The current work aims at analyzing the effectiveness of the Law n. 11.340/2006 (Maria da Penha Law or MPL, in Portuguese) using as reference the actions developed by the professional technical team of the Regional Resource Center for Woman Support in Tobias Barreto/SE (CREAM, in Portuguese), a center that works with women inserted in violent contexts. There is a belief that feminism, through pro-women activism, drove studies and generated visibility to domestic violence. However, questions remain on the ´´side effects´´ of this sensitization and awareness-raising: the number of reports on violent episodes indeed grew or does the Maria da Penha Law, as a public policy on combatting such type of violence, not show effectiveness in facing this issue, when confronted with the growth on the number of notifications of domestic violence episodes having women as targets. This growth is visible in numbers released by research institutes and promoted by local and national media, in Sergipe and Brazil. The feminist theory has been adopted in this study, highlighting the need to address gender issues when analyzing violence against women, especially due to the fact that gender constructions compose the cultural experience of this phenomenon. In terms of methodology, qualitative research through Case Study has been chosen to produce knowledge and understand the object. Different sources of information have been consulted: theoretical, documentary and oral ones, this last one through a semi-structured interview conducted between September and October 2013, with three members of the technical team (the centre coordinator, the social worker and the psychologist) working on the CREAM unit of Tobias Barreto/SE. Data gathered and relevant literature point out that there has indeed been an increase on the number of reports of domestic violence and relationship abuse that reveal the strategies of male domination over women, reflecting the role of a society actor known and legitimized as the ´´strong gender´´, holder of the power in conjugal relations. What guides and normalizes abuse in conjugal relations is the understanding of violence as a consequence of the male-female relations. The notion of gender paired up with biological traits associates masculinity to the male-hunter function and femininity to reproduction, generating a gender-based labor division that assigns the productive tasks to men and the reproductive ones to women, handing more power to the latter. The interviews conducted also exposed the fragility of the training of the professional team working to implement the MPL, a cultural reflex of a society based on a patriarchal and sexist mentality. This constitutes one of the biggest hindrances for MPL´s effectiveness when it comes to consolidating a process of cultural and of mentality change for those who work with the law in the context researched, on actions supporting women inserted in violent environments. Finally, the study highlights the need to allocate more financial resources and to consolidate multi-sector cooperation for public policies in order to reduce gender inequalities and build a more fraternal, equal and fair. / O presente trabalho objetivou analisar a efetividade da Lei 11.340/2006 (Lei Maria da Penha); a partir das ações desenvolvidas pela equipe técnica profissional do Centro Regionalizado de Referência de Atendimento à Mulher em situação de violência de Tobias Barreto/SE. Argumenta-se que o feminismo, por meio do ativismo em prol das mulheres, impulsionou os estudos e deu visibilidade para a violência doméstica. Porém, questiona-se o ´´efeito colateral´´ da sensibilização e conscientização: aumentaram as denúncias de episódios de violência doméstica contra as mulheres ou a Lei Maria da Penha, enquanto uma política pública para o enfrentamento desse tipo de violência não vem mostrando efetividade para o enfrentamento da questão, visto o provável aumento das notificações de casos de violência doméstica contra as mulheres apresentados nos institutos de pesquisa, divulgados na mídia do Brasil e de Sergipe. Foi adotada a teoria feminista, destacando-se a necessidade de atender às questões de gênero na análise do fenômeno da violência contra a mulher, considerando que a construção social do gênero é constitutiva da vivência cultural deste fenômeno. Optou-se pela pesquisa qualitativa por meio do Estudo de Caso, para a produção do conhecimento e compreensão do objeto. Consultaram-se diferentes fontes de informação: fontes teóricas, fontes documentais e fontes orais por meio da entrevista semi-estruturada realizada no período de setembro a outubro de 2013, com três profissionais da equipe técnica (a coordenadora do Centro, a assistente social e a psicóloga) que atuavam no CREAM de Tobias Barreto/SE. A partir dos dados obtidos e da literatura pertinente os resultados informam o aumento de denúncias de violência doméstica, maus-tratos entre casais que fazem parte das estratégias de dominação da mulher pelo homem, personagem socialmente reconhecido e legitimado como o sexo forte, detentor do poder nas relações conjugais. O que guia e possibilita a naturalização dos maus-tratos no casal, é a compreensão da violência como derivada das relações entre macho e fêmea. A noção de sexo atrelado a atributos biológicos é associada a masculinidade à função macho-caçador e a feminilidade à função reprodutora, derivando assim a divisão sexual do trabalho que confere aos homens as tarefas produtivas e às mulheres as reprodutivas, dando maior poder aos primeiros. Os depoimentos expõem a fragilidade da formação/capacitação dos profissionais prestadores/operadores para a implementação da LMP, reflexo cultural da própria sociedade com base em uma mentalidade patriarcal e machista. Este constitui um dos maiores desafios para a efetividade da LMP no que diz respeito à consolidação de um processo de mudança na cultura e nas mentalidades dos profissionais/operadores da lei, com relação às ações de assistência à mulher em situação de violência no contexto estudado. Acrescido a estes aspectos, destaca-se a necessidade de maiores investimentos em termos orçamentários, consolidação da intersetorialidade entre as políticas públicas para redução das desigualdades de gênero e a construção de uma sociedade mais fraterna, igualitária e justa.

