Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work was aimed to investigate the level of politicization of teachers and whether this affects the political commitment of these workers outside the educational context of public schools in Santa Maria, with reference to current educational policies that have the autonomy, a key democracy feature of school management. In this sense, the knowledge of how and why the politicization of teachers, taking into consideration the historical, social, political and economic factors, underlie the thinking and work of these workers becomes a possibility for discussion, understanding and building an effective and conscious commitment to education in its social sense. In this form, not only the teachers, but also all that are involved in the educational work of the school must reflect and be aware of who they are, where they stand and to whom and for whom they work and struggle, which corresponds to making a critical inventory, conscious of themselves and their work in a contextualized way. To this end, the research was based on a qualitative approach, in one critical perspective, being the participant observation and focus group techniques used to collect data and the information obtained analyzed by content analysis. It became evident that teachers' work is extremely fragmented along the lines of factory work and reinforcement for technical education much present in the school concepts and practices. In this arrangement, the work force is more than common sense that the practice, pointing to the political apathy in relation to the profession and social reality, but the possible withdrawal, resistance and political commitment in relation to education and society. These categories occurred for the fact that the teachers themselves have the conscience needed before seeing themselves as this category of workers in order to constitute their professional identity. To meet this, the continuing education in the school from their needs is shown as the greatest ally in this process of political and technical training of teachers and, therefore, the reconstruction of school work. As a result, this work sought to contribute to studies that address the construction of citizenship, based on the politicization of teachers with reference to the political commitment of the working class, as has become one of the prerogatives for a more equitable education and a truly democratic society. Based on this position, therefore, an urgent and necessary discussion of the historical-critical work of the teacher and the school is advocated in the capitalist context with a view to understanding and combating the social function of this educational institutions and concomitant to the responsibility and role of the teachers in this work. / A presente dissertação teve como intuito investigar o nível de politização dos professores e se este condiciona o comprometimento político destes trabalhadores frente ao contexto educacional da rede pública estadual de Santa Maria, tomando como referência as políticas educacionais atuais que têm na autonomia, na democracia as principais características da gestão escolar. Nesse sentido, saber como está e porquê está a politização dos professores levando-se em consideração os aspectos históricos, sociais, políticos e econômicos que perpassam o pensar e o fazer destes trabalhadores converte-se em possibilidade de discussão, compreensão e construção de um efetivo e consciente engajamento com a educação no seu sentido social. Dessa forma, não só os professores, mas todos os sujeitos envolvidos no trabalho pedagógico da escola precisam refletir e ter consciência sobre quem são, de que lado estão e para quem e por quem trabalham e lutam, o que corresponde fazer um inventário crítico e consciente de si mesmos e do próprio trabalho de modo contextualizado. Para tanto, o caminho metodológico da pesquisa esteve fundamentado na abordagem qualitativa, numa perspectiva crítica, sendo a observação participante e o grupo focal as técnicas elegidas para a coleta dos dados, cuja análise de tais informações ocorreu através de análise de conteúdo. Como resultado ficou evidenciado que o trabalho dos professores ainda está extremamente fragmentado aos moldes do trabalho fabril e reforçado pela formação tecnicista muito presente nas concepções e práticas escolares. Nessa organização de trabalho o que vigora é mais o senso comum que a práxis, o que aponta à apatia política em relação à profissão e à realidade social, mas à desistência, à resistência e o comprometimento político possível em relação à educação e à sociedade. Essas categorias ocorrem pelo fato de que os próprios professores têm consciência que precisam antes olhar para si mesmos como categoria de trabalhadores, com vistas a constituírem a respectiva identidade profissional. Ao encontro disso a formação continuada na escola a partir das suas necessidades mostra-se como a grande aliada nesse processo de formação técnica e política dos professores e, portanto, na reconstrução do trabalho da escola. Conforme os referidos resultados esta Dissertação de Mestrado buscou contribuir com estudos que se dirijam à construção da cidadania, tomando como base a politização dos professores com vistas ao comprometimento político como classe trabalhadora, tornando-se este, uma das prerrogativas para uma educação mais equitativa, cidadã, voltada para uma sociedade verdadeiramente democrática. Através deste posicionamento, portanto, defendo uma urgente e necessária reflexão histórico-crítica do trabalho do professor e da escola no contexto capitalista com vistas ao entendimento e à luta pela função social dessa instituição educativa e concomitantemente a responsabilidade e o papel do professor nesse trabalho.

