This study has centered on the proposal for decreasing the entrance rate in order to create more jobs and integrate the increasing asylum seekers in the Swedish society. Based on a discourse analysis on the parliamentary debates “The road to the labor market” and “Integration”, this thesis examines the discourses around ‘justice’. By applying Nancy Frasers theoretical framework of justice, the arguments were analyzed in order to understand if the constructed problems were built on the dimension of recognition or redistribution and to investigate if the solutions were based on an affirmative or transformative strategy. The analysis shows that the primary justice discourse in the debate of labor and integration is the distribution dimension. The injustices that are presented in these debates are concerned with maldistribution. Affirmative strategies are mostly suggested for solutions which indicates that the politicians in the Swedish parliament have an urge to solve problems in the present instead of focusing on the future and solving the underlying structure.

This thesis deals with the subjects of conservation policies and property rights and how these two topics were discussed in relation to each other in the Swedish parliament during the latter half of the 20th century (1952–1998). How nature reserves were discussed in relation to the property rights of private forest owners is especially emphasized. The theoretical framework of the study is borrowed from the philosopher Ingemar Hedenius and further nuances and elaborates on the term property rights by dividing it into smaller constituent parts. Protocols from the Swedish parliament served as the primary sources for the study. Laws, bills and reports from different governmental committees were, however, also studied in conjunction with these protocols to contextualize and deepen the understanding of the subject matter. A qualitative text analysis was thereafter conducted to describe and analyze the gathered data. The results show that, generally, the right-wing parties tended to value property rights higher than the left-wing parties. The left-wing parties therefore also tended to value conservation policies higher than the right-wing ones. The liberal parties in the political center tended to value both property rights and conservation policies in an equal manner. All parties in the parliament did for the most part, however, agree that conservation policies to some extent needed to impede on certain property rights in order to be effective. It was rather to what extent that this was deemed acceptable that the parties had differing opinions. All parties, regardless of political affiliation, would also gradually focus more on political issues relating to conservation and environmental problems as time went on.

Till följd av Vattenfalls uppmärksammade investeringar i fossilbränslebaserad energiverksamhet har vi genom att analysera den riksdagspolitiska debatten kring Vattenfall, sökt efter återkommande yttranden, genom vilka vi  konstruerat diskurser som står för vad riksdagspolitiska aktörer anser i frågan om det statliga styret av Vattenfall. Vi kommer fram till att det inte helt oväntat går att skapa två övergripande diskurser, där de olika politiska blocken verkar inom varsin diskurs i frågan om hur Vattenfalls miljöintentioner ska uppnås.

How do politician talk about the role of school in society, in an era of changing demands and challenges represented by the knowledge society and globalization? The material underlying the study consists of protocols from the Swedish parliament during a decade characterized by many reforms and with both a conservative government and a social democratic. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the contemporary debate on school policy in the Swedish Parliament between 1991 and 2002.  My research questions are: Which are the dominating narratives about schooling that emerge in the debate? What are the influences from contemporary policies and from educational research? What kind of rhetorical resources underpin the arguments in the plenary debate and are there any shifts, inconsistencies and contradictions that can be heard in the debates?  Inspired by Margaret Somers four dimensions of narratives: ontological narrative, public narrative, metanarrative and conceptual narrative and I am using them to interpret different aspects of school as a political narrative. Methodologically, I worked initially with a content analysis gradually moving to narrative analysis. The educational debates held during the three terms in office are characterised by different political initiatives and different kind of issues. I construct a number of dominating narratives with different plots, problems, solutions and promises of a better future for both the school and the nation. Key concepts seems to “float” depending on who uses them and in what context they are used. Important parts in the narratives are the rhetorical resources that politicians are using to get legitimacy and credibility. Perceptions of schools presented in the debate, may be seen as stories about what is desirable and possible, but also what is unwanted, threatening the progress of school and society. I have highlighted four public narratives in these debates and they are: A School for All, School on the Market, School in the Knowledge Society and A School in Crisis.