Since 1994, the South African local government has been obligated to consult with its citizenry in respect of the processes of relating to service delivery. The South African Government has developed a wide range of legislation that ensures that communities are consulted on a continuous basis with regard to how services need to be rendered. Communities have a right to be consulted and to give input into issues affecting them. Public consultation as envisaged in the South African legislation has, however, not yielded the desired results which is evident in the spate of service delivery protests over poor or non service delivery. Therefore, this study seeks to analyse the effectiveness and efficiency of pubic consultation in the Northern Areas of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality. The researcher used qualitative research methods since it would provide the reader with more insight into how public consultation is implemented in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality. The communities, senior municipal officials, and councillors have been interviewed in a structured manner and a content analysis has been made of the minutes of the ward committees in the Northern Areas, the annual reports of the Municipality’s Oversight Committee and a range of other reading material. A number of findings has been made during this research project with the most pertinent being the non-compliance to certain sections of legislation by the Municipality. The communities in the Northern Areas generally felt that efficient and effective public consultation would reduce the number of service delivery protests in that part of the Municipality. A number of interventions need to be made by the political leadership with regard to public consultation and more resources need to be committed towards those processes.

This study examines the use of technology in rural settlements Gator Curituba and Edmilson de Oliveira, located respectively in the cities of San Francisco and the Caninde Carira in the state of Sergipe and their repercussions on the production of space and the reproduction of peasant families. From a reasoned analysis of the contradictions of the process of production and reproduction of space by human actions arising from the inclusion of capital in the field through the introduction of technologies for public policies the state is present implementing policies for rural settlements, which reverberate territorial transformations in the region. It was observed that in the study area, contradictorily, peasant production units resist cultivating various products that meet the basic needs of food. In the study area, are produced various products for the National School Feeding Programme, National Programme of Use and biodiesel production, to processing industries and for family consumption. However, capital appropriates output for playback, as monopolizes the territory of rural settlements appropriating agricultural production units and redefining peasant from production, social relations of production. In turn, farmers are looking for ways of resistance and permanence in the field through diversification of production, planting crops such as vegetables , vegetables and fruits , friendly products market acceptance , which confirms the strength of these subjects in the creation and recreation of peasantry even being subordinated to capital. / Esse estudo analisa o uso da tecnologia nos assentamentos rurais Jacaré-Curituba e Edmilson de Oliveira, situados respectivamente nos municípios de Canindé do São Francisco e Carira, no estado de Sergipe e seus rebatimentos na produção do espaço e na reprodução das famílias camponesas. A partir de uma análise fundamentada nas contradições do processo de produção e reprodução do espaço pelas ações humanas oriundo da inserção do capital no campo via introdução de tecnologias por políticas públicas o Estado faz-se presente implementando políticas para os assentamentos rurais, as quais repercutem em transformações territoriais na região. Observou-se que na área de estudo, contraditoriamente, as unidades produtivas camponesas resistem cultivando diversos produtos que suprem as necessidades básicas de alimentação. Na área de estudo, são produzidos diversos produtos destinados ao Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar, Programa Nacional de Uso e produção do biodiesel, às indústrias de beneficiamento e para o consumo da família. Entretanto, o capital apropria-se da produção para sua reprodução, à medida que monopoliza o território dos assentamentos rurais se apropriando da produção agrícola das unidades camponesas e redefinindo desde a produção, às relações sociais de produção. Por sua vez, os camponeses procuram formas de resistência e permanência no campo através da diversificação da produção, plantando outras culturas, como hortaliças, verduras e frutas, produtos de fácil aceitação do mercado, o que confirma a força desses sujeitos na criação e recriação do campesinato mesmo sendo subordinado ao capital.

