O fornecimento indiscriminado de bens e serviços à população que o mercado não consegue proporcionar ou que não lhe é interessante economicamente. Essa é uma das três funções do Poder Público, chamada Função Alocativa. A distribuição de renda depende da produtividade, a qual é influenciada pela riqueza de cada indivíduo: Quanto mais rico, maior a produção, quanto maior a produção mais riqueza. Infelizmente, o contrário também é realidade. Na tentativa de quebrar esse ciclo, o governo age como redistribuidor de renda, na medida em que, através da tributação, retira recursos dos segmentos mais ricos da sociedade (pessoas, setores ou regiões), e os transfere para os segmentos menos favorecidos. Essa é a Função Distributiva. Finalmente, como o sistema de preços não consegue se auto-regular, o Poder Público interfere visando à estabilização tanto da produção quanto do crescimento dos preços. A essa terceira função, chamamos de Função Estabilizadora. Desde 1920 que essas eram as funções principais do Poder Público, até que com a publicação da LC 101, de 04 de maio de 2000, chamada de Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal, os Governos vêm desempenhando uma quarta função: A Função de Crescimento Econômico. Nessa função, o Governo deixa de atuar somente como recolhedor e aplicador de tributos em benefícios sociais, salários e obras públicas para exercer função de gerador de negócios. Essa função diz respeito às políticas que permitem o aumento na formação de capital, atrelado a mecanismos de controle e transparência na administração pública, chamada de Gestão Responsável. Nesse momento o Ente Público desaparece como prestador de serviços básicos e se transforma em um multiplicador de renda, com todas as características corporativas, com exceção do lucro, mas de atuação proativa na fomentação do desenvolvimento. Iniciada pela Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal, essa mudança estrutural trouxe maior acesso a créditos externos aos governos estaduais e municipais, porém não o suficiente para que se traduzam em taxas mais aprazíveis e/ou prazos mais dilatados por parte da maioria dos Bancos Comerciais. Cabe ao BNDES, ao Banco do Brasil, à Caixa e aos agentes externos de desenvolvimento BID e BIRD, entre outros, o papel de principais fontes de recursos de longo prazo. Esse trabalho tem o objetivo de apresentar um modelo de avaliação de risco de Crédito de Municípios, demonstrando que é possível, partindo das demonstrações financeiras obrigatórias, a segregação de Entes na capacidade de pagamento e gestão da máquina pública, apresentando ainda os que apresentam melhores situações econômicas financeira. / The indiscriminate supply of goods and services to the population, that the market can not provide or it is not economically interesting. This is one of the three functions of government, called Allocative Function. The distribution of income depends on productivity, which is influenced by the wealth of the individual: The richer, higher production, higher production more wealth. Unfortunately, the opposite is also true. In an attempt to break this cycle, the government acts as redistributing income, to the extent that, through taxation, removes resources from the richer segments of society (individuals, sectors or regions), and transfers to the disadvantaged segments. This is the Distributive Function. Finally, as the price system is not able to regulate itself, the Government interferes in order to stabilize both production and price growth. At this third function we call Stabilizing Function. Since 1920 these had been the main functions of the Government, until the publication of the LC 101, on 04 may of 2000, called the Fiscal Responsibility Law, that governments have played a fourth function: The Economic Growth Function. In this role, the Government stops acting only as tax collector for investing it in social benefits, wages and public works to play function as a business generator. This function relates to public policies that allow the increase in capital formation, linked to control mechanisms and transparency in public administration, called the Responsible Management. At that time the public entity disappears as basic services provider and becomes a multiplier of income, with all the corporate features, except for profit, but proactive role in fostering development. Initiated by the Fiscal Responsibility Law, this structural change brought greater access to foreign credits to state and local governments, but not enough to be translated at rates more pleasant and / or longer terms by the majority of Commercial Banks. It is up to BNDES, Banco do Brasil, Caixa and external development agents IDB and World Bank, among others, the role of the main sources of long-term resources. This paper aims to present a model of credit risk assessment of Municipalities, demonstrating that it is possible, starting with the statutory financial statements, the segregation of ability to pay and management of public administration entities, showing even the ones that present the best financial and economic situation. / Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso (especialização em Gestão de Negócios) - Instituto Brasileiro de Mercado de Capitais, Rio de Janeiro, 2011. / Orientação informal atribuída a Adriano Dias Mendes pelo autor.

