Valdeltagandet i EP-valet har historiskt sett varit betydligt lägre än valdeltagandet vid nationella val, både för medborgare i Europeiska unionen som hos de svenska medborgarna. I denna undersökning tittar vi närmare på de faktorer som potentiellt påverkar huruvida man deltar eller ej. Från den tidigare forskningen hämtar vi förklaringar som kön, ålder, utbildning etc och applicerar dessa på valdeltagandet. Vi ämnar undersöka i vilken utsträckning samma individer deltar i riksdagsvalet och EP-valet, samt att undersöka vilka faktorer, om några, som påverkar benägenheten hos individer att delta i riksdagsvalet och EP-valet. Vi undersöker om det är samma eller olika faktorer som påverkar deras deltagande i dessa val. Vi använder data inhämtat från Europaparlamentsvalundersökningen 2019 som genomfördes i samarbete mellan Statsvetenskapliga institutionen vid Göteborgs universitet och Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB) och med hjälp av en korstabell och logistisk regression kommer vi bland annat fram till att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan utbildning och politisk kunskap och deltagande i EP-valet, vilket inte finns i riksdagsvalet. Vi ser även att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan kön och deltagande i riksdagsvalet vilket inte finns i EP-valet. Faktorerna inkomst, politisk diskussion och konsumtion av politiska nyheter har ett starkare samband och påverkan i riksdagsvalet än vad det har i EP-valet. Medan politiskt intresse har ett starkare samband och påverkan i EP-valet än i riksdagsvalet. / The voter turnout in the elections to the European Parliament have historically been low among the citizens in the European Union, including Sweden. In this study, our aim is to further investigate which factors affect voter turnout. From the previous research, we derive explanations such as gender, age, education, etc. and apply these to voter turnout. We intend to investigate to what extent the same individuals participate in the parliamentary elections and the European Parliament elections, as well as to investigate which factors, if any, influence the propensity of individuals to participate in the parliamentary elections and the EP elections. We are interested in investigating whether similar or different factors influence their participation in these elections. We use data obtained from the European Parliament election survey 2019, which was carried out in collaboration between the Department of Political Science at the University of Gothenburg and Statistics Sweden and by using a cross table and logistic regression, we conclude that there is a statistically significant relationship between education and political knowledge and participation in the EP election, which is not found in the parliamentary election. Additionally we discover that there is a statistically significant relationship between gender and participation in the parliamentary election, which is not found in the EP election. The factors income, political discussion and consumption of political news have a stronger connection and influence in the parliamentary elections compared to the EP elections. Conversely, political interest demonstrates a stronger association and influence in the EP election than in the parliamentary election

Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka vilka arbetsmetoder det finns inom samhällskunskapsämnet som främjar elevers vilja till politiskt deltagande och engagemang. Vi finner en problematik i att samhällskunskapsdidaktiken inte har presenterat några konkreta eller utvärderade metoder för hur vi som lärare på bästa möjliga sätt kan utforma vår undervisning för att arbeta aktivt med att bilda demokratiska samhällsmedborgare. För att ta reda på vilka arbetsmetoder som förmedlar demokratiska förmågor, intressen och vilja till engagemang på bästa sätt har vi valt att använda oss av en systematisk översikt för att sammanställa nationell och internationell forskning som visar på olika sätt hur lärare kan utforma sin undervisning. Vårt resultat visar i korthet att projektbaserade uppgifter, deliberativa samtal, det informella skrivandet och studiebesök är framgångsrika metoder för att öka elevers politiska och medborgerliga engagemang samt intresse. De slutsatser som kan tas efter avslutad studie är att de didaktiska arbetsmetoderna i sig inte kan stå själva utan kräver en engagerad lärare med kompetens att förverkliga dess potential. En annan slutsats som studien visar på är att elevers förutsättningar kan se olika ut, vilket kan påverka deras tilltro till att bli politiskt engagerad. I detta fall kan samhällskunskapsämnet ha en utjämnande funktion där dessa elever kan kompensera för de bristande förutsättningar de kan anses ha. Slutligen handlar det didaktiska arbetet i detta fall om att ge alla elever möjligheter till att bli politiskt aktiva och medborgerligt engagerade om vilja finns.