Notre recherche doctorale porte sur les politiques de lutte contre la dualisation socio-spatiale menées à Bruxelles et Montréal. Ces politiques publiques ont été introduites à la fin des années 1980 dans un très grand nombre de villes occidentales (Equal Opportunity Policies et Urban Regeneration Policies dans le cadre du programme Action for Cities en Grande-Bretagne, Soziale Stadt en Allemagne, la politique de la ville en France, Urban et Objectif 2 au niveau européen, etc.) en raison de la montée de l’exclusion et de menace pesant sur la cohésion sociale urbaine. Ces politiques publiques se fondent sur la logique de ciblage territorial, de mobilisation locale et sur une approche intégrée mêlant des actions sur le bâti, les équipements collectifs et des actions sociales. C’est pourquoi elles introduisent plusieurs ruptures par rapport aux modes d’intervention publique à l’œuvre jusqu’alors. La diffusion de ces politiques publiques nous a incitée à interroger la standardisation et les transformations de l’action publique véhiculées par ce type de politiques publiques. Notre démarche se caractérise non seulement par la comparaison de deux villes, mais aussi de deux politiques publiques et de trois quartiers dans chacune des deux villes. <p>1.\ / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The Ethiopian government believes the mission of its civil service is to introduce to the country a better economic and democratic system. In achieving this, the government has recognised policy capacity setbacks in its civil service and embarked on a comprehensive Civil Service Reform Programme (CSRP) to address the issue with a national capacity building strategy. The human resource administration aspect of the reform programme however lacks a closer and direct integration with civil service education and training programmes. Being aware of this, the government opened Departments of Public Administration in some universities and restructured training institutions in the country. Nevertheless, the level of policy competence, skill and attitude of civil service personnel leaves much to be desired as far as ensuring effective and efficient policy development and delivery is concerned, which otherwise could have been changed through proper public policy education and training. This research topic was selected after the Ministry of Civil Service had identified this problem in 2011. Public policy education and training in public administration entail improvement of employee policy performances in the civil service system. Public policy education and training in a civil service system imply obtaining new policy knowledge, policy abilities and policy skills, and, introducing public servants to and involving them in important public policy decisions. Nevertheless, public institutions frequently fail to achieve their programme objectives due to a lack of personnel trained and qualified in public policy, which is often at the root of public policy failures. This can contribute to the notion of public policy education and training receiving a wider acceptance in the civil service. It is generally accepted that universities and other training institutions provide public administration education to incumbent civil servants and students who will become the future work force in the civil service. It is the duty of such institutions to provide scientifically inspired career education and training to students of the future and incumbent civil servants. The institutions undertake to provide policy knowledge, policy attitude as well as policy skills to students in order for them to perform their role effectively in the public policy process. A student studying for a public policy career should be able to gain policy knowledge about the field of study and obtain the necessary public policy skills to be used in practice. Thus, students in public administration should not only have policy knowledge and policy attitude about the subject Public Policy, but also the public policy skills to act as professional public policy proposers and advisors to the government in power. The question can however be asked whether the curricula of public administration education and training programmes aimed at Ethiopian civil servants include modules on public policy to meet the requirements of the Ethiopian civil service in strengthening the policy capacity of the Ethiopian government. / Public Administration / D.P.A.

