A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar a cobertura sobre o Código Florestal Brasileiro no Jornal Nacional de março de 2012 até maio de 2013. Utilizamos a metodologia de Análise de Conteúdo para verificar quais os valores-notícia de seleção e de construção que mais apareceram nas categorias de questão ambiental e política. Examinamos também quais foram as fontes mais consultadas no período de análise. Os valores-notícia de seleção mais usados foram conflito ou controvérsia, notoriedade e tempo (efeméride) nas duas questões. Os valores-notícia de seleção que apareceram mais nas duas questões foram dramatização e personalização, o valor de amplificação apareceu mais na questão política e o de simplificação na questão ambiental. As fontes mais utilizadas foram as primárias, oficiais e testemunhos. Em 2013, o Jornal Nacional não apresentou nenhuma matéria sobre o Código Florestal, nem em maio quando completou um ano de vigência. Concluímos que o foco ambiental foi preterido por uma cobertura política focada na disputa entre parlamentares ruralistas e ambientalistas em torno da redação do novo texto e do processo de votação. / This dissertation aims to the coverage about the Brazilian Forest Code in the Jornal Nacional, from 2012 to May 2013. The methodology used is content analysis in which will be checked what news values of selection and construction appear most in the categories environmental issue and politics. The most listened sources were also examined. The news values of selection that appear most were conflict or controversy, notoriety and time (ephemeris) in both issues and the news values of selection most used were dramatization, personalization on both issues and amplification, in the political issue, and simplification in the environmental issue. The most used sources were the primary, official and witnesses. In 2013, the Jornal Nacional showed no article about the Forest Code, not even in May when it completed one year of validity. We conclude that the environmental focus has been deprecated for a political coverage focused on the dispute between ruralist and environmentalist parliamentarians around the redaction of the new text.

In the light of the problems the media industry are struggling with, local news reporting is only one of the challenges the news organizations are facing. When local editors is being moved to the cities the tie with the local community is being severed. The aim of this study has been to analyze how the inhabitants of Vilhelmina municipality talks about their experiences of local journalism. With methodological inspiration from the Critical discourse analysis (CDA) this study examined the discourses of local journalism, social media, journalism's role and municipal policy. The theorectical framework consisted theories of media and democracy, convergence culture and discourse theory. The survey was conducted with four focus groups interviews. The focus groups were divided in different cathegories based on the participants experiences, ages and employment. The groups consisted of politicians, senior citizens, municipal employees and younger students. Results showed that some of the groups put high value in physical presence and that the absence of local editors were seen as a problem. The importance of local journalism were unmistakable and the groups talked about local journalism in similar ways. Different opinions mostly occured when it came to discourses about the importance and effects of social media. Another discourse that were identified were the discourse about the political climate in Vilhelmina. The changing media landscape were seen as one of the main factors when it came to conflicts and misunderstandings that have characterized the debate in the last years. In summary, a changed media landscape can not only be seen as a threat. In fact, in small municipalities like Vilhelmina, technological developments might be one of the solutions when it comes to maintain local journalism. The biggest problem is rather the lack of investigative journalism that occur when local editors is disappearing.