Esta pesquisa busca investigar as estratégias de atuação política desempenhadas por meio do engajamento de militantes LGBT da cidade de São Paulo. A partir de uma investigação em espaços de interação online e offline, busco compreender a conformação destes modos de atuação política a partir de dois processos: por um lado, o desempenho e a sentidos atribuídos quanto à efetividade das dinâmicas de negociação com gestores públicos e representantes do Estado e, por outro, a proliferação de uma atuação concentrada nas mídias sociais e na internet. Voltando a alguns eventos que indicam um caminho de institucionalização das demandas do movimento ao longo dos anos, demonstro como estes modos de atuações políticas concentradas tanto mecanismos de negociação e como na atuação em redes sociais estão atravessados por pontos de tensão, ao passo que permitem acessar a produção das diferenças constitutivas do movimento LGBT. Ao explorar os manejos de diferentes ferramentas, repertórios e disputas entre representantes da sociedade civil organizada no Conselho Municipal LGBT de São Paulo e de ciberativistas trans no Facebook, passo a identificar formatos de atuação política com especificidades e mecanismos próprios, mas que se aproximam ou, em alguns casos, se confundem quanto à natureza da reivindicação de suas demandas políticas. / This research aims to investigate the political actions performed by LGBT activists commitment in the city of São Paulo. I carry out an investigation in online and offline interaction spaces, aiming to understand the conformation of political action forms emerging from two processes. On one hand, the performance and the conveied meanings regarding the effectiveness of the negociation dynamics with public managers and state proxies and, on the other hand, the proliferation of actions focused on social media and on internet, as well as the tensions thus created. Returning to some of the events that points to an institutionalization of the movements claims throughout the years, I demonstrate how those political commitment forms concentrate both in negotiation mechanisms and on social network actions has their particularities whereas enable us to access the production of differences. As exploring the handling of different tools, repertoires and struggles among civil society delegates at the LGBT City Committee in São Paulo and trans cyberactivists on Facebook, I identify the specificities and particular devices of both forms of political action that has similar if not blurred political claims.

Esta pesquisa busca investigar as estratégias de atuação política desempenhadas por meio do engajamento de militantes LGBT da cidade de São Paulo. A partir de uma investigação em espaços de interação online e offline, busco compreender a conformação destes modos de atuação política a partir de dois processos: por um lado, o desempenho e a sentidos atribuídos quanto à efetividade das dinâmicas de negociação com gestores públicos e representantes do Estado e, por outro, a proliferação de uma atuação concentrada nas mídias sociais e na internet. Voltando a alguns eventos que indicam um caminho de institucionalização das demandas do movimento ao longo dos anos, demonstro como estes modos de atuações políticas concentradas tanto mecanismos de negociação e como na atuação em redes sociais estão atravessados por pontos de tensão, ao passo que permitem acessar a produção das diferenças constitutivas do movimento LGBT. Ao explorar os manejos de diferentes ferramentas, repertórios e disputas entre representantes da sociedade civil organizada no Conselho Municipal LGBT de São Paulo e de ciberativistas trans no Facebook, passo a identificar formatos de atuação política com especificidades e mecanismos próprios, mas que se aproximam ou, em alguns casos, se confundem quanto à natureza da reivindicação de suas demandas políticas. / This research aims to investigate the political actions performed by LGBT activists commitment in the city of São Paulo. I carry out an investigation in online and offline interaction spaces, aiming to understand the conformation of political action forms emerging from two processes. On one hand, the performance and the conveied meanings regarding the effectiveness of the negociation dynamics with public managers and state proxies and, on the other hand, the proliferation of actions focused on social media and on internet, as well as the tensions thus created. Returning to some of the events that points to an institutionalization of the movements claims throughout the years, I demonstrate how those political commitment forms concentrate both in negotiation mechanisms and on social network actions has their particularities whereas enable us to access the production of differences. As exploring the handling of different tools, repertoires and struggles among civil society delegates at the LGBT City Committee in São Paulo and trans cyberactivists on Facebook, I identify the specificities and particular devices of both forms of political action that has similar if not blurred political claims.