The Ethiopian government believes the mission of its civil service is to introduce to the country a better economic and democratic system. In achieving this, the government has recognised policy capacity setbacks in its civil service and embarked on a comprehensive Civil Service Reform Programme (CSRP) to address the issue with a national capacity building strategy. The human resource administration aspect of the reform programme however lacks a closer and direct integration with civil service education and training programmes. Being aware of this, the government opened Departments of Public Administration in some universities and restructured training institutions in the country. Nevertheless, the level of policy competence, skill and attitude of civil service personnel leaves much to be desired as far as ensuring effective and efficient policy development and delivery is concerned, which otherwise could have been changed through proper public policy education and training. This research topic was selected after the Ministry of Civil Service had identified this problem in 2011. Public policy education and training in public administration entail improvement of employee policy performances in the civil service system. Public policy education and training in a civil service system imply obtaining new policy knowledge, policy abilities and policy skills, and, introducing public servants to and involving them in important public policy decisions. Nevertheless, public institutions frequently fail to achieve their programme objectives due to a lack of personnel trained and qualified in public policy, which is often at the root of public policy failures. This can contribute to the notion of public policy education and training receiving a wider acceptance in the civil service. It is generally accepted that universities and other training institutions provide public administration education to incumbent civil servants and students who will become the future work force in the civil service. It is the duty of such institutions to provide scientifically inspired career education and training to students of the future and incumbent civil servants. The institutions undertake to provide policy knowledge, policy attitude as well as policy skills to students in order for them to perform their role effectively in the public policy process. A student studying for a public policy career should be able to gain policy knowledge about the field of study and obtain the necessary public policy skills to be used in practice. Thus, students in public administration should not only have policy knowledge and policy attitude about the subject Public Policy, but also the public policy skills to act as professional public policy proposers and advisors to the government in power. The question can however be asked whether the curricula of public administration education and training programmes aimed at Ethiopian civil servants include modules on public policy to meet the requirements of the Ethiopian civil service in strengthening the policy capacity of the Ethiopian government. / Public Administration and Management / D.P.A.

It is verified in this thesis: to be the nature of capital strength extraction of surplus labor makes borderless. To this end, international competitiveness and efficiency productivist guide the European Common Agricultural Policy evading wealth polo Juazeiro/ Petrolina, in that obtains control of the land, water and all stages of production in the field by imposing stamp certifications as a determinant of the free movement of goods in the European market. Centered in the rules of accumulation and exploitation of the system capital, agro-hydro expands supported and encouraged by the state, as the only way to raise the standard of living of workers in town and country, justified the quantitative employment generated, which in turn, can result in unnecessary consumption of the city. While this discourse is divulgadado, land and water become appropriated by the owners of capital specifically for crop production required by the international market. Thus, demand for tropical fruits by countries that comprise the European Union has allowed the PAC to exert its total domination in the Valley, determining how to behave employee and employer, without necessarily having title to the land. Thus, the irrigation policy in areas that were implanted with the irrigated areas in particular: Bebedouro Nilo Coelho and Salitre has actually expanded production quantitatively and qualitatively, but this apparently positive balance has been extracted from the land rent , materialized in the precarious and temporary employees as well as the monopolization of land of small farmers who still has nominal bond with it. It is therefore the mediation of this land in the center of the factors that promote the separation between the place of production of the means of life that does not take the form of variable capital necessary reproduction of the worker and the place of production and reproduction of capital. With this, the surplus labor time that capital appropriates is shared by many capitalist agents in Polo and Europe. / Comprova-se na presente tese que: por ser a natureza do capital força extratora do trabalho excedente o faz sem fronteiras. Para tanto, a competividade internacional e a eficiência produtivista norteiam a Política Agrícola Comum Europeia a subtrair a riqueza do Polo Juazeiro/Petrolina, na medida em que obtêm o controle da terra, água e todas as etapas da produção no campo, mediante a imposição do selo de certificações como determinante à livre circulação da mercadoria no Mercado Europeu. Centrado nas regras de acumulação e exploração do sistema do capital, o agro-hidronegócio se expande apoiado e incentivado pelo Estado, como sendo a única saída para elevar o nível de vida dos trabalhadores da cidade e campo justificado no quantitativo de emprego gerado que, por sua vez, pode resultar no consumo de produtos supérfluos na cidade. Enquanto esse discurso é propagandeado, a terra e água passam a ser apropriadas pelos proprietários do capital especificamente para produção de cultivos requeridos pelo mercado internacional. Assim, a procura de frutas tropicais pelos países que compõem a União Europeia tem permitido que a PAC exerça seu total domínio no Vale, determinando como deve comportar-se empregador e empregado, sem necessariamente ter o título de propriedade da terra. Desse modo, a politica de irrigação nas áreas em que foram implantados os Perímetros Irrigados, em especial: Bebedouro, Nilo Coelho e Salitre têm de fato ampliado quantitativa e qualitativamente a produção; porém, esse saldo aparentemente positivo tem sido extraído da renda da terra, materializado no trabalho precarizado e temporário dos assalariados, bem como na monopolização da terra dos pequenos produtores que ainda têm vínculo nominal com a mesma. É, portanto, a mediação da renda fundiária que está no centro dos fatores que promovem a separação entre o lugar da produção dos meios de vida que não assumem a forma de capital variável, necessários à reprodução do trabalhador e o lugar de produção e reprodução do capital. Com isso, o excedente do tempo de trabalho de que o capital se apropria é repartido por muitos agentes capitalistas no Polo e na Europa.