Demokrati som politiskt system är aldrig stabilare än det stöd det har hos befolkningen.Samtidigt visar studier att Sverige upplever en anmärkningsvärd minskning i stödet för demokrati bland de yngre medborgarna. Mot bakgrund av detta utforskas i denna studie vilken betydelse den demokratimodell som ett politiskt beslut fattas enligt har för ungas stöd gentemotden politiska beslutsprocessen. Därigenom dras slutsatser om möjliga alternativ för att reformera den representativa modellen genom att antingen förstärka eller försvaga demokratin.Detta undersöks genom ett surveyexperiment (N=134) med respondenter i åldern 18-29 år.Respondenterna fick svara på en enkät om deras attityd gentemot en politisk beslutsprocess där politikerna hade fattat beslutet antingen utifrån resultatet av en nationell folkomröstning,digitala deliberativa möten eller en expertgruppsutrednings slutsatser. En blygsam effekt av demokratimodell på stöd för beslutsprocessen uppmättes, men där expertdemokrati uppvisade en signifikant starkare effekt på stödet för beslutsmetoden jämfört med direkt demokrati. / Democracy as a political system is never more stable than the support it enjoys among the mass public. At the same time, studies show that Sweden currently experiences a remarkable decrease in democratic support among its´ younger citizens. This study examines if the model of democracy that a political decision is made according to, affect young people’s support for the political decision-making process and thus explores possible avenues for reforming the representative model by either strengthening or weakening democracy. This is investigated through a survey experiment (N = 134) among respondents aged 18 to 29 years old. The respondents were asked to answer a survey about their attitudestowards a political decision, where the politicians had grounded their decision in either the result of a national referendum, digital deliberative meetings, or the conclusion by a group of experts. Modest effects of democracy models on support for the decision-making process were found. However, expert democracy had a significantly stronger effect on support for the decision method compared to direct democracy.

During recent years, there has been a major change in the way people engage in politics. The introduction of social media to the world, as well as the fact that the number of members of political parties has halved between 1990 and 2010, are part of a major shift in the study of political participation and engagement. This change shows that there has been a switch in political engagement, from the traditional representative democracy institutions to a much more digital way. Having taken this into consideration, this study aims to explore how young first-time Swedish voters experienced the political climate on social media during the Swedish general election in 2022. The focal point of this study is firstly to answer how the voters believe that the political climate on social media affected their political gathering of information ahead of the election. Secondly, to gain a deeper understanding of the students' opinions and experiences on politics in social media in relation to concepts like tolerance, freedom of speech, intolerance and censorship. And thirdly, if these experiences seem to influence the first-time voters' political participation and engagement on social media. The theoretical framework is foremost based on Henrik Bang’s theory on project-oriented identities, John Stuart Mill's understanding of freedom of speech and political scientist Sigal Ben-Porath’s definition on censorship. The method that will carry out this paper is face-to-face interviews with 10 upper secondary school students in a social science class in Orebro. The chosen method is content analysis, combined with an analysis scheme which will outline the empirical collection based on four main categories. The results show that the first-time voters did not use social media voluntarily for political information gathering, but that it rather happened because social media is part of their everyday life. The study also demonstrates that the first-time voters considered the political climate on social media as relatively harsh. Their opinions also vary regarding the political climate in relation to tolerance, freedom of speech, intolerance and censorship. Lastly, it was rather difficult to know with certainty whether the first-time voters’ experiences of the political climate had an impact on their political participation and engagement or not, but that it may possibly have been the case.