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation is focused on the study of careers of black movement s militants whose political commitment presents the following features: a simultaneous involvement with both political parties and the black movement; a full-time dedication to militancy, and; the filling of state positions in left-wing governments. The main questions of the work are the grasp of the social resources required for filling governmental posts as well as the understanding of the historical, social, and cultural policies that gave rise to that pattern of political activism in the Brazilian State of Sergipe. The theoretical and methodological orientation of the research combined a set of analytical schemes borrowed from the sociology of social movements and the sociology of activism, using notions such as structure of political opportunities, processes of political involvement and social networks. The results show that there are some favorable conditions for the emergence of the pattern of political involvement and militancy at stake: the political detente and the end of the military rule in Brazil, the pressure of both international organizations and the Brazilian black movement over the State, and the rise of political allies within the federal government. As to the features of those militants who held state positions, the works highlights the centrality of a militant capital gathered over within the networks of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and the Partido Comunista do Brasil (PcdoB), and also within the black movement. / Esta dissertação tem por objeto o estudo de carreiras de militantes do movimento negro cujo engajamento caracteriza-se pela militância simultânea em partidos políticos, pela dedicação exclusiva à militância e pela ocupação de cargos em administrações de esquerda. A questão central do trabalho consistiu em apreender o conjunto de recursos para a ocupação daqueles cargos, bem como as condições históricas, sociais, culturais e políticas que permitiram o surgimento de tal modalidade de militância política no estado de Sergipe. A pesquisa teve como orientação teórico-metodológica um conjunto de esquemas analíticos que combinam pressupostos da sociologia dos movimentos sociais e sociologia da militância, tais como estrutura de oportunidades políticas, processos de engajamento individual e redes sociais. Os resultados apontam algumas condições favoráveis para o surgimento do padrão de engajamento analisado, a saber, a abertura política no final do regime militar, a pressão de organizações internacionais e do movimento negro no Brasil sobre o Estado e a ascensão de aliados políticos ao governo federal. Em relação aos recursos mobilizados para a ocupação dos cargos, observa-se a centralidade de um capital militante acumulado nas redes do Partido dos Trabalhadores e do Partido Comunista do Brasil e dentro do próprio movimento negro. .

Studiens syfte är att öka förståelsen om arbetet med klimatanpassning och hur frågan kan integreras i kommunala sektorer som inte har klimatanpassning som sitt främsta uppdrag. Genom att öka kunskapen om det praktiska arbetet inom utbildnings- samt vård och omsorgssektorer bidrar studien med insikter om faktorer som påverkar effektiviteten av integrering av klimatanpassning. Arbetet bygger på totalt 10 semistrukturerade intervjuer med nyckelpersoner inom kommunala utbildnings- samt vård- och omsorgssektorer i Norrköping. Intervjuerna gav en bred bild av medarbetarnas erfarenheter och insyn genom deras dagliga arbete. Materialet analyserades och diskuterades i relation till vad tidigare forskning kommit fram till. Resultatet visar att arbetet med klimatanpassning inom kommunen har kommit långt, men att det saknas en klar strategi för hur kommunens riktlinjer för klimatanpassning ska integreras i organisationen. Identifierade faktorer för en effektiv implementering är tydligt uppsatta mål, koordination, politiskt engagemang, ökade och riktade ekonomiska resurser samt kunskapsutbyte. / The purpose of the study is to increase the understanding of the work with climate adaptation and how the issue can be integrated in municipal sectors that do not have climate adaptation as their main task. By increasing the knowledge of the practical work in education- as well as care and nursing sectors, the study add insights into factors that influences the effectiveness of the integration of climate adaptation. The work is based on 10 semi-structured interviews with key staff within education as well as care and nursing sectors in Norrköping municipality. The interviews provided a broad overview of experiences and insights by the staff through their daily work. The material was analyzed and discussed in relation to what previous research had concluded. The results show that the work with climate adaptation within the municipality has come a long way, but that there is no clear strategy for how the municipal guidelines for climate adaptation should be integrated into the organization. Found factors for an effective implementation are clearly set goals, coordination, political commitment, increased and targeted financial resources and knowledge exchange.