Cette thèse examine les théories politiques profanes qui sont mises de l’avant dans les articles et les reportages des journalistes politiques. Par «théories profanes», nous entendons les constructions intellectuelles informelles qui aident les journalistes à appréhender et à concevoir la vie politique. Nous les définissons ici par opposition aux théories scientifiques des universitaires. Ces théories sont examinées sous trois angles différents, au travers de trois articles scientifiques distincts. Notre principal objectif est de déterminer dans quelle mesure et pour quelles raisons les théories journalistiques profanes convergent ou divergent des théories universitaires scientifiques. Au premier chapitre, nous nous demandons ce que les journalistes font, en nous attardant aux critères sur lesquels ces derniers s’appuient pour analyser la personnalité des chefs de partis politiques. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à savoir si les journalistes tiennent compte des considérations politiques jugées importantes par les citoyens. Afin d’atteindre cet objectif, nous réalisons une analyse de contenu des reportages diffusés dans les grands bulletins d’information télévisés au sujet de l’ex-chef du Parti québécois, André Boisclair. Au second chapitre, nous poussons notre réflexion un cran plus loin en nous demandant ce que les journalistes disent précisément dans les théories qu’ils développent. Pour ce faire, nous examinons les théories développées par les journalistes pour expliquer le comportement des parlementaires. De manière spécifique, nous contrastons les théories académiques de la dissidence politique avec ce qui s’est écrit dans les grands journaux canadiens à l’occasion de quatre votes particulièrement serrés ayant eu lieu à la Chambre des communes à propos de la prolongation de la mission canadienne en Afghanistan et de l’abolition du registre des armes d’épaule. Enfin, nous nous attardons à ce que les journalistes pensent de leurs propres théories, en les interrogeant sur les raisons qui les poussent à mettre ces dernières de l’avant et sur la manière dont ils s’y prennent pour les développer. Nous nous attardons aux mécanismes qui rythment la pensée des journalistes et nous portons notre regard sur les matériaux dont ceux-ci se servent pour construire les théories qu’ils incluent dans leurs reportages. Pour ce faire, nous réalisons des entrevues semi-dirigées avec des journalistes politiques affectés à la couverture de l’élection présidentielle française de 2012. Nos questions portent notamment sur le chemin intellectuel qu’ils parcourent lorsqu’ils tentent de comprendre et d’expliquer le comportement des politiciens, ainsi que sur la façon dont ils conçoivent les campagnes électorales et le rôle qu’ils sont appelés à jouer à l’intérieur de celles-ci. Nos conclusions sont à l’effet que les journalistes construisent bel et bien des théories profanes de la vie politique afin d’aller au-delà des simples comptes rendus factuels et de répondre à ce qu’ils considèrent être une nécessité de leur travail. Les théories qu’ils mettent de l’avant tiennent compte des considérations politiques jugées importantes par les électeurs, et elles ont des traits communs avec certaines des idées sous-tendues par les théories scientifiques des universitaires. Ces théories s’articulent autour des observations que font les journalistes, et des conversations auxquelles ils prennent part ou dont ils sont témoins. Elles reflètent la plupart du temps l’expérience ou le vécu du journaliste. Les théories journalistiques profanes se distinguent toutefois des théories scientifiques en ce qu’elles ne sont ni formalisées, ni explicitement nommées. Elles n’ont pas la sophistication des théories universitaires, et elles sont parfois reléguées à l’arrière-plan de la couverture médiatique au bénéfice d’aspects plus théâtraux de la vie politique. Les journalistes développent par contre des mécanismes pour valider leurs théories. La contribution de cette thèse à l’avancement des connaissances se manifeste sur les plans conceptuel, théorique et empirique. Sur le plan conceptuel, nous étayons davantage le concept des théories journalistiques. Notre thèse permet de mieux comprendre la couverture médiatique de la politique, en mettant en lumière un de ses aspects jusqu’ici négligé par les politologues, soit le fait que les journalistes construisent et utilisent des théories politiques qui leur sont propres pour appréhender l’univers au sein duquel ils évoluent. Sur le plan théorique, nous faisons ressortir les objectifs et les impératifs qui guident les journalistes qui développent ces théories. Enfin, sur le plan empirique, nous donnons pour une rare fois l’occasion aux journalistes de s’exprimer sur la manière dont ils perçoivent leur propre travail. / This thesis examines the lay theories that political journalists put forth in their articles and analyses. “Lay theories” should be understood to mean the informal intellectual constructions that help journalists make sense of political life, in opposition to political scientists’ academic theories. These theories are investigated from three different perspectives, which are presented in three separate academic articles. The goal is to determine to what extent and for what reasons journalistic lay theories converge with or diverge from the academic scientific theories. The first chapter examines what journalists do, by looking at the criteria on which reporters rely in order to build their theories about the personality of political leaders. More