All democratic organisations operate under a particular set of rules. Such procedures are implemented by the very individuals that create and maintain them, usually under a majority voting rule. This research project engages with the question of why and how members of parliament "abdicate" procedural power, focusing on the evolution of the rules of debate in the UK House of Commons. Working from newly collected data on the reform of Standing Orders of the House spanning 205 years (1811 - 2015), as well as records of over six million speeches, it provides a new perspective on procedural choice. Framing debate as a platform for speech-as-filibuster behaviour, I develop a formal model where the decision to support an anti-dilatory reform is primarily a function of polarisation. I show that legislators adopt restrictive rules when they are more likely to share policy preferences with colleagues within their party. The presence of shared views, then, motivates MPs to prioritise responsible use of the common resource of plenary time over individual policy influence. Both empirically and theoretically, my research offers new insights into the process of parliamentary reform in the absence of party discipline, and studies how the dynamics of procedural choice change as political parties enter the stage. Methodologically, it makes a contribution to the text-as-data field, exploring the use of novel machine-learning techniques in the measurement of political preferences.

Sveriges migrationspolitik och debatten om den har genomgått betydande förändringar under de tio år som följt reformen av systemet 2008. Den här uppsatsen tittar på debatten i riksdagen om arbetskraftsinvandring från 2008 till 2018 och svarar på två frågor. 1. Hur ser konfliktlinjerna ut i svensk arbets- kraftsinvandringspolitisk debatt? 2. Hur har partiernas arbetskraftsinvandringspolitiska argumentation förändrats över tid? För att svara på frågorna konstrueras typargument utifrån en tvådimensionell skala över migrationspolitik med en materiell och en immateriell axel, samt tidigare erfarenheter av hur partier argumenterat för mer öppen respektive restriktiv politik. Inläggen i debatterna kodas sedan utifrån vilka av typargumenten som används. De svenska partierna går att dela in i två grupper: fem partier som är konsekvent för en mer öppen arbetskraftsinvandringspolitik – M, C, KD, FP och MP – och tre partier som är konsekvent för en mer restriktiv politik – S, V och SD. Den tvådimensionella modellen av migrationspolitisk konflikt är dåligt lämpad för att beskriva konflikten mellan dessa kluster. Bland de öppna använder Allianspartierna och i synnerhet M en mer materiell argumentation medan MP använder en mer immateriell argumentation. Bland de restriktiva använder S och V nästan uteslutande hänvisningar till att arbetskraftsinvandringen riskerar att pressa löner och villkor på den svenska arbetsmarknaden, medan SD också hänvisar till andra argument. Nästan ingen argumentation för mer restriktiv politik är immateriell. Över tid har argumentationen för en mer öppen arbetskraftsinvandring förändrats signifikant i riktning mot mer materiella och mindre immateriella argument, medan den restriktiva argumentationen har varit oförändrad. Troligen finns ett samband med den migrations- politiska debattens utveckling mot en mer restriktiv diskurs. / Swedish migration policy and the debate surrounding it has undergone significant changes during the ten years that have past since the reform of 2008. This thesis looks at the debate in the Swedish parliament on labour migration from 2008 to 2018, and answers questions. 1. What are the conflict lines in Swedish labour migration policy debate? 2. How has the parties’ argumentation on labour immigration policy changed over time? To answer the questions, type arguments are created on a two-dimensional field with a material and an non-material axis, as well as previous experience of how parties argued for more open or restrictive policies. The arguments are coded with the type arguments used. The Swedish parties can be divided in two groups: five parties that are consistently for a more open labour migration policy – the Moderates, Centre Party, Christian Democrats, Liberals and Green Party – and three parties that are consistently for a more restrictive policy – the Social Democrats, Left Party and Sweden Democrats. The two-dimensional model of migration policy conflict is poorly suited to describe the conflict between these clusters. Among the open, the centre-right parties and especially the Moderates, use a more material argumentation, while the Green Party use a more non-material argumentation. Among the restrictive, the Social Democrats and Left Party use almost exclusively references to the fact that labor migration risks pressing wages and conditions on the Swedish labour market, while the Sweden Democrats also refer to other arguments. Almost no argumentation for more restrictive policy is non-material. Over time, the argumentation for a more open labour migration changed significantly towards more material and less non-material arguments, while the restrictive argumentation has remained unchanged. There is probably a connection with the development of the migration policy debate towards a more restrictive discourse.

Parlamentarische Debatten über Ausländerangelegenheiten und deren gesetzliche Regelung bilden einen wesentlichen Bestandteil des (öffentlichen) Diskurses über die sprachliche Behandlung von türkischen Migranten überhaupt. Zwischen Parlamentsreden, Medienberichten und dem Meinungsaustausch in der Wählerschaft gibt es eine enge Wechselwirkung. Ausgangspunkt meiner Arbeit war die Beobachtung, dass durch die sprachliche Behandlung von Ausländern in diesem Diskurs eine (gemeinsame) negative Grundlage geschaffen wurde, auf der diskriminierende Äußerungen und Gewalttaten gegen Ausländer basieren konnten.