This thesis is addressing the Student Assistance Policy in the context of reform of public higher education. The study analyzed the changes after the institutionalization of PNAES in IFES, through the operationalization of the UFS student assistance. The survey consisted of bibliographic and documentary, with emphasis on the dimension qualiquantitaiva, exploratory and descriptive, guided by the perspective of dialectical and historical materialism. As a problem to be solved, wondered if the UFS could effect a policy of student assistance as provided in PNAES. Regarding the general objective aimed to verify whether there were changes in the student assistance PROEST after the institutionalization of PNAES in UFS. As data sources were used in institutional documents, being prioritized Management Reporting and Accountability of UFS and CODAE / PROEST the years 2008 to 2012, but others were also analyzed, such as resolutions, laws, tables historical and institutional budgets. The study allowed us to analyze the trends and characteristics of the student assistance after the institutionalization of PNAES in UFS. Realized that the obstacles in effecting a policy of student assistance are directly linked to the priorities defined in the midst of neoliberal policies, in which hegemony is markets, also associating the student assistance to the service logic and not of law. Therefore, the steps taken to seek compliance with pre-set targets by REUNI who will play in PNAES. The survey results show that the policy of student assistance is an important mechanism for ensuring students´ rights. Let obvious difficulties for establishing a policy of assistance in the form of a public policy, as provided in PNAES. In view of this it must be stated that there were no significant changes in welfare policy implemented by PROEST / UFS after deployment PNAES. / A presente dissertação tem como tema a Política de Assistência Estudantil no contexto de reforma da educação superior pública. O estudo analisou as mudanças ocorridas após a institucionalização do PNAES nas IFES, a partir da operacionalização da assistência estudantil da UFS. A pesquisa realizada consistiu de estudo bibliográfico e documental, com ênfase na dimensão qualiquantitaiva, de caráter exploratório e descritivo, norteado pela perspectiva do materialismo histórico e dialético. Como problema a ser desvendado, indagou-se se a UFS conseguiu efetivar uma política de assistência estudantil conforme preceitua o PNAES. No tocante ao objetivo geral buscou verificar se houve mudanças na assistência estudantil da PROEST após a institucionalização do PNAES na UFS. Como fontes de dados, foram utilizados os documentos institucionais, sendo priorizados os Relatórios de Gestão e de Prestação de Contas da UFS e da CODAE/PROEST dos anos de 2008 a 2012, mas também foram analisados outros, tais como resoluções, legislações, históricos institucionais e etc. O estudo permitiu analisar as tendências e características da assistência estudantil após a institucionalização do PNAES na UFS. Percebeu-se que os obstáculos na efetivação de uma política de assistência estudantil estão diretamente vinculados às prioridades definidas no bojo das políticas neoliberais, nas quais a hegemonia é dos mercados, associando também a assistência estudantil à lógica de serviço e não de direito. Portanto, as medidas adotadas buscam o cumprimento de metas pré-estabelecidas pelo REUNI que vão se reproduzir no PNAES. Os resultados da pesquisa mostram que a política de assistência estudantil é um mecanismo importante para a garantia de direitos dos alunos. Deixa evidentes as dificuldades de estabelecer uma política de assistência no formato de uma política pública, conforme preceitua o PNAES. Em vista disso, deve-se afirmar que não houve mudanças significativas na política de assistência executada pela PROEST/UFS após a implantação do PNAES.