The dissertation discusses the screen in social welfare policy in the contemporary scene and the centrality assumed by it in the Brazilian social protection, from the advent of SUAS, via expansion of income transfer programs, especially the Bolsa Família Program, which in the context of the crisis of capital became the main strategy to fight poverty in the country. To do so, we place the macroeconomic determinants of welfare policy and the influence of international financial organizations in shaping social policies of neo-liberal in the country, we analyze social welfare policy based on what some authors the critical field of social service call ´´assistencialização`` social policies and, finally, present their own budget mediations of focus in the current Brazilian social protection. This is an exploratory study conducted through documentary and bibliographic research, and one of their main conclusions is that through the analysis performed confirmed that social assistance is of centrality "in reverse" in the Brazilian social protection, whose character and selective focused on compensatory income transfer programs, imposes limits to consolidate this policy in the context of social law. / A dissertação em tela discorre sobre a política de assistência social na cena contemporânea e a centralidade por ela assumida na proteção social brasileira, a partir do advento do SUAS, via expansão dos Programas de Transferência de Renda, em especial o Programa Bolsa Família, que no contexto de crise do capital se tornou a principal estratégia de combate à pobreza no país. Para tanto, situamos os determinantes macroeconômicos da política de assistência social e a influência de organismos financeiros internacionais na conformaçãodas políticas sociais de cunho neoliberal no país; analisamos a política de assistência social com base no que alguns autores do campo crítico do serviço social denominam de assistencialização das políticas sociais e, por fim, apresentamos as mediações orçamentárias próprias da focalização no atual padrão de proteção social brasileiro. Trata-se de um estudo exploratório, realizado por meio de pesquisa documental e bibliográfica, e uma de suas principais conclusões é que através das análises efetuadas confirmamos que a assistência social assume uma centralidade às avessas na proteção social brasileira, cujo caráter seletivo e compensatório centrado nos programas de transferência de renda, impõe limites para consolidação desta política na perspectiva do direito social.

This work examines the political - educational discourses that underlies the continuing education program called |Pro-Literacy|, accomplished by MEC, aimed to teachers, those who education and public policies are directed to. The main objective is to analyze discursive segments, in the light of Discourse Analysis of French line, the documents that reference the program, considering the way language is operationalized in the constitution of discourses and knowledge for the teacher. We also aim to understand how and why the peaceful behavior of teachers happens before the imposition of political-educational discourses. We went through the categories of AD, namely: production conditions, ideological formations, discursive formations, interdiscourse / intradiscourse, forgetfulness and silencing. The methodology (and discussion of assumptions) is made in the light of the literature on continuing education of teachers in reading and writing, especially the one that considers teachers of early years literacy and language. We use as corpus selected discursive sequences from General Guide, the User´s Language and Literacy Tutor (and / or Mathematics), the Volume of Student in Literacy and Language, as well as other documents and laws that express the official educational ideology of Pro-Literacy to establish relations between the discourses. While theoretical basis, we use Kleiman (1995), Tfouni (2006 and 2010), Kato (1985), Soares (1998, 2001, 2003, 2005), on the issue of literacy; Mascia (2003) on public policy and posture of the teacher; Pêcheux (1988 and 1990), Brandão (2004), Orlandi (2007, 2010 and 2012) and Carvalho (2012) on Discourse Analysis. Through the analysis of discourse segments, we conclude that the discourses of ´advances and progress´ aim to challenge ideologically the subject teacher enabling, thus, the maintenance of power relations established by the educational ideology nowadays. / Este trabalho analisa os discursos político-educacionais subjacentes no programa de formação continuada Pró-Letramento, realizado pelo MEC, direcionado ao professor, sujeito a quem a educação e as políticas públicas se direcionam. O objetivo central é analisar segmentos discursivos, à luz da Análise do Discurso de linha francesa, dos documentos que referenciam o programa, considerando-se a maneira como a linguagem é operacionalizada na constituição dos discursos e saberes destinados ao professor. Pretendemos