<p>This study is based on a field study carried out in Thailand during November and December 2009. The material is based on in-depth interviews with nine women that live in the northern parts of Thailand. Seven of them belong to the Karen minority group. The purpose of the study has been to highlight the different perspectives that exist in the city, and in the rural region, in the question of education and employment, equality in the household, and participation in society within the political area. The theoretical perspective has been preceded from a democratic perspective at an individual level.</p><p>The results show that education is relevant in how women see themselves, and also gender equality in the household can be connected to influence in social life outside the household. This also shows that traditional norms play an important role. Especially in the case that the woman traditionally in Thailand has been responsible for the household, while the husband in the family has had responsibility for political decisions in society. Education can be seen to provide better conditions in life for women; an opportunity for more jobs, as well as an opportunity for an income. One difference is that for some rural women, educational aims are to learn to read and write Thai, while all the women in the city point out that a degree from the university is important.</p><p>The comparison for women's responsibilities in the household and child-rearing shows that the rural women I interviewed in general are taking a greater responsibility in the household since the husbands are working a lot. The women in the city split the household chores more often between husband and wife. The Karen women I interviewed have highlighted the importance of the family, and then also their relatives. In the past, minority groups have been more vulnerable in the country, which could play a part in that family and relatives still are an additional safety net.</p><p>In the area of participation in society outside the household, women in the rural area strongly believe that participation on a political level is an issue for men. And despite higher degree of education the women don’t have an increasing interest in participating. The women in the rural area though live close to the political authorities, which means that the majority of the women there have spoken directly to the leaders and thus can influence. Here, the level of education does not matter.  </p><p>The women in the city have not talked directly to the leaders to the same extent. Meanwhile, one of the women in the city has engaged herself politically. She thinks she could get respect, both as a woman and as Karen. She also sees that the possibilities for women to participate are growing in the cities, where the level of education generally is higher. Though, the other interviewees in the city would not want to be politically active. The only interest for them is to read about the situation and to vote. The women also speak about the leader as corrupt and selfish, which leads to low confidence in politicians.  </p><p>Finally, the study shows that traditional norms are still strong in the country, despite education and more equality in the household. Especially that woman should be responsible for the household, while the husband involve in social issues. This is shown particularly in the rural areas. In the city however, this is not highlighted in the same way. The women there have freed themselves more from the traditional norms. And two of the women with a higher degree, can run a household on only one salary. Several of my interviewees have also been moving between urban and rural areas. This makes transition between urban and rural areas not as strong as it were earlier, now it’d more gradual. At the same time the women have an everyday life in the specific social context, which result in that traditional norms are still stronger in the rural areas.</p> / <p>Denna studie baseras på en fältstudie som utförts i Thailand under november och december år 2009. Materialet utgår från djupintervjuer med nio kvinnor som lever i de norra delarna av Thailand. Sju av dessa kommer från minoritetsfolket Karen. Syftet med studien har varit att synliggöra de olika perspektiv som finns, i stad, respektive på landsbygd, i områdena utbildning och arbete, jämställdhet i hushållet, samt deltagande i samhällslivet inom den politiska sfären. Det teoretiska perspektivet har utgått från ett demokratiskt perspektiv på en individnivå.</p><p>Resultaten visar att utbildning har betydelse för hur kvinnorna ser på sig själva, och även jämställdhet i hemmet kan kopplas till inflytande i samhällslivet. Här visar också att traditionella normer spelar en viktig roll. Speciellt i fråga om att kvinnan traditionellt i Thailand har haft ansvaret för hushållet, medan mannen i familjen har haft ansvaret för politiska beslut i samhället. Utbildning ses också som möjligheten till bättre förutsättningar i livet för kvinnorna, en möjlighet till fler jobb, samt en möjlighet till inkomst. En skillnad är dock att hos flera kvinnor på landsbygden syftar utbildning till att lära sig att kunna skriva och läsa Thai, medan alla kvinnor i staden framhåller att en utbildning med universitetsexamen är viktigt.</p><p>I jämförelsen för kvinnornas ansvar i hushållet samt barnuppfostran, visar de intervjuade kvinnorna på landsbygden generellt att kvinnorna tar störst ansvar i hemmet då männen arbetar mycket. I staden är en uppdelning mellan hushållssysslorna större. Samtidigt kan två av kvinnorna i staden klara sig själva på en egen inkomst. De Karen-kvinnor jag intervjuat har lyft fram familjens betydelse, och då också sina släktingar. Tidigare har minoritetsgrupperna varit mer utsatta i landet, vilket kan spela in i att familj och släkt blir ett extra skyddsnät.</p><p>Gällande deltagande i samhället utanför hushållet, menar kvinnorna på landsbygden starkare att detta är en fråga för männen. Trots utbildning för kvinnorna ökar inte intresset för att delta nämnvärt. En av kvinnorna känner dock inflytande med hjälp av sin utbildning.  