precisely, the chapter aims at determining if these theories are based on political considerations deemed important by citizens. More specifically, this chapter explores the character traits to which journalists resort when they theorize and assess the personality of political leaders. To do so, it analyses reports broadcast on television news programs about former Parti Québécois leader André Boisclair. The following chapter goes further into how lay theories are understood by looking at what journalists say in these theories. Focussing on the theories developed by journalists to explain MP behaviour, it compares the academic literature on intra-patry dissent with what has been written on the subject in Canada’s national newspapers. More precisely, it studies four particularly divisive votes that took place in the House of Commons about the extension of the Canadian mission in Afghanistan and the abolition of the long-gun registry. The third and last chapter studies what journalists think of their own theories by questioning them on their reasons for building those theories. In other words, the third chapter studies the intellectual underpinnings of these lay theories. It examines the thinking patterns of journalists and investigates the material that they use to build their theories. Interviews conducted with political journalists who covered France’s 2012 presidential election provide the data for this chapter. Questions are asked about the way in which reporters see electoral campaigns and the role journalists play in them. This thesis shows that journalists do indeed construct lay theories that go beyond strictly factual accounts of political events, in order to fulfil what they consider a job necessity. The theories they put forward take into account political considerations deemed relevant by citizens and share common ground with ideas put forth by academics. Journalists often articulate these theories on the basis of what they observe and hear around them. These theories are the result of reporters’ knowledge and experience. Nonetheless, lay theories differ from academic theories insofar as they are neither formalised, nor explicitly labelled. Being less sophisticated than academic theories, lay theories are sometimes relegated to the background of political coverage to allow for more dramatic coverage of political life. On the other side, journalists develop mechanisms to validate their theories. This thesis makes a threefold contribution. At the conceptual level, it expands political science’s understanding of lay theories. It sheds light on a neglected aspect of media coverage of political life, i.e. the fact that journalists construct and use their own political theories to better understand political life. At the theoretical level, it clarifies the goals and imperatives that guide journalists who build these theories. Finally, at the empirical level, it gives journalists a rare occasion to express their view on how they perceive their own work.

Lo sviluppo della comunicazione politico-elettorale nel corso degli anni ha profondamente modificato il modo in cui i messaggi provenienti dalla politica giungono al cittadino. Inoltre, l’evoluzione tecnologica del panorama mediatico ha reso sempre più facile, e accessibile a sempre più persone, la possibilità di un dialogo diretto tra il cittadino e l’esponente politico o il suo staff. Da questa dinamica appare escluso il giornalista politico, la cui intermediazione era del tutto necessaria fino a pochi anni or sono, e che oggi si trova a dover far fronte a un rischio di obsolescenza. Un rischio causato anche da pratiche e comportamenti che, nel corso degli anni, hanno contribuito a fare del giornalismo politico un facile bersaglio di accuse di eccessiva connivenza o conflittualità con il sistema politico e con quello economico. In questo lavoro, anche attraverso un’analisi svolta tra Francia e Italia, sosteniamo che l’unica via che il giornalismo può percorrere per evitare il rischio dell’obsolescenza è quella di recuperare, da un lato, i valori fondanti della professione, e dall’altro di innalzare il livello qualitativo, con una grande attenzione per la formazione e per la capacità di padroneggiare gli sviluppi tecnologici, sociali e culturali della società alla quale appartengono. / The development of political communication and election campaigning in the last decades has deeply modified the way in which political messages arrive to the citizens. Moreover, the technological evolution of the media has made easier, and more accessible to every part of the society, the possibility of a direct dialogue between citizens and politicians (or their staff). The figure that seems to be excluded from these dynamics is the political journalist, whose intermediation was necessary until recently, and who now has to face a real risk of obsolescence. This risk is caused also by practices and behaviors that, during the last years, contributed to make political journalism an easy target for accusations of excessive connivance or conflict with the political and the economical system. In this work, through also an analysis realized in France and in Italy, we argue that the only way journalism has, in order to avoid the risk of obsolescence, is to regain, on one hand, the traditional key values of the journalistic profession, and, on the other, to improve the qualitative level, with more attention to professional training and to the technological, social and cultural developments of the society.