também compreender como e por que se processa o comportamento pacífico dos docentes diante das imposições dos discursos político-educacionais. Percorremos as categorias da AD, a saber: condições de produção, formações ideológicas, formações discursivas, interdiscurso/intradiscurso, esquecimentos e silenciamento. A metodologia (e discussão dos pressupostos) é feita à luz da literatura sobre formação continuada de professores em leitura e escrita, em especial, aquela que considera os docentes dos anos iniciais em alfabetização e linguagem. Utilizamos como corpus sequências discursivas selecionadas do Guia Geral, o Manual do Tutor de Alfabetização e Linguagem (e/ou Matemática), o Fascículo do Cursista de Alfabetização e Linguagem, além de outros documentos e leis que expressam a ideologia educacional oficial do Pró-Letramento para estabelecer relações entre os discursos. Enquanto embasamento teórico, utilizamos Kleiman (1995), Tfouni (2006 e 2010), Kato (1985), Soares (1998, 2001, 2003, 2005), sobre a questão do letramento; Mascia (2003) sobre políticas públicas e postura do professor; Pêcheux (1988 e 1990), Brandão (2004), Orlandi (2007, 2010 e 2012) e Carvalho (2012) sobre Análise do Discurso. Por meio da análise dos segmentos discursivos, chegamos à conclusão de que os discursos de avanços e progresso têm como meta interpelar ideologicamente o sujeito professor propiciando, assim, a manutenção das relações de poder estabelecidas pela ideologia educacional em vigência.

The present study aimed to analyze the relationship between social issues and environmental issues. For this, it became necessary: to analyse the relationship that exists between identifying social policies and environmental conservation; analyze their contribution to the survival of workers and the unemployed. Regarding methodology, it is a bibliographic and documentary research, with readings about the topic made in books, magazines, scientific articles, as well as surveys, theses and dissertations related to the topics. We tried to analyze the possible relationship between the denial of rights that are guaranteed by law, which run precariously by social policies (welfare, education, health, housing, environmental, etc..). Throughout history, social exclusion and inequality manifested and were treated in various ways, but there was no significant change in the existing order. Even so, vindicated movements achieved some victories that would not be possible without the process of mobilization of the working classes as well as social movements. We observe that in the social rights era, the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, was a milestone in the consolidation of these, mostly in the form that that Constitution was drafted with the participation of the civil society. However, there is a big gap between laws and their enforcement, because if they were to be implemented, we would not have a picture of chronic poverty - being necessary the existence of palliative measures such as minimum income programs - as well as disrespect for the environment. Finally, we discuss the progress and setbacks in the implementation of social policies and their implications. / A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a relação existente entre a questão social e as problemáticas ambientais. Para tanto, tornou-se necessário: identificar a relação que há entre as políticas sociais e conservação ambiental; analisar a contribuição destas para a sobrevivência dos trabalhadores e desempregados. Em relação à metodologia adotada, trata-se de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, com leituras acerca da temática em livros, revistas, artigos científicos, levantamentos em teses e dissertações relacionadas aos temas pesquisados. Procuramos analisar a possível relação entre a negação de direitos que são garantidos por lei, e executados de forma precária pelas políticas sociais (assistência social, educação, saúde, habitação, ambiental, etc.). Durante toda história, a exclusão e desigualdade social se manifestaram e foram tratadas de diversas formas, contudo não houve mudança significativa na ordem vigente. Mesmo assim, os movimentos reivindicatórios conseguiram algumas vitórias que não seriam possíveis sem o processo de mobilização das classes trabalhadoras bem como dos movimentos sociais. Observamos que na era dos direitos sociais, a Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988, foi um marco na consolidação destes, principalmente, na forma que a referida Constituição foi elaborada, com a participação da sociedade civil. Todavia, há um grande abismo entre as Leis e seu cumprimento, pois se houvesse a execução das mesmas, não teríamos um quadro de miséria crônica - sendo necessário a existências de paliativos, como programas de renda mínima - bem como desrespeito ao meio ambiente. Por fim, discutimos os avanços e retrocessos na execução das políticas sociais e suas implicações.

