3042879 bytes, checksum: e7997597aa481ef154ce3bf13f9333b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this writing is to make explicit the essential determinations of Arendt´s thought, that cannot be seen only with Lukács, concept of irrationalism, but are inseparable from it. Arendt´s ideology is developed during the Weimar republic and, after de second world war, on the USA and has strong relations with her project regarding the totalitarian elements of Marxism . Can be considered part of this project the books Between Past and Future, The Human Condition and On Revolution. Taking in account Hannah Arendt´s position towards reality, we intend to show the origins of Arendt s thought on her telos opposite to Marxism, socialism and, mainly, to the conscious control of the economy. The concrete position of the author, as a result, we intend to prove, is related at the same time with the German irrationalism and with the liberal-conservative tradition expressed in Toqueville and Burke mainly. So, finally, we analyze how she is next to religious atheism (analyzed by Lukács) when it comes to comprehend the arendtian narrative on the American and on the French Revolution. Both narratives are essential when we take on account that the author is opposed not only to the French revolution, but also to socialism, the Russian Revolution, and humam emancipation / Pretende-se mostrar como Hannah Arendt não pode simplesmente ser enquadrada na filosofia irracionalista tratada por Lukács em A Destruição da Razão, ao mesmo tempo em que é dependente dessa e, em seu tempo, renova a posição irracionalista associando a mesma com uma tônica fortemente politicista. Nisso, temas essenciais à análise imanente da ideologia arendtiana são aqueles da natalidade, da história e da revolução, os quais têm unidade dada, no essencial, em seu projeto intitulado elementos totalitários do marxismo . Este último dá ensejo às obras mais lidas da autora como Entre o Passado e o Futuro, A Condição Humana e Sobre a Revolução. Pretende-se mostrar, assim, como as posições da autora tem sua gênese em um ímpeto contrário ao marxismo, ao socialismo e ao controle consciente das condições de existência do homem. A função concreta desta ideologia, busca-se mostrar, relaciona-se tanto com tradição irracionalista da qual bebe em sua formação filosófica, quanto com conservadorismo liberal de autores como Toqueville. Nisso, Arendt opõe-se, com uma abordagem próxima ao ateísmo religioso analisado por Lukács, não só à Revolução Francesa, mas, sobretudo, à Revolução Russa e às formas de atividade voltadas à construção do socialismo e da emancipação humana

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vladmir Luis da Silva.pdf: 1043730 bytes, checksum: 5a5dee2c665cab46a0c2ce3cbab5467d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work has as main objective the criticism of the Bahian philosopher Carlos Nelson Coutinho s positions about the development of capitalism in Brazil. For Coutinho, the Brazilian development way resembles the German and Italian cases. In this way, our work focuses on the use made by the author of concepts like Prussian way and passive revolution . During our researches, we realize that Coutinho s thinking suffers radical changes in his way of analysing the reality. It is the leaving of the Hungarian philosopher Georg Lukács references, in behalf of the communist leader Antonio Gramsci s concepts and the political teachings of Italian Eurocommunists. Therefore, we also dedicate ourselves to the understanding of the meaning of these changes and of the way in which they affect Carlos Nelson Coutinho s diagnosis of Brazilian past and present, as well as his resolutive proposal. Our work is based on the immanent analysis, in other words, the critical accompaniment of Coutinho s thinking is accomplished through the reading and the interpretation of the texts of the author himself, thus respecting the proper sense of them. Our criticism is also based on the writings of historian Caio Prado Jr. and philosopher José Chasin, who caught in their works aspects of Brazilian reality that Coutinho could not properly understand / Este trabalho tem por objetivo principal a crítica das posições do filósofo baiano Carlos Nelson Coutinho sobre o desenvolvimento do capitalismo no Brasil. Para Coutinho, o caminho do desenvolvimento brasileiro assemelha-se aos casos alemão e italiano. Assim, nosso trabalho foca a utilização feita pelo autor dos conceitos de via prussiana e revolução passiva . Durante nossas pesquisas, percebemos que o pensamento de Coutinho passa por mudanças radicais em seu modo de analisar a realidade. Trata-se do abandono dos referenciais do filósofo húngaro Georg Lukács em prol dos conceitos do dirigente comunista Antonio Gramsci e dos ensinamentos políticos de eurocomunistas italianos. Sendo assim, nos dedicamos também ao entendimento do sentido dessas transformações e do modo como afetam seu diagnóstico do passado e do presente do país, bem como suas propostas resolutivas. Nosso trabalho tem por base a análise imanente, ou seja, o acompanhamento crítico do pensamento de Coutinho é realizado por meio da leitura e interpretação dos textos do próprio autor, respeitando assim o sentido próprio dos mesmos. A crítica que realizamos apoia-se ainda nos escritos do historiador Caio Prado Jr. e do filósofo José Chasin, os quais captaram em suas obras aspectos da realidade brasileira que Coutinho não pôde entender adequadamente

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Moacir Assuncao Filho.pdf: 10107020 bytes, checksum: 99e0df2d4781309eaf15ce9fab1fc8ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-04 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The research deals with the Paulista Revolt July 5, 1924 , known as the second lieutenants revolt that took place in São Paulo , between the 5th and 28th of July of that year , leaving a balance of 503 dead and 4,846 wounded , according to officers. The study, which draws on the lessons of historians Edward P. Thompson and Carlo Ginzburg, aimed to rescue the stories of ordinary people who lived through the conflict and were among its main victims, despite not belonging to either of the two warring sides - the rebels, who took the city, and legal forces that bombed to retake it. These fellows, residents of the neighborhoods most affected in the conflict, as Mooca, Bras and Ipiranga, are almost forgotten in short bibliography and in theses and dissertations dealing with the matter. Thus, rescuing his career from traces such as letters, newspaper reports, accounts and photographs can collaborate to bring new perspectives on the topic Uprising Lieutenants, 1924 understudied in Brazilian historiography and even in the state. In the research, worked with books of memoirs and chroniclers, the big news of the working press and press photos of the conflict, letters, memorials and archives materials throughout Brazil. Classic works on the subject were also used. The main topic was the participation of civilians in the conflict , their suffering , the horror of the bombing and their strategies for survival in the face of a civil war on at the time , second most important city in Brazil , after the federal capital , Rio January . We worked in the same way, with criticism of opponents and the justifications for the bombing of situationists the state capital and the identification of weapons of war used in the comparison, both legal, as the rebel. At the same time, the research sought to put into perspective the facts, highlighting the rise even before the New State, strong authoritarian tendencies in the Brazilian State, during the government of Arthur Bernardes and his successor, Washington Luiz , mainly geared to repression anarchists , rebels and transgressors of the order in general workers . The exodus of the population during the conflict - have left the city on the run about 250 thousand people, according to the City - and the looting caused by famine and shortages were other themes addressed in research / A pesquisa versa sobre a revolta paulista de 5 de julho de 1924, conhecida como a segunda revolta tenentista, que ocorreu em São Paulo, entre os dias 5 e 28 de julho daquele ano, deixando um saldo de 503 mortos e 4.846 feridos, segundo dados oficiais. O estudo, que se baseia nas lições dos historiadores Edward P. Thompson e Carlo Ginzburg, teve por objetivo resgatar as histórias de pessoas comuns que viveram o conflito e figuraram entre suas principais vítimas, embora não integrassem nenhum dos dois lados em conflito - os rebeldes, que tomaram a cidade, e as forças legais, que a bombardearam para retomá-la. Esses sujeitos, moradores dos bairros mais atingidos no