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:29:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Malena.pdf: 1169902 bytes, checksum: 38974ded0a4f15ebcce15aa73aa65acd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The theme of this dissertation is specialized in the coverage policy on Internet portals during the municipal elections of 2012 in Palmas, capital of the state of Tocantins. The importance of the study lies in addressing the political coverage in regional campaign period, little studied in some cities like the capital of Tocantins, and a recent election, which occurred last year. Moreover, the state (created with the division of Goiás in 1988) has a peculiar political profile, with rival groups that are perpetuated in power. The main objective here is to analyze the production routines in these digital media in times of elections, and how to give the relationships between sources and journalists specializing in political coverage. As theoretical concepts are presented newsmaking, gatekeepers and agenda-setting in the Internet scenario and political journalism. For the research was necessary to use quantitative and qualitative approaches, using the techniques of content analysis and open-ended interviews (or semi-structured) with journalists responsible for two major news portals specializing in politics, T1 News Portal and CT during the municipal election period in 2012. The content analyzed covers the publications in the portals of the period 19 October to 08 November, when the election campaign was fierce among the candidates for mayor of Palmas. The main conclusions are that the production routines of the vehicles suffered major changes, with the creation of special editorial coverage, in addition to hiring professional writers to produce a significant amount of information about the elections. Some aspects that influenced the production of news, because it is digital vehicles were the need for speed in generating information beyond competition between portals - and consequently the advertising budget. The amount of official sources and prestige of journalists responsible for the portals studied also interfered in coverage, especially since the power relations in the city take place in a more intense and closer. Another highlight in the conclusion is that portals explore some features of web journalism, basically restricting the texts, and failing to use language multimedia, interactivity and hypertext. / O tema desta dissertação é a cobertura jornalística especializada em política em portais na internet durante as eleições municipais de 2012 em Palmas, capital do estado do Tocantins. A importância do estudo está na abordagem da cobertura política regional em período de campanha eleitoral, pouco estudada em algumas cidades como na capital do Tocantins, e de um pleito recente, ocorrido no ano passado. Além disso, o estado (criado com a divisão de Goiás em 1988) possui um perfil político peculiar, com grupos rivais que se perpetuam no poder. O objetivo principal aqui é analisar as rotinas produtivas nesses suportes digitais em tempos de eleições, e como se dão as relações entre fontes e jornalistas especializados em cobertura política. Como referenciais teóricos são apresentados os conceitos do newsmaking, agenda-setting e gatekeepers no cenário da internet e do jornalismo político. Para a pesquisa houve a necessidade de utilizar abordagens quantitativa e qualitativa, com o uso das técnicas de análise de conteúdo e entrevistas semiabertas (ou semiestruturadas) com os jornalistas responsáveis pelos dois principais portais de notícias especializados em política, T1 Notícias e Portal CT, durante o período eleitoral municipal em 2012. O conteúdo analisado abrange as publicações nos portais no período de 19 de outubro a 08 de novembro, momento em que a campanha eleitoral foi mais acirrada entre os candidatos à prefeitura de Palmas. As principais conclusões são que as rotinas produtivas dos veículos sofreram grandes mudanças, com a criação de editoria especial para a cobertura, além de contratação de profissionais de redação para a produção de um volume expressivo de informações sobre as eleições. Alguns aspectos que influenciaram na produção noticiosa, por se tratar de veículos digitais, foram a necessidade de rapidez na geração da informação, além da concorrência entre os portais - e consequentemente da verba publicitária. A quantidade de fontes oficiais e o prestígio dos jornalistas responsáveis pelos portais estudados também interferiram na cobertura, especialmente porque as relações de poder na cidade se dão de maneira mais intensa e mais próxima. Outro destaque na conclusão é que os portais exploram pouco as características do webjornalismo, restringindo-se basicamente a textos, e deixando de usar a linguagem multimídia, a interatividade e o hipertexto.

Submitted by Vasti Diniz (vastijpa@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-21T11:57:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3378628 bytes, checksum: 8c20083d8a8f69ce9b8673aec1b99bb9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-21T11:57:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3378628 bytes, checksum: 8c20083d8a8f69ce9b8673aec1b99bb9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-10 / Pedro Osmar Gomes Coutinho was born in João Pessoa-Pb on June 29, 1954, is a singer, songwriter, poet, musician and artist from Paraíba. He began his musical acti-vity in the 1960s, playing at the Canção Festivals in João Pessoa. So he got into the music scene, meeting and playing with names like Cátia de França, Vital Farias, Shanghai, Elba Ramalho, Zé Ramalho and other artists. In 1974 he created, along with Paulo Ró, his brother, the group Jaguaribe Carne, that mixes elements of cultu-ral guerrilla, popular culture and musical experiments. In the effervescence of the dictatorship, the group performed on the street, in theaters and schools with protest songs and an aesthetic based on performance, experiment and local popular music such as: caboclinhos, frevo, cambindas and cirandas. The musical group has conso-lidated more than four decades of activity, developing a plurality of collective actions that encompass artistic production in different languages and even direct intervention in social, educational and cultural projects. Assuming that it is possible to document and express important aspects of the history of Jaguaribe Carne and its trajectory of activities in the cultural scene in Paraiba, this work gathered data from a journalistic research of a theoretical and applied nature, aiming at the production of an audio-visual product consisting of a Journalistic Documentary. The work is structured on the basis of areas of academic knowledge such as cultural journalism, attributing to it the status of an important spokesperson serving the guerrillas of cultural and symbolic representations. In parallel, an ethnographic look at the nature of documentary, jour-nalism, its transformations and approaches. In methodological terms, the work finds its development from a cross between oral, bibliographic, audiovisual and musical sources. / Pedro Osmar Gomes Coutinho nascido em João Pessoa-Pb em 29 de junho de 1954, é um cantor, compositor, poeta, músico e artista plástico paraibano. Deu início à sua atividade musical na década de 1960, tocando nos Festivais da Canção em João Pessoa. Assim se inseriu no cenário musical, conhecendo e tocando junto a nomes como Cátia de França, Vital Farias, Xangai, Elba Ramalho, Zé Ramalho e outros artistas. Em 1974 criou, juntamente com Paulo Ró, seu irmão, o grupo Jagua-ribe Carne, que mescla elementos de guerrilha cultural, cultura popular e experimen-tações musicais. Na efervescência da ditadura o grupo se apresentava na rua, em teatros e escolas, com músicas de protesto e uma estética pautada na performance, no experimento e na música popular local, como por exemplo: caboclinhos, frevo, cambindas e cirandas. O grupo musical já consolidou mais de quatro décadas de atuação, desenvolvendo uma pluralidade de ações coletivas que englobam a produ-ção artística em diversas linguagens e até intervenção direta em projetos de cunho social, educacional e cultural. Partindo do princípio de que é possível documentar e expressar aspectos importantes da história do Jaguaribe Carne e sua trajetória de atividades na cena cultural paraibana, este trabalho reuniu dados de uma pesquisa jornalística de natureza teórico-aplicada, tendo como objetivo geral a elaboração de um produto audiovisual que consiste de um Documentário Jornalístico. O trabalho estrutura-se com base em áreas do conhecimento acadêmico como por exemplo o jornalismo cultural, atribuindo-lhe a condição de importante porta-voz a serviço das guerrilhas de representações culturais e simbólicas. Em paralelo, um estudo sobre a natureza do documentário, do jornalismo, suas transformações e aproximações. Em termos metodológicos, o trabalho encontra seu desenvolvimento a partir de um cruzamento entre fontes orais, bibliográficas, audiovisuais e musicais.

La presente tesis tiene como tema comparar los discursos periodísticos de “La República” y “El Comercio” en relación a la campaña municipal de la alcaldía de Lima el año 2018 y determinar si se utilizó la posverdad en las notas “informativas” digitales durante el último mes de la campaña electoral del 2018. Específicamente, se analizó el caso del candidato Ricardo Belmont, tratado por el diario “La República”, y del postulante Daniel Urresti, tratado por “El Comercio”. Del total de notas publicadas (62 sobre Urresti en “El Comercio” y 46 sobre Belmont en “La República”) solo se han considerado 5 notas “informativas” en cada caso, ya que son las únicas que manifiestan el desacuerdo que tiene el diario con el postulante en cuestión. Una lectura superficial podría hacer pensar que los periodistas que redactaron estas cinco notas pretenden ser neutrales. No obstante, el uso de palabras clave dentro del cuerpo del texto y los mecanismos utilizados en los discursos evidencia la presencia de la posverdad y así se explicita la postura crítica del medio frente al candidato. La conclusión principal es que los postulantes no fueron los favoritos de los diarios, pues su ideología y posición no era compartida por estos periódicos. En ese sentido la presente tesis, también, prueba que en los mencionados diarios, detrás de la apariencia de equilibrio informativo, se desarrollaron diversos mecanismos de la posverdad con el objeto de criticar y de desprestigiar a candidatos que no eran de su preferencia. / The subject of this thesis is to compare the journalistic speeches of “La República” and “El Comercio” in relation to the municipal campaign of the mayor of Lima in 2018 and determine if post-truth was used in the digital news reports during the last month of the 2018 electoral campaign. Specifically, were analyzed the case of the candidate Ricardo Belmont, treated by the newspaper “La República”, and the candidate Daniel Urresti, treated by “El Comercio”. Of the total notes published (62 on Urresti in “El Comercio” and 46 on Belmont in "The Republic") they have only been considered 5 ratings “information” in each case, as they are the only ones who express disagreement has daily with candidate in question. A superficial reading might suggest that journalists who wrote these five notes are intended to be neutral. However, the use of keywords within the body of the text and the mechanisms used in speeches showed the presence of posverdad and so the critical stance of the medium is explicitly against the candidate. The main conclusion is that the applicants were not the favorites of the newspapers, because their ideology and position was not shared by these newspapers. In this sense, the present thesis also proves that daily mentioned, behind the appearance of balance information, various mechanisms were developed posverdad order to criticize and smear were not candidates of choice. / Tesis

La presente investigación analiza la cobertura periodística de los diarios El Comercio y La República en relación a las marchas que hubo en noviembre de 2020 en contra de la presidencia de Manuel Merino. Este suceso remeció la política del país, de tal manera que los medios de comunicación peruanos y extranjeros informaron, minuto a minuto y en tiempo real, los acontecimientos que se iban sucediendo. En el caso de las plataformas web de los periódicos mencionados, se observó que el tratamiento de la información fue diferente en cada medio. En el presente trabajo se estudian un total de 56 notas informativas web (entre ambos diarios) que permiten describir, analizar y comparar cómo cada medio construyó el sentido de la noticia sobre este acontecimiento crucial en la reciente historia política peruana contemporánea. / This investigation analyzes the journalistic coverage of the newspapers El Comercio and La República in relation to the marches that took place in November 2020 against the presidency of Manuel Merino. This event shook the politics of the country, in such a way that the Peruvian and foreign media reported, minute by minute and in real time, the events that were happening. In the case of the web platforms of the mentioned newspapers, it was observed that the treatment of the information was different in each medium. In the present work, a total of 56 informative web notes are studied (between both newspapers) that allow to describe, analyze and compare how each medium built the meaning of the news about this crucial event in recent contemporary Peruvian political history. / Tesis

Los medios de comunicación conforman una pieza indispensable en el desarrollo de la opinión pública en las campañas presidenciales. La presente investigación se rige sobre los factores que perjudican la imparcialidad en el ejercicio profesional de la prensa en las entrevistas durante el proceso de las campañas políticas. Esto con la finalidad de identificar cómo la prensa logra construir la realidad en base a los siguientes conceptos: Imparcialidad en la información periodística, periodismo especializado, entrevista periodística y periodismo en campañas electorales. / The mass media are an indispensable piece in the development of public opinion in presidential campaigns. This research is governed by the problem of the factors that harm the existence of impartiality in the professional exercise of the press in interviews during the political campaign process. This in order to identify how the press manages to build reality based on the following concepts: Impartiality in journalistic information, specialized journalism, journalistic interview and journalism in electoral campaigns. / Trabajo de investigación

The student thesis Nationalism and Norrientalism: A Discourse Analysis of the Norrlandic Independence Debate of Late Summer 2016 and Beyond aims to examine the style and content of the recent secession debate in the Swedish and Norrlandic printed press. From the late summer of 2016 to the beginning of 2017 the question of Norrlandic sovereignty was a prioritized topic in the legacy media debate, as well as in social media. It commenced after the Swedish government enterprise Vattenfall planned to relocate forty employment opportunities from Jokkmokk, raising the question of Norrlandic independence based on a post-colonialist view of the region. This thesis examines how the framing of Northern Sweden as a colony has been established, re-established or refuted in the different discourses of the printed debate, through a faceted lens composed of various theories of Orientalism and nationalism. Rooted in the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, merged with the critical discourse analysis of Norman Fairclough, and leaning against media theories of inoculation and framing, the study takes aim at the myths, metaphors, articulations and antagonisms which constituted the polemics in the printed press of the period. The results conclude that the debate revolved around independence, resources, and the myth regarding Norrland—often described as a barren landscape, marked by vast distances and a lack of social services. The term colony was used to describe Norrland as marginalised and robbed of its natural resources, whereas the term was met by opposition from the objecting side, who emphasised the historic and present representation of Norrlanders in high politics. The colonial identity was constituted in the press through internal Orientalism by Stockholm writers and self-Orientalisation by Norrlandic ones. The most distinct patterns of difference between the objecting side and the advocating side of independence was the determination of the real economic loser of a Norrlandic secession from Sweden.