Il s'agit d'une analyse de l'action publique destinée à prévenir le sida en Belgique dans le contexte de normalisation du sida. La prévention du sida a été reliée à la nouvelle question sociale et aux modes d'action publique qui se donnent à voir, en passant par le recours à des pratiques qui individualisent et subjectivent la relation aux usagers en situation de précarité et de vulnérabilité. La phase d'élaboration et la phase de mise en oeuvre (via quatre associations thématiques, analysées au travers des notions de capacitation, responsabilisation et confiance)sont étudiées et approchées au moyen d'un travail d'enquête mobilisant une observation et des entretiens. Dans les deux phases, une approche pragmatique de l'action publique est développée, puis l'analyse se prolonge en utilisant des modèles d'Etat pour comprendre et décrypter ces deux phases de l'action publique. / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

During the years 1941 to 1968, issues relating to workers’ compensation in British Columbia were subjected to the unprecedented number of three royal commissions. An explanatory framework that evaluates the merits of the commissions and their recommendations, both perceived and otherwise, and the degree to which governments adopted the recommendations, is presented in this paper. The framework is designed to make use of the available relevant primary sources, particularly minutes of the commission proceedings, newspaper accounts and legislative statutes. All three of the Commissions were thorough, well-received exercises whose recommendations were almost wholly adopted by B.C. governments, though in differing time frames. The need for the second Commission, which was created a mere six years after the finish of the first, primarily arose because of rapid developments in the B.C. labour movement during the mid-1940’s. An infusion of leaders with communist ties caused it to harden demands for workers’ compensation benefits and reforms. The first Commission had been considered a success by all parties, but the context of its recommendations had changed due to the increase in labour’s militancy. This second Commission was also considered to be reasonably successful. However, dissatisfaction with a Workmen’s Compensation Board that had completely turned over shortly after the second Commission, led to demands, particularly by labour, to create another commission to review its work and procedures. Board members, at that time, were subject to long tenures and were without any formal mechanism with which to be reviewed. Critical to the success of the three Commissions was the independent, non-partisan nature of their proceedings and recommendations. Because of this, the credibility accorded to the recommendations, particularly by labour, caused the Commissions to supercede the traditional mode of cabinet or legislative committtee deliberation for public policy formation in this case. The series of Commissions ended because of satisfaction with the Workmen’s Compensation Act, a much higher turnover rate of the Board and increased strength of the provincial labour-backed New Democratic Party. Thus, the Commissions and the three B.C. Supreme Court Justices that served as the Commissioners, must go down in history has having played a significant role in the evolution of occupational safety and health policy in British Columbia. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Currently, the actions of housing provision in Brazil have a high degree of institutional and financial complexity, in despite of their massive divulgation in overly simple propagandas. It is observed that the implementation of the housing policies is motivated by interests related to the accelerated growth of the housing production in national level. Therefore, in several cases, such policies are not in connection with the regional dynamics and the local environmental demands. In view of this, the present research is justified by the needed of an analysis of the deployments and effects of the new Brazilian housing policies, situating it in the context of the intrametropolitan differences. It was defined as general objective: analyze the housing expansion in the metropolitan zone of Aracaju (SE) - MZA between the years of 2000 and 2013, taking in to account it relations with the urban environment, infrastructure situation and the arising of new agglomerates of housing buildings. The bibliographical and documental research, the survey of secondary data, as well as the direct observation and the photographic survey done in field allowed to identify, from socioenvironmental indicators and cartographic analyzes, the areas of MZA with densification of housing built with resources of the government obtained through of financings started in the 2000 decade. It was analyzed the conditions of urban infrastructure of the new occupied spaces by categories of analysis established. Considering the frame observed from the evolution of the quantity, of the location and of the types of buildings that emerged in the MZA; from the typologies of the domiciles and the characteristics of the evolution and distribution of the population, it can be perceived that the intense provision