Cette thèse propose d’explorer les modalités de formation des savoirs urbains et leur processus de normalisation. Dès lors, à rebours de la majorité des approches en vigueur en études urbaines, elle n’étudie pas les politiques urbaines à travers les acteurs qui les organisent ou les structures qui les déterminent. De ce fait, en déplaçant le champ d’analyse des acteurs et des structures vers la production des savoirs et de leur normativité, la thèse propose de revisiter les approches traditionnellement employées dans l’analyse des politiques urbaines contemporaines. <p>Au plan théorique, ce choix se construit autour de deux courants sociologiques issus des sociologies dites « pragmatistes ». Premièrement, la thèse développe un travail ethnographique sur des situations spatialement et temporellement délimitées dans lesquelles se jouent des épreuves d’urbanités. Celles-ci révèlent et distribuent les statuts des différents êtres qui participent à la composition de l’urbanité de la ville. C’est donc à l’examen de telles épreuves que peuvent se reconstruire les modalités de production de savoirs sur la ville qui donnent forme aux mondes urbains. Ce travail se complète ensuite d’une étude du processus de normalisation, inspiré de la théorie de l’acteur-réseau. La notion d’épreuve est là conçue comme un ensemble de situations où s’observe la stabilisation de différentes formes de savoirs. Cette stabilisation peut ainsi se comprendre comme un processus de normalisation de certains cadres cognitifs qui conditionnent des manières différentes d’agencer l’ordre urbain, c’est-à-dire de le gouverner.<p>Au plan empirique, ce type d’approche implique l’étude de situations concrètes où se joue le gouvernement de la ville. De ce fait, la thèse structure la description du processus d’internationalisation de la ville à travers l’ethnographie de six situations spécifiques où le lien entre la ville et son internationalisation est mis à l’épreuve :un débat parlementaire, une assemblée consultative, la constitution d’un groupe de pression, une exposition d’architecture, une occupation artistique d’espace public et la production d’un guide touristique. L’étude de telles situations permet d’isoler cinq modèles du gouvernement de la ville (administrer, gérer, projeter, dénoncer et imaginer). Ceux-ci sont observés autant dans leur version purement discursive au sein de l’assemblée parlementaire que dans le contexte matériel, discursif et visuel qui organise leur pratique dans les cinq autres situations. Cette étude permet ainsi d’aborder, en profondeur, une histoire très contemporaine de l’internationalisation de Bruxelles qui montre la manière dont certaines modalités de son gouvernement se sont développées et stabilisées.<p>Enfin dans une dernière partie, les différents modèles sont respécifiés afin de saisir le processus de normalisation de certaines manières de gouverner la ville. Cette respécification des modèles passe par l’exploitation de la notion de "régime" telle qu’elle est conçue dans les sociologies pragmatistes, c’est-à-dire l'isolement, à partir des observations de terrain, d’un ensemble conventionnel qui ordonne la tenue des situations. Une telle respécification des modèles en régimes s’opère par l’intermédiaire d’une grille d’analyse qui rassemble dix-sept valeurs correspondant à six régimes particuliers (les régimes d’énonciation publique, d’action, d’engagement, cognitif, figuratif et d’urbanité). Ceux-ci permettent d’appréhender dans le même mouvement autant les modalités d’action retrouvées dans l’ensemble des modèles que le type d’urbanité auquel il fait droit. Dans un deuxième temps, les modèles sont évalués dans leurs rapports réciproques afin de saisir les valeurs qui les caractérisent le plus par rapport aux autres. Enfin, ce travail permet de hiérarchiser les différentes valeurs orientant les cinq régimes de gouvernement de la ville et d’évaluer les rapports de domination et de marginalisation entretenus entre les différents modèles.<p>Une telle exploitation de l’hypothèse des « régimes de gouvernement de la ville » permet ainsi de ne pas dissocier les modalités de gouvernement de la ville des situations dans lesquelles elles sont mises à l’épreuve. De ce fait, cette hypothèse incite directement à un travail comparatif qui permettent leur réévaluation à partir de nouveaux terrains. L’examen de leur hiérarchie permet en outre d’appréhender la question des rapports de force et de pouvoir non entre acteurs mais entre cadres cognitifs.