Depuis la défaite du Oui au référendum de 1995, nous observons une perte de vitesse du mouvement souverainiste québécois. Cette dernière est d’abord perceptible d’un point de vue électoral où nous observons une baisse constante des appuis aux partis souverainistes, et ensuite relativement au fractionnement social et idéologique du mouvement souverainiste. Dans un tel contexte, nous nous attardons, dans le cadre de ce mémoire, à l’engagement des jeunes âgé-e-s de 20 à 26 ans au sein du Parti québécois (PQ). Ces personnes ont commencé à s’impliquer dans ce parti alors que le mouvement souverainiste était déjà caractérisé par une perte de vitesse et n’ont jamais connu les moments effervescents de celui-ci. Suite à seize entrevues semi-directives réalisées avec des militant-e-s du PQ, ce mémoire a pour but de comprendre les processus d’engagement de ces personnes. À l’aide d’une analyse sociologique des parcours d’engagement, nous démontrons d’abord que plusieurs types de parcours ont pu mener ces jeunes à s’engager au PQ. Ensuite, nous soulignons le fait que des éléments du passé, notamment par l’entremise des cours d’histoire et de la socialisation familiale, ont eu une plus grande importance que ceux d’actualité pour leur prise de conscience souverainiste. Nous montrons aussi que ces jeunes appartiennent à une génération politique pour laquelle les grands évènements de l’histoire du mouvement souverainiste ne peuvent plus être considérés comme étant des moments critiques des parcours d’engagement. Nous démontrons finalement que l’analyse des orientations politiques des personnes permet de mieux comprendre les différences entre les différents processus d’engagement. / Since the defeat of the Yes campaign in the 1995 referendum, the Quebec sovereignty movement has been in decline. We can demonstrate this by analyzing the electoral results of the different sovereignist parties as well as the social and ideological division of the sovereignty movement over the past 20 years. This thesis seeks to analyse the involvement of Parti québécois (PQ) members between the ages of 20 and 26. These members began their involvement while the movement was already in decline and therefore have not lived through the most significant events of the Quebec sovereignty movement. With 16 semi-structured interviews, this study seeks to understand the political commitment processes of these individuals. Through a sociological analysis of their experiences of involvement in politics, we demonstrate that different types of processes can lead a person to join the PQ. We then argue that elements from the past, such as history classes and family socialization, have greater influence on a person’s awareness of the sovereignty issue than do current events. We proceed to establish that these individuals belong to a political generation for which the major events of the sovereignty movement cannot be considered as critical junctures in their political involvement. Finally, we demonstrate that the analysis of the individuals’ political orientations can help us better understand the differences between the different political commitment processes.

