Texte remanié de : Thèse 3e cycle : Histoire de l'art et archéologie : Paris I : 1972. / En tête du titre : "Union académique internationale. Bibliogr. p. 5. Index.

In January 2015, three terrorists killed 17 people in Paris. In a time in which fears of immigrants and Muslims are spread in Europe and right wing movements are gaining support, this event built a foundation for actors of centre right and right wing parties to use the attacks in their favor. The aim of this study was to investigate how French and German media reported on the attacks, which measures were suggested in response to the attacks by political actors and how media facilitated possible securitization moves. By conducting this case study for which French and German newspaper articles were collected through the database Lexis Nexis and analyzed through content and discourse analysis, a contribution to security studies was made. The analytical framework used, Securitization Theory with an integration of Framing Theory, proved valuable as it indicated that media, by framing the issues connected to the Paris Attacks in favor of securitizing actors, facilitated securitization moves. Securitizing actors were mainly centre right politicians in Germany and the French right wing party National Front. Furthermore, German newspaper articles on the attacks outnumbered French newspaper articles, indicating the high level of media attention to the key event. However, the role of Islam was mentioned in more French newspaper articles than it was the case in German newspapers. Overall, terrorism and Islam were portrayed as a threat to the referent objects of the West, its citizens and values, fostering an essentialist and dichotomist understanding of the West and Islam.

The Paris-based literary magazine Mundo Nuevo disseminated some of the most original and experimental Latin American writing from 1966--the date of its founding--to 1968, the year its editor-in-chief resigned and the magazine moved to Buenos Aires. Despite its fame, the magazine's role in the Boom and the cultural Cold War has been misunderstood by critics, who have either viewed Mundo Nuevo as a tool for CIA propaganda (it was recipient of CIA funds for two years) or non-political, avant-garde magazine. Mundo Nuevo's founding editor, Emir Rodríguez Monegal, saw the magazine as an outlet for turning Latin American literature in world literature. Mundo Nuevo published essays, interviews and fiction from such writers as Gabriel García Márquez, Carlos Fuentes, and Guillermo Cabrera Infante. Because its funding has been traced back to the CIA-sponsored Congress for Cultural Freedom, Mundo Nuevo has also been a lightning rod for political controversy. Since the magazine's inception, Cuban intellectuals denounced Mundo Nuevo as "imperialist propaganda" for the U.S. government. Although Monegal insisted on calling Mundo Nuevo "a magazine of dialogue," it was both financially and ideologically linked to European and American liberalism, which sought, in Arthur Schlesinger's words, to assert "the ultimate integrity, of the individual." Mundo Nuevo's stance toward Cuba became evident in editorials against the repression of artists in Cuba, as well as in the publishing of works by writers who found themselves at odds with the cultural politics of the new regime and in the publication of feature articles highlighting the economic failures of the Revolution. I argue that Mundo Nuevo was neither an instrument of "Yankee imperialism"--as Roberto Fernández Retamar called it in Casa de las Américas--nor a disinterested, politically non-committed "magazine of dialogue," as the journal's editor often claimed. As much of the material from the archives in the Congress for Cultural Freedom demonstrates, Mundo Nuevo was set up by the Congress as a bulwark against the Cuban Revolution, and used the rhetoric of disinterested, cosmopolitan literature to counter the Revolution's model of literature engagée.e / text