<p> <p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’objectif principal de cette recherche est d’analyser les politiques d’intégration des personnes issues de l’immigration développées par les entités fédérées belges et d’en expliquer les différences principales, et ce depuis la communautarisation de cette politique publique en 1980. Cette date marque également le début d’une période dans laquelle l’installation définitive des immigrés est graduellement acceptée. Marco Martiniello, dans un article publié en 1996, avançait que la coïncidence de la découverte de la question de l’intégration en Belgique, parallèlement au processus des réformes d’Etats consécutives, a donné lieu à des « combinaisons très particulières » (Martiniello, 1996 :87). Ce constat, ainsi que la thèse selon laquelle le nationalisme ethno-culturel flamand et le nationalisme citoyen wallon seraient à l’origine de deux « philosophies » de l’intégration « qui se sont développées dans des directions opposées » sont à la base des interrogations qui constituent le fondement de notre travail. Notre these se situe ainsi dans le débat scientifique international sur les « modèles nationaux de l’intégration », initié par des auteurs, tels que Rogers Brubaker (1992), qui postulent que différents « idiomes culturels de la nation » sont à l’origine de différentes politiques d’accès à la citoyenneté. Cette différenciation des politiques d’intégration, en terme d’idées, a conduit à des catégorisations différentes. En Belgique, la catégorisation dominante des politiques d’intégration des entités fédérées est celle identifiant les politiques d’intégration en Belgique francophone comme proche d’un modèle « assimilationniste » ou « d’intégration individuelle » à la française, et celles menées en Flandre comme « multiculturalistes » et influencées par les Pays-Bas (Rea, 1993 & 1994 & 2000; Martiniello, 1995 & 1996 ;Magnette, 2000 ;Jacobs, 2001 ;Martens et Caestecker, 2001, Verlot, 2001 & 2004 ;Martiniello et Rea, 2004 ;Jacobs et Rea ;2005). Plusieurs constats nous ont amenés à questionner cette interprétation dominante.<p><p>Notre recherche a un premier objectif, d’ordre empirique, et un deuxième, d’ordre interprétatif. Premièrement, nous visons à décrire et à analyser l’élaboration des politiques d’intégration pour vérifier si ces politiques publiques sont effectivement guidées par des cadres de pensée différents. Nous avons cherché à observer où résident les principales différences entre les cadres de pensée, et si les politiques d’intégration sont caractérisées par de longues périodes de stabilité ou, au contraire, par des changements radicaux. Nous avons en effet démontré que les cadres de pensée guidant les politiques d’intégration des entités fédérées sont différents mais que les différences ne se situent pas au niveau de l’objectif d’homogénéité versus diversité culturelle mise en avant par l’assimilationnisme et le multiculturalisme, comme plus approprié pour arriver à une meilleure insertion sociale, économique et politique des immigrés et à la cohésion sociale, mais dans le degré d’interventionnisme d’Etat relatif à la dimension culturelle de l’intégration jugé nécessaire pour atteindre l’un ou l’autre de ces objectifs. Nous avons également mis en lumière que les politiques d’intégration en Belgique francophone sont caractérisées par une plus grande stabilité qu’en Flandre. <p>Deuxièmement, une fois que nous avions déterminé comment nous pouvons catégoriser les différentes politiques d’intégration au regard de leurs cadres de pensée dominants, et que nous avions déterminé si elles sont caractérisées par une longue période de stabilité ou, au contraire, par des changements radicaux, nous avons tenté de répondre au deuxième objectif de cette recherche, à savoir l’interprétation des différences essentielles. La différence quant aux cadres de pensée qui guident les politiques d’intégration a été interprété par des caractéristiques institutionnelles, à savoir les différents systèmes de partis menant à une politisation différente de la politique publique en question, de même que le différent engagement des entités fédérées belges dans un processus de (sub-)nation building. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished