A poesia de João Rodriguez de Sá de Meneses e João Rodriguez de Lucena preservadas no Cancioneiro Geral de Garcia de Resende colocou em evidência a presença da cultura clássica tão constante no imaginário quinhentista português. Esses poetas fizeram traduções de algumas das famosas epístolas de heroínas míticas como Penélope, Enone, Laudâmia e Dido , aos seus amados ausentes. Esse conjunto de cartas é conhecido como Heroides, do poeta romano Ovídio, poeta elegíaco que foi responsável, entre outras coisas, por ter servido de modelo para muito do que se produziu depois na Idade Média e Renascimento. A Imitação e a Tradução eram mecanismos frequentes naquela época e foram usadas com maestria nas traduções desses poetas do Cancioneiro. O porquê da escolha de determinadas cartas e não de todas também é relevante, já que se tratava do momento das navegações e, portanto, necessitava-se acalmar o coração das damas que permaneceram em terras lusitanas à espera de seus amados ausentes. E ainda, propor a elas um modelo de comportamento. / The poetry of João Rodriguez de Sá de Meneses and João Rodriguez de Lucena preserved in Garcia de Resendes Cancioneiro Geral puts in evidence the presence of the classical culture so constant at the cinquecentist Portuguese imaginary. These poets translated some of the famous epistles of mythical heroines - like Penelope, Oenone, Dido and Laodomia -, to their loved missing ones. This set of epistles are known as Heroides, from Ovid, the elegiac Roman poet who was responsible, among other things, to have served as a model for much of what was produced after in the Middle Age and Renaissance. Imitation and Translation were recurrent mechanisms at that time and were employed with propriety at the translations of those poets of the Cancioneiro. The reason why those determinate epistles were chosen and not all of them is also relevant, because it was the moment of navigation so, therefore, was necessary pacify the hearts of the ladies that stayed in Portuguese lands waiting for their lovers. And still, propose a model of conduct to those ladies.

A obra do poeta romano Públio Ovídio Nasão constou entre as mais lidas, copiadas, estudadas e reelaboradas durante o período denominado Idade Média. Para que se possa ter uma compreensão de quanto a poesia ovidiana determinou a poesia medieval, e de que maneira, e o que isso significa em termos práticos, teóricos e literários, é preciso investigar: primeiro, a presença de Ovídio na Idade Média, através dos manuscritos e catálogos, dos comentários e críticas sobre sua poesia, das vitae e das alusões presentes nos autores críticos medievais; em seguida, a relação entre Ovídio e os poetas medievais e seus desdobramentos; e, por fim, a discussão sobre os gêneros poéticos medievais que emerge do confronto entre a poética ovidiana, a prática da poesia na Idade Média e a preceituação poética elaborada nesse período. Como resultado de tais investigações, é possível supor uma hipótese de que as definições técnicas de gênero poético, tão difundidas no mundo clássico, já não são tão relevantes para a composição literária medieval, que elege como princípio basilar e fundador a imitação dos auctores em detrimento da imitação dos gêneros. / The poems of the Roman poet Ovid have stood between those most read, copied, studied and reworked during the so-called Middle Ages. In order to obtain an understanding of how much the Ovidian poetry has influenced the medieval poetry, and in which manner, and what does it mean in practical, theoretical and literary terms, it is necessary to investigate three steps. First, the presence of Ovid in the Middle Ages, through the manuscripts and catalogues of his texts, the commentaries and criticism over his poetry, the vitae and mentions by medieval critics. Second, the relation between Ovid and medieval poets and its consequences. And finally, the discussion on poetic genres which emerges from the comparison between Ovidian poetics, the practice of poetry in Middle Ages and the medieval precepts on poetry. As result, it is possible to propose a hypothesis that the technical definitions of poetic genre, so widespread in the Classical world, are no longer important to medieval literary composition, which on its turn elects as underlying principle the imitation of auctores in detriment of the imitation by genres.