This dissertation builds a socio-cultural biography of Paris's Gare du Nord, Europe's largest railway station, from its transnational aims to connect Europe in the nineteenth century, to early twentieth century strikes, to twenty-first century immigration and riots. It shows how the formation of subjects, boundaries, and the "dangerous classes" in France were linked to infrastructural development. Through this examination, I argue that official French rhetoric and policies around the so-called "dangerous classes" created ideologies of contact that played out in concrete public space and came to be challenged by subjects and groups represented as dangerously different. Through encounter, overlapping boundaries--beyond the foreigner/citizen divide--became significant in the Gare du Nord, as marginalized subjects created new ways of relating spaces and bodies in this heterogeneous arena. My dissertation examines the connection between four processes that govern the station’s socio-political trajectory: 1) the government’s elaboration of the "dangerous classes" paradigm that led to expanding technologies of policing and surveillance; 2) the development of transportation infrastructure that brought migrants and goods to the capital; 3) the emergence of a railroad labor economy that created a new class of workers; and 4) the arrival and settling of immigrant groups from former colonies. I show how "dangerous" social archetypes, from the nineteenth century provincial migrant, to the early twentieth century railway worker on strike, to the African-Muslim immigrant, were summoned and reconfigured in events at the Gare du Nord and shaped the future configuration of political subjects and their struggles. I focus ethnographically on the trajectories of African immigrants at the station, the contemporary "dangerous classes." I argue that through their trans-regional networks and practices, the Gare du Nord has become a unique site of political contestation as it transforms into a node that connects the station to immigration pathways through sub-Saharan and North Africa. By offering an ethnographic approach to multidisciplinary conversations on transnational cities and postcolonial history, my dissertation builds a framework and methodology to analyze proliferating "theaters of encounter:" sites suffused with conflicting idioms, grounded in structures of human and capital circulation, and traversed by histories of struggle.

From 1589 to 1599, the relation between Henri IV and the Parlement of Paris was a tumultuous one. Some parlementaires associated with the Catholic League refused at first to recognize Henri of Navarre as their king. These magistrates met in Paris until April 1594. Meanwhile, their royalist colleagues congregated in Tours where, in March 1589, Henri III had transferred his sovereign court. From there, the royalist councillors helped Henri IV reconquer his realm. This, they did in spite of his religion, although they frequently asked him to convert to Catholicism. After the reunification of the two rival courts in April 1594, the parlementaires seemed to work as one and blocked the verification of numerous edicts presented by the king. Their opposition was so strong that it has led some historians to claim that it was endangering the State's survival. It slowly faded away after the verification of the Edict of Nantes in February 1599. In a pacified France, the conflicts between a king finally in control of his realm and his parlementaires became rare. The magistrates finally had confidence in the government which seemed to take adequate measures to stabilize France after more than thirty years of civil wars. / The difficult relationship between Henri IV and the Parlement of Paris between 1589 and 1599 was not created by the egoistic nature of the magistrates or their incompetence as claimed by numerous historians. If some of the Parlementaires--we will call them the "opportunists"--put their own interests before those of the realm, a majority of their colleagues had a very high idea of their political role within France, an idea based on centuries of relation between the kings of France and the Parlement as well as on the political role of the court as defined by theorists of the time. Confronted to a king they hardly knew, these "traditionalists", on whom this work will be centered, tried to make sure that the interests of the kingdom, its king and its inhabitants were protected. They would not give Henri IV's government the leeway it sought but would scrutinize and frequently block the edicts presented to them, and this until Henri IV proved that he could be trusted as the head of the realm.

No description available.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The historiographic struggle over the representation of the Paris Commune, as begun by the daily press in 1871 and continued in the works of many subsequent scholars, is in fact part of a larger ideological battle. This thesis argues that in order to understand the significance of the Commune, it is necessary to return to contemporary writings. It studies the bourgeois reaction to the Paris Commune using as source material diaries, correspondence and monographs of upper class observers of the Commune. Through these writings, the Commune is seen as a socialist threat to bourgeois stability, and a sign of the disintegration of the ideals of the French Revolution.