Dock lever kvinnorna närmare de politiska makthavarna på landsbygden, vilket gör att majoriteten av kvinnorna där direkt talat med ledarna och på det sättet har inflytande. Här har inte utbildningsnivån spelat roll.</p><p>Kvinnorna i staden har dock inte i samma utsträckning talat direkt med ledarna. Samtidigt har en av kvinnorna i staden själv engagerat sig politiskt. Hon kände där att hon kunde få respekt, både som kvinna och Karen. Hon ser också att möjligheterna för kvinnor att delta ökar i städerna där utbildningsnivån generellt också är högre. Allmänt är informanterna annars intresserade av situationen och går och röstar. Majoriteten har dock inget intresse av att själva delta. Kvinnorna talar också om ledarna som korrumperade och själviska, vilket leder till ett lågt förtroende för politikerna.</p><p>Slutligen visar studien att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkt i landet, trots utbildning och mer jämställdhet i hushållet. Där kvinnan ska ansvara för hushållet medan mannen engagerar sig i samhällsfrågor. Detta visas framförallt på landsbygden. I staden är dock inte detta lika tydligt och där har kvinnorna frigjort sig mer från traditionella normer. Flera av mina informanter rör sig också över stora områden och mellan stad och landsbygd. Det gör att övergångarna mellan stad och landsbygd inte blir så starka som de tidigare varit, de blir mer gradvisa. Samtidigt visar informanterna att vardagslivet i det specifika sammanhanget påverkar den sociala kontexten, vilket gör att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkare på landsbygden.</p>

This study is based on a field study carried out in Thailand during November and December 2009. The material is based on in-depth interviews with nine women that live in the northern parts of Thailand. Seven of them belong to the Karen minority group. The purpose of the study has been to highlight the different perspectives that exist in the city, and in the rural region, in the question of education and employment, equality in the household, and participation in society within the political area. The theoretical perspective has been preceded from a democratic perspective at an individual level. The results show that education is relevant in how women see themselves, and also gender equality in the household can be connected to influence in social life outside the household. This also shows that traditional norms play an important role. Especially in the case that the woman traditionally in Thailand has been responsible for the household, while the husband in the family has had responsibility for political decisions in society. Education can be seen to provide better conditions in life for women; an opportunity for more jobs, as well as an opportunity for an income. One difference is that for some rural women, educational aims are to learn to read and write Thai, while all the women in the city point out that a degree from the university is important. The comparison for women's responsibilities in the household and child-rearing shows that the rural women I interviewed in general are taking a greater responsibility in the household since the husbands are working a lot. The women in the city split the household chores more often between husband and wife. The Karen women I interviewed have highlighted the importance of the family, and then also their relatives. In the past, minority groups have been more vulnerable in the country, which could play a part in that family and relatives still are an additional safety net. In the area of participation in society outside the household, women in the rural area strongly believe that participation on a political level is an issue for men. And despite higher degree of education the women don’t have an increasing interest in participating. The women in the rural area though live close to the political authorities, which means that the majority of the women there have spoken directly to the leaders and thus can influence. Here, the level of education does not matter.   The women in the city have not talked directly to the leaders to the same extent. Meanwhile, one of the women in the city has engaged herself politically. She thinks she could get respect, both as a woman and as Karen. She also sees that the possibilities for women to participate are growing in the cities, where the level of education generally is higher. Though, the other interviewees in the city would not want to be politically active. The only interest for them is to read about the situation and to vote. The women also speak about the leader as corrupt and selfish, which leads to low confidence in politicians.   Finally, the study shows that traditional norms are still strong in the country, despite education and more equality in the household. Especially that woman should be responsible for the household, while the husband involve in social issues. This is shown particularly in the rural areas. In the city however, this is not highlighted in the same way. The women there have freed themselves more from the traditional norms. And two of the women with a higher degree, can run a household on only one salary. Several of my interviewees have also been moving between urban and rural areas. This makes transition between urban and rural areas not as strong as it were earlier, now it’d more gradual. At the same time the women have an everyday life in the specific social context, which result in that traditional norms are still stronger in the rural areas. / Denna studie baseras på en fältstudie som utförts i Thailand under november och december år 2009. Materialet utgår från djupintervjuer med nio kvinnor som lever i de norra delarna av Thailand. Sju av dessa kommer från minoritetsfolket Karen. Syftet med studien har varit att synliggöra de olika perspektiv som finns, i stad, respektive på landsbygd, i områdena utbildning och arbete, jämställdhet i hushållet, samt deltagande i samhällslivet inom den politiska sfären. Det teoretiska