Orientador: Paulo Sérgio de Vasconcellos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:52:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bem_LucyAnade_D.pdf: 4739466 bytes, checksum: 07de6a500d21d7d628f0229466d92ca1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O objetivo desta tese é demonstrar como, nos Amores, Ovídio retomou e reelaborou matéria de diversas fontes para compor sua obra. Sêneca Velho, nas suas Controuersiae (em especial, II 2, 8), revela-nos os possíveis influxos da retórica escolar na obra do poeta. Em nossa análise, demonstramos que a retórica está presente como uma forma de estruturar certas elegias (como as suasoriae) e que também é uma ferramenta útil para nos ajudar a compreender a obra (sobretudo, a relação construída entre auctor/opus/lector). Indicamos a presença de elementos típicos de diversos gêneros como a épica, a comédia, a tragédia e mesmo a poesia jâmbica: Ovídio parece deixar claro que essa "presença" é um fator constitutivo de sua obra. A confluência genérica resultante dessas relações discursivas está mais evidente em poemas programáticos, de cunho metapoético (através do topos da recusatio, por exemplo), mas também não se ausenta por completo das demais elegias. No constructum elegíaco elaborado por Ovídio nos Amores, a persona de seu poetaamante discute poesia enquanto narra as aventuras amorosas com a persona da puella, que se identifica com a própria Elegia (cf. Am. III 1). Nesse sentido, Ovídio nos mostra que, em sua obra de estreia, seu protagonista vive em um universo discursivo construído na pluralidade, no qual experimentar amores (as relações amorosas) proporciona a composição dos Amores (as elegias de temática erótica) / Abstract: The aim of this thesis is to show how, in Loves, Ovid retook and reworked material from several sources to constitute his work. Older Seneca, in his Controuersiae (specially in II 2, 8) reveals the possibility of some influxes from school rethoric on the Ovid's poetry. In our analysis, we indicated that rhetoric is present like a mean of structure some elegies (like suasoriae) and also like a useful tool that helps us to understand the whole work (mainly, the constructed relation among auctor/opus/lector). We also demonstrate the presence of tipicals elements from other genres like epic, commedy, tragedy and even iambic poetry: Ovid seems to reveal that this "presence" is a factor that openly constitute his poetic labour. The generic confluence that results from these discursives relationships is more manifest in programmatic poems, with metapoetical character (through the topos of recusatio, for exemple), but is not missing at all from the others elegies. In this discursive elegiac constructum elaborated by Ovid in the Amores, the poet-lover persona considers about poetry while tell us about his amorous adventures with the puella persona who identify herserf with Elegy (cf. Am. III 1). In this sense, Ovid show us that, in his first work, his protagonist lives in a discursive world based on plurality, in wich experiences in loves (relationships) provides the composition of The Loves (Latin erotic elegy) / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

M.A. / In this dissertation I aim to establish how Ovid uses the Rape of the Sabine Women, part of the foundation myth of Rome, in the Ars Amatoria I: 101-134 to maintain or restructure male-female relationships within Roman patriarchal society. Furthermore, Ovid's legacy in the Middle Ages and our modem society is briefly looked at. This myth tells that Romulus and his men had a shortage of women in their city as they were not considered suitable husbands by the men of the surrounding tribes. In response to the ridicule of their neighbours, Romulus held a celebration of the Consualia at which he and his men seized the Sabine maidens, who would later become their wives. A semiotic approach is used to understand how Ovid viewed existing male-female relationships and to what end he would like to restructure them. Ovid understood the strength of this myth and retold it in order to persuade his audience of his argument. In these lines Ovid explained to the student-lover how and why to meet a woman at the Theatre. Through the comparison of the ancient and the contemporary, his use of certain words and figures of speech, Ovid attempted to convince his audience of the effectiveness of the art of love he promoted: a contract of agreement between two willing partners created by persuasion rather than force. He displayed an amazing understanding of the human psyche, as well as the violent, angry nature of rape. Ovid's novel approach has affected authors of the Middle Ages, among them Geoffrey Chaucer, artists of the 'heroic rape' genre and can even be discussed in relation to modem rape myths and the modern concept of equity between the sexes introduced in the Ars already. His style and subject matter has caused the analysis of his work to be highly debated among many modem scholars. It is my conclusion that Ovid wrote the Ars Amatoria with the intention of restructuring male-female relationships in Roman society, promoting a movement away from violence and unfulfilling relationships, typical of the Roman marriage tradition. His work was so far reaching that he did not only create a stir among his contemporaries, but instead he influenced the development of the male-female relationship and interaction over centuries.