<p>This study is based on a field study carried out in Thailand during November and December 2009. The material is based on in-depth interviews with nine women that live in the northern parts of Thailand. Seven of them belong to the Karen minority group. The purpose of the study has been to highlight the different perspectives that exist in the city, and in the rural region, in the question of education and employment, equality in the household, and participation in society within the political area. The theoretical perspective has been preceded from a democratic perspective at an individual level.</p><p>The results show that education is relevant in how women see themselves, and also gender equality in the household can be connected to influence in social life outside the household. This also shows that traditional norms play an important role. Especially in the case that the woman traditionally in Thailand has been responsible for the household, while the husband in the family has had responsibility for political decisions in society. Education can be seen to provide better conditions in life for women; an opportunity for more jobs, as well as an opportunity for an income. One difference is that for some rural women, educational aims are to learn to read and write Thai, while all the women in the city point out that a degree from the university is important.</p><p>The comparison for women's responsibilities in the household and child-rearing shows that the rural women I interviewed in general are taking a greater responsibility in the household since the husbands are working a lot. The women in the city split the household chores more often between husband and wife. The Karen women I interviewed have highlighted the importance of the family, and then also their relatives. In the past, minority groups have been more vulnerable in the country, which could play a part in that family and relatives still are an additional safety net.</p><p>In the area of participation in society outside the household, women in the rural area strongly believe that participation on a political level is an issue for men. And despite higher degree of education the women don’t have an increasing interest in participating. The women in the rural area though live close to the political authorities, which means that the majority of the women there have spoken directly to the leaders and thus can influence. Here, the level of education does not matter.  </p><p>The women in the city have not talked directly to the leaders to the same extent. Meanwhile, one of the women in the city has engaged herself politically. She thinks she could get respect, both as a woman and as Karen. She also sees that the possibilities for women to participate are growing in the cities, where the level of education generally is higher. Though, the other interviewees in the city would not want to be politically active. The only interest for them is to read about the situation and to vote. The women also speak about the leader as corrupt and selfish, which leads to low confidence in politicians.  </p><p>Finally, the study shows that traditional norms are still strong in the country, despite education and more equality in the household. Especially that woman should be responsible for the household, while the husband involve in social issues. This is shown particularly in the rural areas. In the city however, this is not highlighted in the same way. The women there have freed themselves more from the traditional norms. And two of the women with a higher degree, can run a household on only one salary. Several of my interviewees have also been moving between urban and rural areas. This makes transition between urban and rural areas not as strong as it were earlier, now it’d more gradual. At the same time the women have an everyday life in the specific social context, which result in that traditional norms are still stronger in the rural areas.</p> / <p>Denna studie baseras på en fältstudie som utförts i Thailand under november och december år 2009. Materialet utgår från djupintervjuer med nio kvinnor som lever i de norra delarna av Thailand. Sju av dessa kommer från minoritetsfolket Karen. Syftet med studien har varit att synliggöra de olika perspektiv som finns, i stad, respektive på landsbygd, i områdena utbildning och arbete, jämställdhet i hushållet, samt deltagande i samhällslivet inom den politiska sfären. Det teoretiska perspektivet har utgått från ett demokratiskt perspektiv på en individnivå.</p><p>Resultaten visar att utbildning har betydelse för hur kvinnorna ser på sig själva, och även jämställdhet i hemmet kan kopplas till inflytande i samhällslivet. Här visar också att traditionella normer spelar en viktig roll. Speciellt i fråga om att kvinnan traditionellt i Thailand har haft ansvaret för hushållet, medan mannen i familjen har haft ansvaret för politiska beslut i samhället. Utbildning ses också som möjligheten till bättre förutsättningar i livet för kvinnorna, en möjlighet till fler jobb, samt en möjlighet till inkomst. En skillnad är dock att hos flera kvinnor på landsbygden syftar utbildning till att lära sig att kunna skriva och läsa Thai, medan alla kvinnor i staden framhåller att en utbildning med universitetsexamen är viktigt.</p><p>I jämförelsen för kvinnornas ansvar i hushållet samt barnuppfostran, visar de intervjuade kvinnorna på landsbygden generellt att kvinnorna tar störst ansvar i hemmet då männen arbetar mycket. I staden är en uppdelning mellan hushållssysslorna större. Samtidigt kan två av kvinnorna i staden klara sig själva på en egen inkomst. De Karen-kvinnor jag intervjuat har lyft fram familjens betydelse, och då också sina släktingar. Tidigare har minoritetsgrupperna varit mer utsatta i landet, vilket kan spela in i att familj och släkt blir ett extra skyddsnät.</p><p>Gällande deltagande i samhället utanför hushållet, menar kvinnorna på landsbygden starkare att detta är en fråga för männen. Trots utbildning för kvinnorna ökar inte intresset för att delta nämnvärt. En av kvinnorna känner dock inflytande med hjälp av sin utbildning.  Dock lever kvinnorna närmare de politiska makthavarna på landsbygden, vilket gör att majoriteten av kvinnorna där direkt talat med ledarna och på det sättet har inflytande. Här har inte utbildningsnivån spelat roll.</p><p>Kvinnorna i staden har dock inte i samma utsträckning talat direkt med ledarna. Samtidigt har en av kvinnorna i staden själv engagerat sig politiskt. Hon kände där att hon kunde få respekt, både som kvinna och Karen. Hon ser också att möjligheterna för kvinnor att delta ökar i städerna där utbildningsnivån generellt också är högre. Allmänt är informanterna annars intresserade av situationen och går och röstar. Majoriteten har dock inget intresse av att själva delta. Kvinnorna talar också om ledarna som korrumperade och själviska, vilket leder till ett lågt förtroende för politikerna.</p><p>Slutligen visar studien att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkt i landet, trots utbildning och mer jämställdhet i hushållet. Där kvinnan ska ansvara för hushållet medan mannen engagerar sig i samhällsfrågor. Detta visas framförallt på landsbygden. I staden är dock inte detta lika tydligt och där har kvinnorna frigjort sig mer från traditionella normer. Flera av mina informanter rör sig också över stora områden och mellan stad och landsbygd. Det gör att övergångarna mellan stad och landsbygd inte blir så starka som de tidigare varit, de blir mer gradvisa. Samtidigt visar informanterna att vardagslivet i det specifika sammanhanget påverkar den sociala kontexten, vilket gör att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkare på landsbygden.</p>

This study is based on a field study carried out in Thailand during November and December 2009. The material is based on in-depth interviews with nine women that live in the northern parts of Thailand. Seven of them belong to the Karen minority group. The purpose of the study has been to highlight the different perspectives that exist in the city, and in the rural region, in the question of education and employment, equality in the household, and participation in society within the political area. The theoretical perspective has been preceded from a democratic perspective at an individual level. The results show that education is relevant in how women see themselves, and also gender equality in the household can be connected to influence in social life outside the household. This also shows that traditional norms play an important role. Especially in the case that the woman traditionally in Thailand has been responsible for the household, while the husband in the family has had responsibility for political decisions in society. Education can be seen to provide better conditions in life for women; an opportunity for more jobs, as well as an opportunity for an income. One difference is that for some rural women, educational aims are to learn to read and write Thai, while all the women in the city point out that a degree from the university is important. The comparison for women's responsibilities in the household and child-rearing shows that the rural women I interviewed in general are taking a greater responsibility in the household since the husbands are working a lot. The women in the city split the household chores more often between husband and wife. The Karen women I interviewed have highlighted the importance of the family, and then also their relatives. In the past, minority groups have been more vulnerable in the country, which could play a part in that family and relatives still are an additional safety net. In the area of participation in society outside the household, women in the rural area strongly believe that participation on a political level is an issue for men. And despite higher degree of education the women don’t have an increasing interest in participating. The women in the rural area though live close to the political authorities, which means that the majority of the women there have spoken directly to the leaders and thus can influence. Here, the level of education does not matter.   The women in the city have not talked directly to the leaders to the same extent. Meanwhile, one of the women in the city has engaged herself politically. She thinks she could get respect, both as a woman and as Karen. She also sees that the possibilities for women to participate are growing in the cities, where the level of education generally is higher. Though, the other interviewees in the city would not want to be politically active. The only interest for them is to read about the situation and to vote. The women also speak about the leader as corrupt and selfish, which leads to low confidence in politicians.   Finally, the study shows that traditional norms are still strong in the country, despite education and more equality in the household. Especially that woman should be responsible for the household, while the husband involve in social issues. This is shown particularly in the rural areas. In the city however, this is not highlighted in the same way. The women there have freed themselves more from the traditional norms. And two of the women with a higher degree, can run a household on only one salary. Several of my interviewees have also been moving between urban and rural areas. This makes transition between urban and rural areas not as strong as it were earlier, now it’d more gradual. At the same time the women have an everyday life in the specific social context, which result in that traditional norms are still stronger in the rural areas. / Denna studie baseras på en fältstudie som utförts i Thailand under november och december år 2009. Materialet utgår från djupintervjuer med nio kvinnor som lever i de norra delarna av Thailand. Sju av dessa kommer från minoritetsfolket Karen. Syftet med studien har varit att synliggöra de olika perspektiv som finns, i stad, respektive på landsbygd, i områdena utbildning och arbete, jämställdhet i hushållet, samt deltagande i samhällslivet inom den politiska sfären. Det teoretiska perspektivet har utgått från ett demokratiskt perspektiv på en individnivå. Resultaten visar att utbildning har betydelse för hur kvinnorna ser på sig själva, och även jämställdhet i hemmet kan kopplas till inflytande i samhällslivet. Här visar också att traditionella normer spelar en viktig roll. Speciellt i fråga om att kvinnan traditionellt i Thailand har haft ansvaret för hushållet, medan mannen i familjen har haft ansvaret för politiska beslut i samhället. Utbildning ses också som möjligheten till bättre förutsättningar i livet för kvinnorna, en möjlighet till fler jobb, samt en möjlighet till inkomst. En skillnad är dock att hos flera kvinnor på landsbygden syftar utbildning till att lära sig att kunna skriva och läsa Thai, medan alla kvinnor i staden framhåller att en utbildning med universitetsexamen är viktigt. I jämförelsen för kvinnornas ansvar i hushållet samt barnuppfostran, visar de intervjuade kvinnorna på landsbygden generellt att kvinnorna tar störst ansvar i hemmet då männen arbetar mycket. I staden är en uppdelning mellan hushållssysslorna större. Samtidigt kan två av kvinnorna i staden klara sig själva på en egen inkomst. De Karen-kvinnor jag intervjuat har lyft fram familjens betydelse, och då också sina släktingar. Tidigare har minoritetsgrupperna varit mer utsatta i landet, vilket kan spela in i att familj och släkt blir ett extra skyddsnät. Gällande deltagande i samhället utanför hushållet, menar kvinnorna på landsbygden starkare att detta är en fråga för männen. Trots utbildning för kvinnorna ökar inte intresset för att delta nämnvärt. En av kvinnorna känner dock inflytande med hjälp av sin utbildning.  Dock lever kvinnorna närmare de politiska makthavarna på landsbygden, vilket gör att majoriteten av kvinnorna där direkt talat med ledarna och på det sättet har inflytande. Här har inte utbildningsnivån spelat roll. Kvinnorna i staden har dock inte i samma utsträckning talat direkt med ledarna. Samtidigt har en av kvinnorna i staden själv engagerat sig politiskt. Hon kände där att hon kunde få respekt, både som kvinna och Karen. Hon ser också att möjligheterna för kvinnor att delta ökar i städerna där utbildningsnivån generellt också är högre. Allmänt är informanterna annars intresserade av situationen och går och röstar. Majoriteten har dock inget intresse av att själva delta. Kvinnorna talar också om ledarna som korrumperade och själviska, vilket leder till ett lågt förtroende för politikerna. Slutligen visar studien att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkt i landet, trots utbildning och mer jämställdhet i hushållet. Där kvinnan ska ansvara för hushållet medan mannen engagerar sig i samhällsfrågor. Detta visas framförallt på landsbygden. I staden är dock inte detta lika tydligt och där har kvinnorna frigjort sig mer från traditionella normer. Flera av mina informanter rör sig också över stora områden och mellan stad och landsbygd. Det gör att övergångarna mellan stad och landsbygd inte blir så starka som de tidigare varit, de blir mer gradvisa. Samtidigt visar informanterna att vardagslivet i det specifika sammanhanget påverkar den sociala kontexten, vilket gör att traditionella normer fortfarande lever starkare på landsbygden.