perspektivet har utgått från ett demokratiskt perspektiv på en individnivå. Resultaten visar att utbildning har betydelse för hur kvinnorna ser på sig själva, och även jämställdhet i hemmet kan kopplas till inflytande i samhällslivet. Här visar också att traditionella normer spelar en viktig roll. Speciellt i fråga om att kvinnan traditionellt i Thailand har haft ansvaret för hushållet, medan mannen i familjen har haft ansvaret för politiska beslut i samhället. Utbildning ses också som möjligheten till bättre förutsättningar i livet för kvinnorna, en möjlighet till fler jobb, samt en möjlighet till inkomst. En skillnad är dock att hos flera kvinnor på landsbygden syftar utbildning till att lära sig att kunna skriva och läsa Thai, medan alla kvinnor i staden framhåller att en utbildning med universitetsexamen är viktigt. I jämförelsen för kvinnornas ansvar i hushållet samt barnuppfostran, visar de intervjuade kvinnorna på landsbygden generellt att kvinnorna tar störst ansvar i hemmet då männen arbetar mycket. I staden är en uppdelning mellan hushållssysslorna större. Samtidigt kan två av kvinnorna i staden klara sig själva på en egen inkomst. De Karen-kvinnor jag intervjuat har lyft fram familjens betydelse, och då också sina släktingar. Tidigare har minoritetsgrupperna varit mer utsatta i landet, vilket kan spela in i att familj och släkt blir ett extra skyddsnät. Gällande deltagande i samhället utanför hushållet, menar kvinnorna på landsbygden starkare att detta är en fråga för männen. Trots utbildning för kvinnorna ökar inte intresset för att delta nämnvärt. En av kvinnorna känner dock inflytande med hjälp av sin utbildning.  Dock lever kvinnorna närmare de politiska makthavarna på landsbygden, vilket gör att majoriteten av kvinnorna där direkt talat med ledarna och på det sättet har inflytande. Här har inte utbildningsnivån spelat roll. Kvinnorna i staden har dock inte i samma utsträckning talat direkt med ledarna. Samtidigt har en av kvinnorna i staden själv engagerat sig politiskt. Hon kände där att hon kunde få respekt, både som kvinna och Karen. Hon ser också att möjligheterna för kvinnor att delta ökar i städerna där utbildningsnivån generellt också är högre. Allmänt är informanterna annars intresserade av situationen och går och röstar. Majoriteten har dock inget intresse av att själva delta. Kvinnorna talar också om ledarna som korrumperade och själviska, vilket leder till ett lågt förtroende för politikerna. Slutligen visar studien att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkt i landet, trots utbildning och mer jämställdhet i hushållet. Där kvinnan ska ansvara för hushållet medan mannen engagerar sig i samhällsfrågor. Detta visas framförallt på landsbygden. I staden är dock inte detta lika tydligt och där har kvinnorna frigjort sig mer från traditionella normer. Flera av mina informanter rör sig också över stora områden och mellan stad och landsbygd. Det gör att övergångarna mellan stad och landsbygd inte blir så starka som de tidigare varit, de blir mer gradvisa. Samtidigt visar informanterna att vardagslivet i det specifika sammanhanget påverkar den sociala kontexten, vilket gör att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkare på landsbygden.

This study deals with the quality of democracy, and its purpose is to examine which factors affect the varying levels of the quality of democracy in the stable democracies in the world. The research question posited in the study is: what explains the varying levels of the quality of democracy in the democratic countries in the world, and do political institutions matter? Theoretically, the quality of democracy is distinguished from other similar concepts employed in comparative politics, and what the quality of democracy stands for is clarified. The quality of democracy is defined in this study as: the level of legitimacy in a democratic system with respect to democratic norms such as political participation, political competition, political equality, and rule of law. In total, four dimensions of the quality of democracy are included that are considered to be very important dimensions of the quality of democracy. These dimensions are political participation, political competition, political equality, and the rule of law. To explain the variation in the quality of democracy, an explanatory model has been developed. The explanatory model consists of five different groups of independent variables: political institutional variables, socioeconomic variables, cultural variables, historical variables, and physical variables. Methodologically, a large-n, outcome-centric research design is employed and statistical analysis is used to examine what effect the five groups of independent variables have on the four dimensions of the quality of democracy. Empirically, the results show that cultural variables and political institutional variables outperform socioeconomic, historical, and physical variables in relation to their effect on the quality of democracy. Consequently, cultural and political institutional variables are the two most important groups of variables when explaining the variation in the quality of democracy in the democratic countries in the world. In relation to the other groups of variables, historical variables are slightly more important than socioeconomic variables when explaining the variation in the quality of democracy. The physical variables constitute the group of variables that has the least importance out of the five groups of variables when explaining the variation in the quality of democracy. In summary, the findings from the study show that the best way of increasing the level of the quality of democracy may be to choose political institutions such as parliamentarism as the executive power system and a proportional system as the electoral system. To put this clearly, to increase the possibility of democratic countries achieving a high level of the quality of democracy they should avoid majority electoral systems and presidential or semipresidential executive systems.

