O objetivo da pesquisa, Romanidade em Plínio, o Antigo, e a Naturalis Historia como um projeto político-pedagógico, consiste em analisar a Naturalis Historia (49-77 d.C.) como um discurso produzido dentro de um contexto sócio-histórico, onde Plínio, o Antigo (23-79 d.C.), reelaborou, baseado na tradição latina e grega, um ideal de romanidade, e ler esta romanidade a partir da problemática das identidades no mundo antigo greco-romano. No século I, num Império cada vez mais multicultural e multiétnico, a Pax proporcionada pela ascensão do governo de Vespasiano (69-79 d.C.), da dinastia dos Flávios, ampliou um processo de romanização do qual Plínio participou como intelectual e funcionário do círculo do poder, apresentando a Naturalis Historia como um thesauros ou memória, romano-itálica e grega, da grandeza de Roma e do Império. Nossa hipótese propõe a leitura integral da Naturalis Historia - enfatizando a análise do prefácio e dos livros 2 e 33 até 37 da História Natural - como um projeto político-pedagógico ou ideológico de Plínio, onde a romanidade pode ser lida como uma noção de identidade em Plínio, que se apresenta como supraétnica ou como modelo ideal de conduta imperial: política, econômica, social, cultural e moral. Através do discurso de Plínio, suas fontes e retórica de escrita e leitura ou de perspectivas de alcance do seu texto, de um ideal de romanitas e humanitas latinas, do contexto histórico de elaboração da obra e das teorias modernas sobre as identidades sociais no mundo antigo, propomos refletir sobre a romanidade como uma ideia de identidade romana, que rehierarquizou e reordenou o mundo imperial, a partir da cidade de Roma, dos costumes, da arte grega e da corte de Vespasiano, o novo Augusto. A Naturalis Historia como Enkyklios Paideia foi portadora de um thesauros, que repropôs a importância dos valores tradicionais romanos, enquanto descreveu a contemporaneidade ou conjuntura histórica do tempo de Plínio, o Antigo, o Principado dos Júlio-claudios ao de Vespasiano, de crises, Pax e integração cada vez maior de povos diversos. / The aim of this research, Romanness in Pliny the Elder and the Natural History as a political-pedagogical project, is to analyze the Natural History (44-77 AD) as a discourse produced in a specific socio-historical context, in which Pliny the Elder (23-79 AD), based on Latin and Greek tradition, introduced a new ideal of Romanness. The research also proposes to read this Romanness vis-à-vis the issue of identity in the ancient Greco-Roman world. In the 1st century, in an increasingly multicultural and multiethnic empire, the Pax provided by the government of Vespasian (69-79 AD), of the Flavian dynasty, expanded a process of romanization in which Pliny participated as intellectual and government official. Pliny presented his Natural History as a thesaurus or memoryItalian-Roman and Greekof the Roman Empires grandeur. Our hypothesis proposes the complete reading of the Natural History (with an emphasis on the analysis of the preface and books 2 and 33 through 37) as Plinys political-pedagogical or ideological project, in which the idea of Romanness can be read as a kind of supra-ethnic identity or as an ideal model of imperial conduct: political, economic, social, cultural, and moral. We propose to look at Romanness as a notion of Roman identity that reordered and recreated hierarchies for the imperial world, starting from the city of Rome, the customs, Greek art, and the court of Vespasian, the new Augustus. For this, we take into consideration Plinys discourse, his sources, reading and writing rhetoric, and the perspectives afforded by his text, by the ideal of Latin romanitas and humanitas, the historical context of his work, and modern theories about social identities in the ancient world. The Natural History as Enkyklios Paideia was the bearer of a thesaurus that reintroduced the importance of traditional Roman values as it described the historical conjuncture of Plinys time, the principality from the Julio-Claudian to the Vespasian dynasties, crises, Pax, and the increasing integration of several peoples.