During the nineteenth century the liberal ideals were spreading across large parts of mainland Europe, and the Swedish parliament of 1840-41 is sometimes considered to be the first one embossed by the ideology. Liberal ideas such as the prison reform, the poor relief reform and the school reform were all on the agenda. The state was composed of the king and four political orders tasked to represent each respective social group, the peasantry, the town folks, the clergy and the nobility. All of these with different rates of representation and policies. Sweden had also for the last decades experienced an increase in crime, poverty and drunkenness. The before mentioned reforms were all made in an attempt to better the situation and make way for a better future. In this study we will look at the parliamentary debates of two of the four political orders, the peasantry and the clergy for the parliament previously mentioned. Our goal is to find out what the two orders thought about the establishment of the first national grade school, that would mean considerable changes for both parties which is partly why they are specifically chosen for this study. The two sides frequently had their differences and would not often cooperate with one another. Although liberalismen was a big part of the reason the king proposed the changes, we will instead focus mostly on Michel Foucault’s theory of biopower (or biopouvoir in French) and social discipline. What general themes can be found in the debates? What was the purpose of the grade school? And lastly, are there any similarities and differences between the reviewed orders? What we can see at the end of the study is that the two orders have different focuses. While the peasantry mainly focused on implementing a school to steer the younglings in the “right” way, the clergy emphasised a spiritual teaching that would foster the individual.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att studera hur våld mot kvinnor och våld i hemmet definieras och konstrueras i den parlamentariska diskursen i autonoma samhällen. För att besvara syftet har vi gjort en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av utvalda dokument från två ärenden som tagits upp i Ålands Lagting, “Godkännande av Europarådets konvention om förebyggande och bekämpning av våld mot kvinnor och av våld i hemmet” och “Skyddshem för personer som drabbats av våld i nära relationer”. Urvalet består av transkriberade parlamentsdebatter och ett lagförslag om skyddshem. Uppsatsens vetenskapliga förhållningssätt är socialkonstruktionism och Hydéns normvetenskap och normmodell samt Hirdmans genussystem används för att tolka materialet. Resultaten av studien visar att det finns normativa förväntningar gällande våld mot kvinnor och våld i hemmet. Våldet konstrueras som i första hand fysiskt och i andra hand psykiskt. Våldsutövaren framställs vara en man och den våldsutsatta framställs vara en kvinna eller ett barn. Våldet förväntas ske i en kärnfamilj där barn närvarar och bevittnar när pappan utövar våld mot mamman. Mamman och barnet ses som en enhet och då den våldsutsatta kvinnan söker skydd förväntas det finnas medföljande barn. Heteronormen befästs i materialet då fokus är på kärnfamiljen och den heterosexuella relationen. Normer som etableras i den parlamentariska diskursen speglas i samhället. Definitionen av vem som är våldsutsatt respektive våldsutövare, och vad som definieras som våld, leder till att resurser formas efter de normativa förväntningarna. Våldsutsatta och våldsutövare som inte passar in i konstruktionen riskerar att osynliggöras och att inte få den hjälp de behöver, eftersom hjälpen inte är utformad för dem.

The purpose of this study is to examine the Swedish parliamentary debate on socioeconomicsegregation over two time periods: between 1995-2000 and 2016-2021. Considering thatsocioeconomic segregation has been on the rise in Sweden over the past three decades, thisstudy attempts to analyze how the Swedish parliament has discussed this particular issue.Using frame analysis, this study provides an overview of what frames are prevalent during theparliamentary debate over the course of each period. Essentially, this paper explores howsocioeconomic segregation has been conceptualized, particularly how the problem has beendefined, what the underlying causes are, what remedies are proposed, and what moraljudgments are made by political actors. As parliamentary debates frequently seem to revolvearound a struggle over who should get priority for a particular problem definition, this studyalso takes a further look at the framing strategies used by political actors in parliamentarydebates. As demonstrated in the results, there may have been a change in discourse over timeas political actors have to a greater extent moved away from an emancipatory frame in favorof a broader perspective on the segregation problem with housing policy measures as thecornerstone. In addition to showing which frames were advocated by which actor, analyzingframe construction through language to uncover who wins the hearing for their problempicture, results in a far more extensive and deepened understanding of power, politics andinterests.