in market popular housing will, until a certain point, be justified by the diminution of a housing deficit based in objective terms. It was evidenced that the effects of the housing policy implemented between the years of 1980 and 1990 and the housing shortages certainly should to move in the sense of the regularization of precarious settlements and improvement of the habitability conditions for the residential unities that were massively implanted until now. If these movements do not occur, the new condominiums built with the perspective of the supply to the needed of the middle class will consist in an big volume of buildings that will be rented by families that have conditions to migrate to newer housings and get out from areas with little urban infrastructure, or just that desire to live in these new spaces, but cannot to buy the new buildings and are influenced by the massive divulgation of the advantages of to live in the closed condominiums. In the evaluation of the interfaces between the housing provision and the natural constraints in the MZA, it can be stated that the new fronts of occupation are mostly in lands that already were semi-grounded or grounded since 2004, however located to the margin of areas of natural content that must be conserved. The frontier area between Aracaju and São Cristóvão (the neighborhoods of Jabotiana and Cabrita) corresponds to the portion of the MZA where it is found the bigger events of dismount of natural characteristics. Finally, with respect to the questions formulated for the research, it can be stated that the applications of the federal resources in housing does not occur in agreement with the socioenvironmental dimensions established in their policies and programs in the areas that are most affected. / Atualmente as ações de provisão habitacional no Brasil possuem elevada complexidade institucional e financeira, apesar da sua massiva divulgação em propaganda demasiadamente simples. Observa-se que as políticas habitacionais são materializadas por interesses originários do ideário de crescimento acelerado da política em nível nacional e, portanto, apresentam-se em diversos casos, desconectadas da dinâmica regional e demandas socioambientais locais. Esta pesquisa justifica-se pela necessidade de análise dos desdobramentos e efeitos da nova política habitacional brasileira, situando-a no contexto das diferenciações intrametropolitanas. Definiu-se, a partir daí, como objetivo geral: Analisar a expansão habitacional na Região Metropolitana de Aracaju (SE) - RMA, no período de 2000 e 2013, considerando suas relações com o ambiente urbano, situação da infraestrutura e o surgimento de novos aglomerados de edificações. Para tanto, realizou-se pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de dados secundários; bem como a observação direta e levantamento fotográfico em campo. Além disso, identificaram-se a partir de indicadores socioambientais e análise cartográfica as áreas da RMA com adensamento de edificações enquadradas nos financiamentos governamentais desde a década de 2000 e; analisaram-se as condições de infraestrutura urbana dos novos espaços mediante as categorias de análise estabelecidas. Considerando a evolução da quantidade, localização e tipos de construções que emergiram na RMA, as tipologias de domicílios e características da evolução e distribuição da população, percebe-se que a intensa provisão na habitação popular de mercado dificilmente pode ser justificada pela diminuição de um déficit habitacional fundamentado em termos objetivos. Evidenciou-se que ainda repercutem na RMA, os efeitos da política habitacional implementada nos anos 1980 e 1990, e a satisfação das necessidades habitacionais deveriam caminhar no sentido da regularização de assentamentos precários e melhoria das condições de habitabilidade para as unidades residenciais que já foram implantadas massivamente até então. Caso essa mudança de direção não ocorra, os novos condomínios edificados com a perspectiva de suprimento à necessidade da classe média consistirão em um grande volume de imóveis destinados à locação, seja por famílias que tenham condições de migrar para as habitações mais novas e sair das áreas com pouca infraestrutura urbana, ou então, para aquelas que almejam morar nos novos espaços, mas não conseguiram adquirir os imóveis e encontram-se tendenciadas pela divulgação massiva das vantagens de morar nos condomínios fechados. Na avaliação das interfaces entre a provisão habitacional e os condicionantes naturais na RMA, pode-se afirmar que as novas frentes de ocupação estão em sua maioria em terrenos que já se encontravam semiaterrados ou aterrados desde 2004, contudo já margeiam áreas de conteúdo natural que deve ser conservado. A área limítrofe entre Aracaju e São Cristóvão (bairro Jabotiana e região da Cabrita) corresponde à porção da RMA onde se constatam os maiores eventos de desmonte das características naturais. Por fim, em se tratando das questões formuladas para pesquisa, pode-se afirmar que a aplicação dos recursos do Governo Federal em habitação, nas áreas que têm seus efeitos mais evidenciados, não ocorre em concordância com as dimensões socioambientais estabelecidas em sua política e programas.