Valdo Papievio savitame, nekomerciniame romane „Vienos vasaros emigrantai“ atsiveria Paryžiaus miesto erdvė. Paryžius yra keliasluoksnis, daugiaveidis, jo erdvė nėra vienmatė. Palyginę užsienio ir lietuvių rašytojų „Paryžius“ matome, kad Papievio miesto įvaizdžiai artimiausi Kortasaro vaizduojamam Paryžiui. Papievio Paryžius – tai daugybės miestų projekcija, miestas-veidrodis, miestas- labirintas, miestas-mozaika, indvidualistų miestas, prieštvaninis gyvūnas. Remiantis mitologine, fenomenologine, topografine erdvės samprata, aptariama miesto erdvė. Atsižvelgiant į mitinį erdvės aprašymą, romano erdvė skaidoma į žemės, dangaus ir pragaro sferas. Kiekvieną sferą atitinka tam tikra miesto ar pastato dalis. Žemė yra klajonės miestu erdvė, dangaus erdvę atitinka palėpė, kurioje gyvenama, o pragaru tampa metro. Erdvė romane plati, beribė, begalinė. Remiantis Bachelard‘o vidinio beribiškumo aprašymu, brėžiamas personažo sielos žemėlapis, aptariama vidinė erdvė, vidinė patirtis. Klajonė svetimu miestu yra savęs paieškos, bandymas per miestą pažinti save, nusibraižyti savo sielos žemėlapį. Darbas aktualus, naujas tuo, kad į romaną žvelgiama ne tik kaip į metaforišką, poetišką tekstą, bet ir kaip į konkrečios geografinės vietovės aprašymą. Juk veikėjas ne tik mąsto apie savo gyvenimą, bet kartu su Melanie klaidžioja Paryžiaus gatvėmis, krantinėmis, tiltais. Nubrėžiamas abiejų veikėjų klajonės Paryžiumi žemėlapis. / The aim of this work – to discuss City Area Managing Papievis novel, „One summer‘s emigrants“. The few critics focus on the age of the original novel, unique artistic language that is original, it depicts the city of Paris. A comparison of foreign and Lithuanian writers in Paris, we see that the closest images of Paris in Papievis novel is to Chulio Cortazar Paris. Papievis Paris - a city of many projections, the city-mirror-maze of the city. According to mythology, phenomenological, topography of the area concept is viewed in the City area. In view of the mythological space description of the novel, a division of the land space of heaven and hell realms. Each sphere corresponds to a particular part of town. The Earth is wandering in the city area, the loft area of the sky, residence, and hell represents subway. Space novel broad limitless, infinite. According to an internal infinity Bachelard description of the character's soul loudly map, discusses the internal space, thoughts, wandering. Current work is the fact that the novel is viewed not only as metaphorical, poetic text, but also as a specific geographic area. After all, not only the player thinks about his life, but also wanders through the streets of Paris, berths, bridges.

<p>In this dissertation, I argue that musicians began to emerge as a professional class during the French Revolution (1789-1804) by mobilizing Enlightenment philosophies of music, pre-revolutionary social networks, and economic upheaval. I conceive of this phenomenon within a broad macro-historical context beginning in 1749 with Rousseau's first articulations of music and political culture, and ending with institutional changes at the Paris Conservatoire in 1802. My research applies an anthropological approach to the archives as set forth by scholars including William H. Sewell, Jr., Bernard S. Cohn, and Natalie Zemon Davis. Through archival discoveries from across Parisian archives, I elucidate how musicians capitalized upon revolutionary change to pursue personal and collective advancement as artists and professionals. This approach takes the concept of musicianship as a multivalent social category that traverses musical genres and institutions. This study contributes to the nascent movement to reincorporate economic life back into the historiography of the French Revolution and to a relational approach to the politics of expressivity and practice in musical production. The result of this study is a rethinking of previous historical accounts of revolutionary musicians as simply utilitarian. </p><p>In focusing on practicing musicians, their social networks, and their economy, I demonstrate the unique political circumstances of musical production and practice in late eighteenth-century Paris. I conclude that revolutionary politics among composers, performers, and pedagogues gave birth to a distinct form of French musical Romanticism rooted in the negotiation of rational approaches to music with the lived experiences of Revolution. This perspective locates one origin of musical Romanticism in Parisian musical institutions during the second half of the eighteenth century. In Paris, musical genius came to be regarded as a collective attribute applicable to not only composers, but also to performers. This shift toward inclusive professional musicianship constituted an evolution of musical production and aesthetics, which held profound implications for cosmopolitan nineteenth-century European music culture.</p> / Dissertation