Le présent travail propose une étude diachronique des tragédies d’argument ovidien parues en France entre la moitié du XVIe et la fin du XVIIe siècle, ainsi qu’une étude ciblée des tragédies dont le sujet est tiré du recueil des Héroïdes.La littérature française de ces époques, on le sait, est liée intimement à l’œuvre d’Ovide : non seulement les écrits du poète connaissent une diffusion extraordinaire, mais leurs traductions, réécritures et imitations, leurs adaptations théâtrales et leurs transpositions figuratives sont légion. La diffusion et l’appropriation des œuvres d’Ovide ont contribué à la naissance de nouveaux genres littéraires et ont donné lieu à l’émergence de phénomènes d’émulation qui ont nourri notamment l’élaboration de l’esthétique galante et élégiaque dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle, ainsi que Marie-Claire Chatelain l’a montré. Le caractère extrêmement capillaire et stratifié de la présence d’Ovide dans la culture française, par conséquent, impose la plus grande prudence.L’étude des tragédies d’argument ovidien montre, tout d’abord, que les auteurs ont la tendance à ne pas afficher leurs dettes envers Ovide dans leurs textes liminaires, en préférant mentionner des auteurs anciens considérés comme plus prestigieux. Pourtant, surtout dans la première moitié du XVIIe siècle, les cas d’imitation proche du modèle sont nombreux. Certes, l’étendue généralement modeste des morceaux poétiques qu’Ovide accorde aux mythes qu’il développe dans ses œuvres implique un travail d’amplificatio imposant, dans lequel l’intertexte ovidien peut finir par se délayer. Par ailleurs, les contraintes que le passage de genre impose aux dramaturges entraînent des changements non seulement aux niveaux de l’elocutio et de la dispositio mais aussi de l’inventio : tout n’est pas représentable sur la scène tragique française et, inversement, certains éléments qui peuvent manquer dans une épître ou un récit d’Ovide ne peuvent pas faire défaut dans une pièce théâtrale de certaines époques. La production de pièces de sujet ovidien est considérable dans les années 1620-1630 ; elle connaît une baisse remarquable dans les années 1640-1660, pour remonter à partir des années 1670 : l’essor de la tragédie lyrique, souvent de sujet métamorphique, entraîne la production de tragédies du même sujet par une dynamique d’émulation.Si l’influence des Héroïdes sur le théâtre tragique français est souvent tenue pour certaine, aucune étude systématique n’avait été menée pour le vérifier jusqu’à présent. Nous avons retenu, dans notre corpus, seulement les pièces traitant des héroïnes et des héros du recueil. Dans la première partie du XVIIe siècle on assiste généralement à des pratiques d’imitation proche du modèle ; au fil du siècle, en revanche, les auteurs prennent de plus en plus les distances du texte ovidien, en s’inspirant davantage des pièces de leurs prédécesseurs français. Environ la moitié des Héroïdes ne connaît pas de transposition théâtrale, et dans le cas de plusieurs personnages (Phèdre, Didon, Médée) les auteurs de théâtre négligent les relectures élégiaques proposées par Ovide en privilégiant les sources anciennes tragiques et épiques.Sans avoir la prétention de fournir des réponses exhaustives sur la question du rayonnement d’Ovide dans le théâtre tragique français des XVIe et XVIIe siècles, cette thèse ne constitue que la première étape d’un travail plus vaste. Cette première étape, néanmoins, aura permis de relever que les liens entre l’œuvre d’Ovide (notamment les Héroïdes) et le théâtre tragique français sont plus complexes que ce que l’on croit. / This thesis is a diachronic study of Ovidian tragedies published in France between the middle of the sixteenth century and the end of the seventeenth century, as well as a more focused study on those tragedies based on the Heroides.It is well known that French literature of this period is intimately linked to the Ovidian corpus: the poet’s writings were widely circulated and there was a proliferation of translations, rewritings and imitations, as well as theatrical adaptations and figurative transpositions. This diffusion and appropriation of Ovid’s works contributed to the birth of new literary genres and gave rise to the emergence of the phenomena of emulation which, as Marie-Claire Chatelain has shown, notably fostered the elaboration of the gallant and elegiac aesthetic in the second half of the seventeenth century. The extremely extensive and stratified nature of Ovid’s presence in French culture thus necessitates the utmost caution in this study.The study of these Ovidian tragedies firstly shows that the authors tended not to reveal their debt to Ovid in their liminary texts, preferring to cite classical authors that were considered more prestigious. Yet, especially in the first half of the seventeenth century, there are numerous cases of imitation that closely resemble the Ovidian model. Admittedly, the generally modest length of the poetic passages that Ovid grants to the myths he develops in his writings thus requires an impressive amount of amplificato, in which the Ovidian intertext is inevitably diluted. Moreover, the change in genre imposes certain constraints for the dramatist, inevitably leading to modifications not only at the level of elecutio and dispositio, but also inventio. While not everything can be represented on the French tragic stage, certain elements that may not feature in an Ovidian epistle or narrative inversely cannot be absent in a French tragedy of this period. The production of Ovidian tragedies was considerable in 1620 – 1630; it underwent a remarkable decline from 1640 – 1660 and then experienced a revival in the 1670s. The rise of lyrical tragedy, often on the subject of metamorphosis, led to the production of tragedies on this subject by a dynamic of emulation. If the influence of the Heroides on French tragic theatre is often held as certain, no systematic study had previously been carried out to verify this. The corpus of plays referenced here are those that deal with the heroines and the heroes of the collection. In the first half of the seventeenth century, one generally observes practices of imitation close to the model. Over the course of the century, however, authors increasingly distanced themselves from the Ovidian text, drawing more on the works of their French predecessors. Around half of the Heroides do not undergo a theatrical transposition and, in the case of several characters (Phèdre, Dido and Medea), the dramatists abandon the elegiac re-readings proposed by Ovid and instead draw from ancient tragic and epic sources.Without claiming to provide exhaustive answers to the question of Ovid’s influence on French tragedy of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, this thesis constitutes the first stage of a more extensive piece of work. This first step, however, reveals that the links between Ovid's work, with particular focus on the Heroides, and French tragedy are more complex than has been believed.

No final do século I a.C., a Elegia Erótica Romana desafiou os gregos e as convenções poéticas apresentando um poeta-amante que cantava suas aventuras amorosas em primeira pessoa. Como se isso não bastasse, esse eu-elegíaco se dedicava à puella como se tal tarefa fosse uma militia, um seruitium amoris, e que exigia tempo integral. Galo, Propércio e Tibulo nos apresentaram suas dominas e se negaram a servir à pátria. Ovídio foi além: seguiu seus predecessores mas fez com que seus leitores aprendessem a entender o papel de cada uma das normas na construção desse gênero. Escreveu seu primeiro livro, Amores, e , a partir daí, começou a traçar um caminho ascendente: queria sua Elegia elevada, não apenas média. Para isso, produziu recusationes, elegias programáticas e, o mais importante, confluiu gêneros. Fez uso da Epistolografia, da Retórica, da Didática e de personas e exempla míticos para compor Heroides, Ars amatoria e Remedia amoris. Nesta dissertação, mostra-se a trajetória do poeta na elevação da Elegia Erótica de Ovídio. / At the end of the 1st. century b.C., Latin Erotic Elegy challenged Greeks and poetic conventions when portrayed a man, poet and lover, talking, in the first person, about his adventures: he also dedicated himself to a puella as if it were a militia, his seruitium amoris, which was a full-time job. Gallus, Propertius and Tibullus introduced us to their dominas and did not (want to) serve their nation. Ovid did more than that: he followed his predecessors but made his readers learn the role of each of the principles of the genre. He wrote his first book, Amores, and, from then on, delineated an ascendant path: he wanted his Elegy to be high, not only something that depicted an average subject. In order to achieve it, he composed recusationes, programmatic elegies and, most important of all, he converged genres: he was able to use Epistolography, Rhetoric, Didactic and mythological personas and exempla to write Heroides, Ars amatoria and Remedia amoris. In this dissertation, we show his trajectory in the elevation of Ovids Erotic Elegy.

This study focuses on the praeceptor amoris, or teacher of love, as that persona appears in English poetry between 1500 and 1660. Some attention is given to the background, especially Ovid and his Art of Love. A study of the medieval praeceptor indicates that ideas of love took three main courses: a bawdy strain most evident in Goliardic verse and later in the libertine poetry of Donne and the Cavaliers; a short-lived strain of mutual affection important in England principally with Spenser; and the love known as courtly love, which is traced to England through Dante and Petrarch and which is the subject of most English love poetry. In England, the praeceptor is examined according to three functions he performs: defining love, propounding a philosophy about it, and giving advice. Through examining the praeceptor, poets are seen to define love according to the division between body and soul, with the tendency to return to older definitions in force since the troubadours. The poets as a group never agree what love is. Philosophies given by the praeceptor follow the same division and are physically or spiritually oriented. The rise and fall of Platonism in English poetry is examined through the praeceptor amoris who teaches it, as is the rise of libertinism. Shakespeare and Donne are seen to have attempted a reconciliation of the physical and spiritual. Advice, the major function of the praeceptor, is widely variegated. It includes moral suasion, advice on how to court, how to start an affair, how to maintain one, how to end one, and how to cure oneself of love. Advice also includes warnings. The study concludes that English poets stayed with older ideas of love but added new dimensions to the praeceptor amoris, such as adding definition and philosophical discussion to what Ovid had done. They also added to the use of persona as speaker, particularly with Donne's dramatic monologues.

Le rapport des Métamorphoses d'Ovide à l'espace est analysé sous les trois angles du concept (espace géométrique), de l'expérience (espace pratique) et des représentations (espace métaphorique). Le mythe cosmogonique, premier récit de l’œuvre, pose la question des frontières entre les éléments, la naissance de l'homme pose celle de leur transgression. Le texte se construit dans une tension dont l'espace est le moteur. Les Métamorphoses proposent un trajet de lecture vers Rome, jalonné d'indices d'une romanisation progressive. L'espace de prédilection du texte est alors l'espace terrestre et sa géographie. Or, cette linéarité n'est qu'illusoire. La crainte d'un retour au chaos initial est forte et l’œuvre se construit autour de l'expression programmatique de la « discors concordia » (1,433). Les êtres qui peuplent le mundus participent de cette tension. Le mythe cosmogonique a posé une ontologie spatiale. Les espaces sont des seuils où se joue l'identité des êtres, dans une ontologie en mouvement qui lie changement d'espace et changement de nature. / The relationship between Ovid's Metamorphoses and the notion of space is analyzed in the three different directions of the concept (geometrical space), of the experience (practical space) and of representations (metaphorical space). The cosmogony, the first tale in the Metamorphoses, poses the question of the boundaries between the elements, while the birth of human beings poses that of their transgression. The text is constructed upon a tension within which space is the driving force. The Metamorphoses offer the reader a journey to Rome punctuated by indications of a progressive romanization. The chosen space of the text thus becomes the terrestrial space and its geography. But this is only an illusory kind of linearity. There is a strong sense of fear of a return to the initial chaos and the book is constructed around the programmatic expression of the «discors concordia» (1,433). The beings who inhabit the mundus take part in this tension. The cosmogony has laid the foundations for a spatial ontology. Spaces are thresholds where the identity of all beings is played out and questioned, in an ontology in movement that unites the transformations of space and nature.

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This dissertation treats the subject of temporality in Ovid’s exile poetry. I argue that the post-exile texts feature a systematic distortion of time that cannot be conveyed by conventional chronometry. I read this phenomenon as a testament to the condition of the displaced person: the trauma of exile fosters a dissonance between interior (subjective) and exterior (objective) temporality, whereby time becomes stagnant, retrospective, or compulsively circular. The object of this thesis is to chart the evolution of this relationship between dual temporal schemata—and the schism in representations of time that occurs between Ovid’s pre- and post-exilic works. The distinct temporal aesthetic that emerges is a constitutive element of a textual portrait of exilic consciousness. This unique temporality, moreover, is consistently defined against the temporal prescriptions of the Augustan regime. The ordering of the Augustan subject’s existence through temporal regulations—such as the Caesarian calendar and the myth-enshrined teleology of the Julian imperial line—codified imperial ideology. Although Ovid was, in one sense, a prime participant in this program as author of the Metamorphoses and Fasti, much of Ovid’s elegy ran afoul of Augustan moral codes due to its erotic content and celebration of an individualistic ethos, the emblems of which—such as inborn poetic ingenium and the private and subjective experience of the individual—feature so prominently in his poetry. In the context of Augustan-age incursions of public mores into private life, Ovid put himself at odds with the Augustan value system in his art and actions, which likely occasioned (or was a catalyst for) his exile. He thus had a vested interest in (i) resisting the dominant teleology of the Augustan regime and the self-legitimating semiotic system of which it was a part and (ii) mounting opprobrium against the regime that ousted him. The poet’s alternative vistas of temporality militate against the Augustan program by (a) reclaiming time as a subjective experience that cannot be delimited by the parameters of an official time scheme, and (b) evacuating Augustan time of its meaning within the fictional world of the poetry, thereby exposing it as a socially-constructed, rather than an absolute, reality.