The question of policy origination is the very essence of state public policy analysis. This study provides an overview of the previous research on innovation, as defined by Rogers (1962, 2003) and Walker (1969), and determinants models of state policy formulation, as they relate to innovation and policy adoption on the state level. The literature review indicates that previous research mostly focused on the internal state characteristics such as political and socioeconomic variables to explain state differences in policy adoption. The literature also indicates a general lack of empirical research relating diversity to innovation and policy adoption. State governments have to deal with diversified populations and workforces whether they want to or not. The number of immigrants from other countries as well as migrants from other states is constantly growing. For instance, in just the five years from 2000 to 2005, we added almost 5.5 million immigrants, and that figure represents only those who are documented. These people are coming from all over the world. They speak different languages, are accustomed to different foods, and have different religious affiliations. It would be unrealistic to expect them to have social and political values similar to those of people born and raised in the United States. The impact and the overall influence of such diversity on state policy formulation have not yet been fully explained. The growing importance of diversity in the United States calls for its inclusion into state policy adoption models. This study proposes a new model including a construct of diversity as one of the determinants of state policy adoption. The reasoning for the new model is twofold: first, to determine the potential influence of diversity on innovation, and second, to determine whether iv diversity also influences state policy adoption. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) is used to test the proposed model in five different policy areas: education, health care, criminal justice, economic development, and environmental policies. Results of the analysis indicate that, while state diversity is positively associated with state innovation and state policy adoption, inclusion of state socioeconomic and political variables in the analysis decreases the relative influence of state diversity on innovation and policy outcomes. Furthermore, the relative influence of diversity, socioeconomic, and political variables differs among the policy areas used in this study. Three major themes are noticed here: the overwhelming significance of state political characteristics to state innovation, the relatively moderate significance of state socioeconomic characteristics to state policy outcomes and state innovation, and the low significance of state diversity variables to state policy outcomes.

Thesis (MPhil (School of Public Management and Planning))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This dissertation considers the coherence of the prescriptions contained within three recently released government frameworks: the National Framework for Sustainable Development, National Industrial Policy Framework and National Framework for Local Economic Development. A central assumption in this regard is that a level of coherence in policy prescriptions is necessary for effective and complementary implementation. Each of these frameworks has been developed in the context of renewed commitment from the South African state to halve unemployment and poverty by 2014. It is likely therefore that the frameworks will affect resource allocation with outcomes which will have impacts on South African society at large. Thus coherence is an important consideration. The analysis is undertaken against the background of: - a limited literature review on policy-making (within the broader policy studies field), - a discussion of the political economy of South Africa, and - a consideration of certain key debates within the global ‘development’ discourse. This includes particular reference to the concepts of ‘sustainable development’, ‘industrial development’ and ‘local economic development’ within that discourse. In addition, in order to gain some insight into the policy-making processes that were followed in the production of each of the frameworks, a limited number of key informant interviews was conducted. These interviews highlight certain elements and factors that impacted on the final policy products and the compromises that were reached around policy content. The body of the analysis - a comparative content analysis of the frameworks - is undertaken through a discussion of the manner in which the frameworks deal with four cross-cutting themes. These four cross-cutting themes are: eco-system considerations, social considerations, economic considerations and institutional/ governance considerations. This comparative reading of the frameworks exposes certain divergent policy prescriptions and confirms that disagreement exists within government itself on the country’s desired development path. The conclusion then discusses what is required to put in place a coherent policy making system in South Africa. It is proposed that the accommodation of policy coherence should not come at the expense of diversity and the expression of ‘profanity’ (contestation). The value of deliberative democracy, pluralism and complexity are highlighted in this regard. A number of recommendations are made.

"This study is being made to assess the actual importance of the platform in recent gubernatorial elections in Texas. Because an intensive analysis is undertaken, the scope of this thesis has been limited in two ways. First, it is confined to the years 1946-1963 spanning the Administrations of Governors Beauford Jester, Allan Shivers, and Price Daniel. Secondly, in an attempt to compare the executives with one another, platform promises related to education, health and welfare, highways, and taxation adopted at the Democratic State Convention have been included. The method utilized to determine fulfillment of a political promise has been to compare the Governor's recommendations to the Legislature with the resulting action. In particular, an attempt has been made to (1) describe the Democratic primary election, with special reference to the issues raised; (2) to discuss the Democratic State Convention with a listing of the planks mentioned above; and (3) to analyze proposals in the Governor's State of the State Messages and special messages and to compare them with the resulting legislative action." -- leaf 1.