Problem statement and purpose: The purpose of this study was to analyze in what way first-time voters chose to take part of political information. The questions we aimed to answer was how first-time voters use media and other information channels for political purposes, what importance and trust the first-time voters give the different information channels and finally which indicators there is for that structural or individual factors affect the media consumption and political interest. Method and material: We did interviews with twelve 18 years old first-time voters from six different high school programs in Sundsvall, Sweden. Results: The study showed that the premier source of political information were traditional news media, in particular the debates on TV. It’s also in the debates the first-time voter’s trust the most. Even though the social medias are constantly present in their everyday life and even though the first-time voters believe the social medias have potential for engaging young people politically, the possibilities are only taken in advantage by people who are already politically interested. The first-time voters are being affected by both structural and individualized factors. The structural, the social standing in particular, matters for the individual’s political interest and use of traditional media, while the individualized factors primarily matters for the use of social medias.

This study is case study of political participation among the Kani tribe from Kuttichal grama panchayat in the Thiruvananthapuram district in Kerala, India. The study is based on the collected data of 117 people of the Kani tribe living in four different settlements: Pankavu, Mangode-Valippara, Chonampara and Kaithode. The aim of the study is to examine the impact on political participation by different factors, which is done by the use of the quantitative method of cross tables. The study confirms previous studies in its conclusion that high status individuals, defined in terms of education and economic standard, are the group of the highest political participation, when this is defined as being involved in political work and holding a party membership. On the local political scene however, where political participation consists of participation in local assemblies and voluntary work, the impact of the examined variables are very limited. The main theory, which is used for the analysis, is a cost and benefit analysis.

Abstract "Citizen Influence, Forms and Effects - A study of the Resistance Concerning the Establishment of a Juvenile Detention Center in Kristinehamn 2005-2007" Political Science, Johan Utter   This essay circles around the concepts of citizenship and the questions if and how citizens in the modern democracy can influence and effect the political decisions made by the governing body on the local level. This is done by the means of a case-study concerning the establishment of an institutional facility for convicted youths in Kristinehamn. The planning of this facility and especially its planned location in Sunneberg aroused a significant negative response from the citizens, demanding a better alternative for the location. The proposition resulted in heavy protests from the citizens as the planned location was viewed as an important recreation area, where the citizens could experience nature first hand, close to the centre of town. As a result, some citizens living close to the planned location, formed a network called "Bevara Sunneberg", whose purpose was to influence the decision-makers and make the citizen’s voices heard. Also of interest are the classification of the resistance, by using already established theoretical models concerning interest groups, social movements and the concept of NIMBY-groups. The results show that the citizen led by the group "Bevara Sunneberg" in fact managed to influence the decision-makers by adopting a wide variety of strategies, both by conventional and unconventional means. As the case haven’t yet been decided, the full extent of the resistance’s efforts are yet to be seen. Whether or not the planned establishment will be build, the fact remains that the resistance managed to effect the outcome of the case. The network "Bevara Sunneberg" showed similarities to the concept of NIMBY-groups, but evolved into a form of hybrid, positioning itself somewhere between the theoretical positions of social movements and interest groups. As a conclusion I would like to state that citizen influence is possible in the local political context, though the extent of the influence can not be proved by this essay.   Key Words : Citizen Influence, NIMBY-group, Political Participation, Kristinehamn, Juvenile Detention Center, Interest Group