O objetivo da pesquisa, Romanidade em Plínio, o Antigo, e a Naturalis Historia como um projeto político-pedagógico, consiste em analisar a Naturalis Historia (49-77 d.C.) como um discurso produzido dentro de um contexto sócio-histórico, onde Plínio, o Antigo (23-79 d.C.), reelaborou, baseado na tradição latina e grega, um ideal de romanidade, e ler esta romanidade a partir da problemática das identidades no mundo antigo greco-romano. No século I, num Império cada vez mais multicultural e multiétnico, a Pax proporcionada pela ascensão do governo de Vespasiano (69-79 d.C.), da dinastia dos Flávios, ampliou um processo de romanização do qual Plínio participou como intelectual e funcionário do círculo do poder, apresentando a Naturalis Historia como um thesauros ou memória, romano-itálica e grega, da grandeza de Roma e do Império. Nossa hipótese propõe a leitura integral da Naturalis Historia - enfatizando a análise do prefácio e dos livros 2 e 33 até 37 da História Natural - como um projeto político-pedagógico ou ideológico de Plínio, onde a romanidade pode ser lida como uma noção de identidade em Plínio, que se apresenta como supraétnica ou como modelo ideal de conduta imperial: política, econômica, social, cultural e moral. Através do discurso de Plínio, suas fontes e retórica de escrita e leitura ou de perspectivas de alcance do seu texto, de um ideal de romanitas e humanitas latinas, do contexto histórico de elaboração da obra e das teorias modernas sobre as identidades sociais no mundo antigo, propomos refletir sobre a romanidade como uma ideia de identidade romana, que rehierarquizou e reordenou o mundo imperial, a partir da cidade de Roma, dos costumes, da arte grega e da corte de Vespasiano, o novo Augusto. A Naturalis Historia como Enkyklios Paideia foi portadora de um thesauros, que repropôs a importância dos valores tradicionais romanos, enquanto descreveu a contemporaneidade ou conjuntura histórica do tempo de Plínio, o Antigo, o Principado dos Júlio-claudios ao de Vespasiano, de crises, Pax e integração cada vez maior de povos diversos. / The aim of this research, Romanness in Pliny the Elder and the Natural History as a political-pedagogical project, is to analyze the Natural History (44-77 AD) as a discourse produced in a specific socio-historical context, in which Pliny the Elder (23-79 AD), based on Latin and Greek tradition, introduced a new ideal of Romanness. The research also proposes to read this Romanness vis-à-vis the issue of identity in the ancient Greco-Roman world. In the 1st century, in an increasingly multicultural and multiethnic empire, the Pax provided by the government of Vespasian (69-79 AD), of the Flavian dynasty, expanded a process of romanization in which Pliny participated as intellectual and government official. Pliny presented his Natural History as a thesaurus or memoryItalian-Roman and Greekof the Roman Empires grandeur. Our hypothesis proposes the complete reading of the Natural History (with an emphasis on the analysis of the preface and books 2 and 33 through 37) as Plinys political-pedagogical or ideological project, in which the idea of Romanness can be read as a kind of supra-ethnic identity or as an ideal model of imperial conduct: political, economic, social, cultural, and moral. We propose to look at Romanness as a notion of Roman identity that reordered and recreated hierarchies for the imperial world, starting from the city of Rome, the customs, Greek art, and the court of Vespasian, the new Augustus. For this, we take into consideration Plinys discourse, his sources, reading and writing rhetoric, and the perspectives afforded by his text, by the ideal of Latin romanitas and humanitas, the historical context of his work, and modern theories about social identities in the ancient world. The Natural History as Enkyklios Paideia was the bearer of a thesaurus that reintroduced the importance of traditional Roman values as it described the historical conjuncture of Plinys time, the principality from the Julio-Claudian to the Vespasian dynasties, crises, Pax, and the increasing integration of several peoples.

This paper will offer some arguments to demonstrate that the second type of linguistic relativity becomes a crucial element in all types of intercultural (comparative or merely descriptive) discourse analysis, because of the existence of what I have called elsewhere internationalized genres such as written literature, journalism, scientific discourse, and political discourse (see Blommaert 1990, 1991) This point will be illustrated by refening to Tanzanian Swahili political rhetoric

The current study set out to shed light on the performances that 2016 US presidential candidates used during their interventions on the late-night comedy shows. Following the methodologies ofCritical Discourse Analysis, the aim of the thesis was to uncover and, therefore, analyze, the type of discourses that candidates used in the shows and how they combined them. There was establisheda special focus on the rhetorical styles used by each candidate, as well as the emotional content ofthe discourses, unexpected situations and comedy performances, with the aim to find the elements which lead to virality. This study reveals the rhetorical strategies used by politicians through ananalysis of the political and personal discourses they used in late-nigh comedy shows. According tothe results, the political discourse is most prevalent during the interview than the personal, which isused to start conversations and evoke personalized emotions. The study provides insights upon the elements found in politicians’ discourses on the late-night circuit that lead to achieve virality on social media.

Political Rhetoric in Shakespeare's Drama Bc. Anna Malá MA Thesis Abstract This thesis focuses on political rhetoric in William Shakespeare's plays. It approaches History plays, Roman plays, and Tragedies in order to compare whether the rhetoric used differs among the genre in connection to the state system which it presents - Republic or Monarchy, with the intention to describe the difference. The main criteria for this description are the imagery and rhetorical strategies used in specific situation both by the ruler and by some of the subjects concerning the ruler.

Donald Trump's rhetoric of winners and losers has prompted dangerous division in the United States. It is well understood that Trump's divisive discourse appealed to white, blue-collar Americans who had become disillusioned with the political establishment. This study explores how Trump persuaded this audience by transitioning business communication principles, highlighted by his signature 'winners and losers' theme, into politics. Trump's use of the reality television show, The Apprentice, as a branding platform had the rhetorical effect that catapulted Trump's unique 'winning' brand back into the public's consciousness. While the principles of business rhetoric Trump used in The Apprentice were clearly transitioned to Twitter during Trump's 2016 presidential campaign, his tweets were unique in how they foregrounded the 'losers' he faced during the campaign. To illuminate Trump's branding strategy as both TV personality and political candidate, this analysis of Trump draws on Kenneth Burke's concept of consubstantiation and contemporary theories of business rhetoric, namely the idea of narrative-processing and its influence on consumers' connection with a brand. Because Trump constructs his brand with language that aims at restructuring America's social hierarchy, this study also uses critical discourse analysis (CDA) to understand the implications of power for both his audience and his opponents. This study concludes that while Trump's winning brand identity contributed to him winning the presidency, it also promotes male dominance and exacerbates political division in the United States.

En undersökning över hur ordet "ansvar" använts i svensk politik 1991-2013 och den förändring ordet genomgått i avsende på argumentativ funktionalitet under Fredrik Reinfeldts tid som statsminister.

This study analysed the reporting of the debate over the Guggenheim Bilbao in the Basque nationalist newspapers Egin and Diario Vasco. I was looking at differences/similarities between the newspapers, and at how argumentation changed over time (1997/1998), drawing upon content analysis, discourse analysis of the ideological themes in the reporting and an indepth analysis of two editorials, one in Spanish and one in Basque. The content analysis confirmed that economy and Basque culture/identity were highly controversial themes; and that in 1998 the museum became more accepted. An analysis of rhetorical strategies e.g. quantification rhetoric for economic predictions; vagueness/evasiveness to portray the Basques' reception of modem architecture/art, permitted the examination of intragroup/intergroup models of interaction, strategies and underlying ideological dilemmas (Billig et ai, 1988). After the inauguration, Diario Vasco claimed that the museum was concerned with Basque modem art, while Egin maintained a cautious distance. The in-depth comparative analysis of political rhetoric in two Egin's editorials, reporting similar events in Basque or Spanish, confirmed that the use of these different languages involves different construction of the readership; and different strategies to convey communality between writer/reader. In the Basque language editorial, communality was cautiously constructed until an assertive we Basques stressed search of unity, differentiation, and sovereignty: conflict/differences between Basques were omitted, backgrounded or ironized, while differences with the Spanish foregrounded. In the Spanish editorial, an impersonal third person tone avoided using the rhetoric of we. Specific Basques were blamed for the repression of Basque secessionism. A dramatic tone suggested subtle criticism against ETA, yet implying that it was reasonable to include ETA among the human victims. The explicit nation state's deixis in the Spanish editorial implied Spain was the nation state. In the Basque context the nation state's deixis was ambiguous: we Basques might be used to address Basques beyond French-Spanish boundaries, suggesting a long-term representation/project that imagined Basqueness beyond its present-day administrative division or actual political influence. The implications of such fine detail differences were discussed.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of English, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 62-63).

Denna uppsats analyserar två tal av Sveriges statsminister Stefan Löfven; det ena från Socialdemokraternas partikongress 2015 och det andra från Almedalen samma år. Syftet är att ge en inblick i hur visioner för framtiden uttrycks av en samtida högt uppsatt politiker och att undersöka om det finns några skillnader i hur dessa visioner uttrycks beroende på om talaren i första hand vänder sig till sitt eget parti eller till en bredare opinion. Uppsatsen lyfter fram tre olika aspekter av politiska visioner (praktiska, utopiska och imaginära) och analyserar talen med fokus på dessa. Detta kombineras med en retorisk situationsanalys som syftar till att belysa och förklara skillnader i hur visionerna uttrycks i de två talen. Resultatet visar att de visioner som Löfven uttrycker i båda talen lägger ett större fokus på att lösa omedelbara praktiska problem än att bygga ett framtida samhälle. Det framkommer även att talet från partikongressen mer tydligt kopplar visionerna till socialdemokratin som ideologi än vad talet i Almedalen gör. / This thesis analyses two speeches by the Swedish prime minister Stefan Löfven; one from the Swedish Social Dmocratic Party's congress in 2015 and the other from Almedalen week the same year. The purpose is to provide insight into how visions for the future are expressed by a contemporary high-profile politician and to explore if there are any differences in how these visions are expressed depending on whether the speaker is primarily adressing his own party or a broader public. The thesis features three different aspects of political vision (practical, utopian and imaginary) and anyses the speeches focusing on these. This is combined with an analysis of the rhetorical situations, intended to highlight and explain differences in how the visions are expressed in the two speeches. The results show that the visions expressed by Löfven in both speeches tends to focus more on solving immediate problems than buildning a future society. The thesis also reveals that the speech from the congress connects the expressed visions to social democratic ideology more clearly than the speech from Almedalen Week does.