conflito, como Mooca, Brás e Ipiranga, são praticamente esquecidos na pequena bibliografia e nas dissertações e teses que tratam do assunto. Assim, resgatar sua trajetória a partir dos vestígios como cartas, notícias de jornais, relatos e fotografias pode colaborar no sentido de trazer novos olhares sobre o tema Revolta Tenentista de 1924, pouco estudado na historiografia brasileira e até mesmo na paulista. Na pesquisa, trabalhou-se com livros de memorialistas e cronistas, notícias da grande imprensa e da imprensa operária, fotografias do conflito, cartas, memoriais e materiais de arquivos espalhados pelo Brasil. Também foram utilizadas obras clássicas sobre o tema. O principal eixo temático foi a participação da população civil no conflito, seus sofrimentos, o horror do bombardeio e suas estratégias de sobrevivência diante de uma guerra civil travada na, à época, segunda mais importante cidade do Brasil, depois da capital federal, o Rio de Janeiro. Trabalhou-se, da mesma forma, com as críticas de opositores e as justificativas de situacionistas para o bombardeio à capital paulista e com a identificação das armas de guerra utilizadas no confronto, tanto dos legais, quanto dos rebeldes. Ao mesmo tempo, a pesquisa procurou colocar em perspectiva os fatos, ao destacar o surgimento, ainda antes do Estado Novo, de fortes tendências autoritárias no Estado brasileiro, durante o governo de Arthur Bernardes e de seu sucessor, Washington Luiz, principalmente voltado à repressão de operários anarquistas, rebeldes e transgressores da ordem em geral. O êxodo da população durante o conflito deixaram a cidade em fuga cerca de 250 mil pessoas, de acordo com a Prefeitura e os saques, provocados pela fome e o desabastecimento, foram outros assuntos tratados na pesquisa

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ronaldo Fabiano dos Santos Gaspar.pdf: 2811565 bytes, checksum: 506781822f06a1660daebc829ae4156a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The main scope of this study was to investigate the antinomies incurred by Hannah Arendt in her complex theoretical path in the field of political thought. Among these antinomies, we point out her criticism of Nazism, nourished by some philosophical sources similar to that movement; her defense of reason, which refuses, in some decisive aspects, the rationality of history; her apology of revolution, characterized by an aristocratic concept of political participation; at last, Being Hannah Arendt a thinker considered difficult to be classified, this study shows that, in essence, her ideas are connected to the canons of political liberalism. By analyzing her early writings until the eve of The life of the mind we tried to approach mainly the prominent role of Karl Marx s works as object of criticism. These critiques compelled her to develop her own positions, particularly the controversial and even incorrect analysis about Marx s works. Finally, we tried to evidence that the conservatism of Hannah Arendt was strengthened by her criticism of Marx and at the same time, by the fact that World War Second became a distant event, while there was an intensification of Cold War / O objetivo central deste trabalho foi investigar as antinomias em que Hannah Arendt incorreu ao longo do seu complexo percurso teórico no campo do pensamento político. Dentre essas antinomias, destacamos suas críticas ao nazismo, que se nutrem de algumas fontes filosóficas similares às deste movimento; sua defesa da razão, que recusa em aspectos decisivos a racionalidade da história; sua apologia da revolução, que contém uma concepção aristocrática da participação política; e, por fim, numa pensadora tida como inclassificável, como suas ideias se enquadram, em essência, nos cânones do liberalismo político. Na análise deste percurso, que vai desde seus primeiros escritos até as vésperas d A vida do espírito, buscou-se aflorar, especialmente, o papel destacado que a obra de Karl Marx ocupa como objeto de crítica e de desenvolvimento das próprias posições de Hannah Arendt, em particular o caráter controverso e mesmo incorreto das análises que a autora efetua desta obra. Enfim, tentamos demonstrar que o conservadorismo de Hannah Arendt se adensou ao longo de suas formulações críticas em relação a Marx e, ao mesmo tempo, com o distanciamento da II Guerra mundial e o recrudescimento da Guerra fria