<p>This thesis focuses on politically active women within The Swedish Social Democratic Women’s Association, also known as S-women. By applying discourse analysis to interviews with active s-women and to meeting conversations between the association’s members, the study approaches ideas of feminism, feminist politics and political commitment. “Solidarity” – the central concept of the labour movement – serves as the point of departure for a feminist discussion about class, gender, ethnicity and age/generation. Political inclusion and exclusion are other keywords when the power relations within feminism in general and this women’s association in particular are examined. The theoretical framework of the thesis covers post-structuralist feminism, intersectionality and discourse psychology.</p>

La notion d’engagement se retrouve aujourd’hui au coeur de la grande majorité des recherches consacrées à la construction de l’État moderne en France, à la noblesse protestante ou encore aux guerres de Religion. Cette thèse s’inscrit dans ce courant dynamique de la recherche en histoire – et plus généralement en sciences humaines – mais c’est sur un temps long de presque deux siècles qu’elle propose d’analyser les mécanismes, les formes, les moyens et les conséquences des engagements politiques et religieux des membres d’une maison bien connue, mais paradoxalement peu étudiée, les Coligny-Châtillon. Au milieu du XVe siècle, Jean III de Coligny abandonne les clientèlesdu duc de Bourgogne ou du duc de Savoie et s’installe dans sa seigneurie de Châtillon-sur-Loing pour se consacrer au seul service du roi de France. Cet engagement fondamental est ensuite poursuivi par ses descendants, qui, en deux générations seulement, parviennent à se hisser au plus près du pouvoir royal.Cette position privilégiée est néanmoins remise en cause lorsque François d’Andelot, Gaspard de Coligny puis Odet de Châtillon s’engagent publiquement en faveur de la Cause huguenote.Aussi, à la rapide dégradation de la paix dans le royaume de France, répond l’inexorable chute de ces frères Châtillon dansl’estime des souverains. Une estime que leurs descendants s’efforcent à reconquérir totalement pendant près de quatre-vingts ans. Autant d’engagements qui propulsent donc les Coligny des montagnes de la Bresse et du Revermont jusqu’auConseil du roi ; qui les font progressivement glisser du statut de favoris à celui de criminels de lèse-majesté ; et qui les conduit enfin du gibet de Montfaucon jusqu’à la nécropole royale de Saint-Denis. / Nowadays the notion of commitment is at the heart of the great majority of researches devoted to the construction of themodern State in France, the protestant nobility and the wars of religion. This thesis is part of this dynamic current of research in history – and more generally in the human sciences – but it is on a time spanning almost two centuries that it offers to analyse the mechanisms, forms, means and consequences of the political and religious commitments of a well-known house’s members, but paradoxically little studied, the Coligny-Châtillon. In the middle of the 15th century, Jean III de Coligny abandoned the clientele of the duke of Burgundy or the duke of Savoy and settled in his domain of Châtillon-sur-Loing to devote himself entirely to the French king’s service. Pursuing this crucial commitment, his descendants’ succeeded in getting closer to the royal power in only two generations. This privileged position was nevertheless called into question when François d’Andelot, Gaspard de Coligny and then Odet de Châtillon publicly pledged their support for the Huguenot Cause. Thus, the fast degradation of peace in the French Kingdom echoes the inexorable fall of the Châtillon brothers in the sovereigns’ favour ; which favour their descendants’ would strive to recover completely for nearly eighty years. So many commitments that propelled the Coligny from mountains of Bresse and Revermont to the King’s Council ; which gradually shifted them from the status of favourites to that of “criminels de lèse-majesté” ; and which finally led them from the gibbet of Montfaucon to the royal necropolis of Saint-Denis.