Este trabalho tem por objetivo trazer um estudo teórico-bibliográfico exploratório sobre a precarização do trabalho, dos direitos e da política previdenciária no contexto brasileiro. Baseado na teoria social de Marx, o esforço de análise parte do tratamento da figura do trabalho no que se refere à proteção social no decorrer do último século e na atualidade no cenário brasileiro. Busca também situar o processo de regulamentação das profissões como marca histórico-institucional da relação entre capital e trabalho, donde emerge inclusive a formulação da concepção de cidadania. Enfoca a questão da proteção social previdenciária em face da trajetória de conformação do mercado de trabalho brasileiro. Tal movimento induz à tentativa de reconstrução do processo de formação, de estruturação e recentemente de desestruturação do mercado de trabalho brasileiro, o qual, entende-se, tem suas raízes na formação social brasileira e na natureza das relações desenvolvidas entre capital e trabalho ao longo do último século. Verifica-se um adensamento das seqüelas sociais iniciadas no período e a redução das expectativas de consolidação da chamada sociedade salarial. Em tempos de Contra-Reforma, as drásticas alterações no mundo do trabalho e a flexibilização das relações de produção capitalistas se potencializam. Em relação à postura estatal, verifica-se ainda uma priorização dos interesses mercantis em detrimento das reais necessidades do Trabalho, o que se demonstra através dos Programas de Inclusão Previdenciária Plano Simplificado de Previdência e a cobertura ao Microempreendedor Individual -, como meio de resposta do Estado à questão da informalidade. As tendências identificadas a partir desta análise são de persistência e aprofundamento da precarização na cobertura, dada pela restrição ao acesso aos benefícios previdenciários, previstos em lei, que se traduz numa segmentação de direitos. O estudo realizado se consubstanciou em uma abordagem exploratória teórico-bibliográfica, onde se buscou estabelecer correlação entre o conteúdo bibliográfico, a legislação pertinente, dados estatísticos e outros documentos oficiais. / This work aims to bring a theoretical and exploratory literature on precarious employment, rights and welfare policy in the Brazilian context. Based on the social theory of Marx, the analytical effort begins with the treatment given to the figure of the work in relation to social protection in the course of the last century and today in Brazilian context. It also seeks to situate the process of regulation of professions as brand historical-institutional relationship between capital and labor, from which emerges including the formulation of the concept of citizenship . Focuses on the issue of social protection social security in the face of trajectory shaping the Brazilian labor market. This movement leads to attempt to reconstruct the process of formation, structuring and - recently - the destructuring of the Brazilian labor market which, it is understood, has its roots in Brazilian social formation and the nature of relationships developed between capital and labor over the last century. There is an intensification of social negative effects initiated in the period and reduced expectations consolidation of the so called salaried society. In times of Counter-Reformation, the drastic changes in the world of work and relaxation of capitalist production relations are intensified. Regarding posture of the government, there is also a priority of the mercantile interests in detriment of the real needs of the labor, which is shown through the Programs" Inclusion " Social Security - Simplified Pension Plan and the coverage to the Individual Micro Entrepreneur - as a means of State's response to the issue of informality. Trends identified from this analysis are persistence and deepening instability in the coverage given by the restriction of access to social security benefits provided by law, which expresses a segmentation of rights. The study is an exploratory approach embodied in theoretical literature, which sought to establish a correlation between the content literature, relevant legislation, statistical and other official documents.

In the last decades, scholars from different disciplines, ranging from economy to law, have tried to better identify and target the working poor in order to provide them with legal protection. Some have referred to categories such as ‘non-standard or precarious forms of employment,’ ‘informal labor’ and ‘popular economy’ to refer to the working poor. My dissertation questions those categories and their ability to target the workers most in need, as well as their underlying assumptions that the activities of the working poor are not regulated by law, but rather fall into a legal vacuum. Using both qualitative and quantitative methodologies, I conducted research with one group of vulnerable workers (whom I refer to as street rebuscadores) in Bogotá (Colombia) to answer two main questions: 1) how can we better target and characterize the social grouping to whom the most vulnerable segment of the working poor in Bogotá belongs? 2) How do both State and non-State legal regimes, such as constitutional law, labour law and derecho de policía, interact to influence the productive strategies of the most vulnerable workers in Bogotá? Following Bourdieu’s theory of practice, I found that street rebuscadores constitute the most vulnerable segment of the working poor in a city deeply segregated by class, that they share a similar volume and composition of overall capital (or habitus) and that they share similar practices associated with that habitus. Following a legal pluralist approach, I also concluded that as a social group engaging in regulatory activities, street rebuscadores are situated in a semi-autonomous social field generating internal normative rules, but that is also vulnerable to rules from the larger social matrix in which it is situated. Within that semi-autonomous social field, the vulnerability of street rebuscadores is legally constructed and accentuated by the State, and existing regulatory frameworks are perpetuating and reproducing their condition, although not without resistance.

A dissertation submitted to the Global Labour University in conformity with the requirements of a MA in Labour Policy and Globalisation School of Social Sciences Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg March 2016 / Understanding the subjective views of low skilled marginalised workers who occupy bottom ends of labour markets and are implicated in everyday precarious living and working conditions is crucial for advancing scholarship on precarity. This qualitative study grounded in a phenomenological theoretical framework highlights the disconnects between the academic understandings of precarity and an understanding of precariousness from Zimbabwean migrant security guards’ own perspective in South Africa’s Private Security Industry (PSI), Gauteng Province. Relying on data collected through a combination of an ethnographic experience in 2014 and in-depth face to face interviews I conducted from June 2015, this study examines the perceptions that migrant security guards have on precarity, the strategies and tactics they employ to navigate everyday precarious working and living conditions and most importantly, the rationale behind these workers continued stay and work under precarious situations. As workers with precarious backgrounds, the findings of this study reveals that migrant security guards treat wage employment instrumentally, a source of their livelihood that has led to improvements in their standards of living as interpreted by them. The strategies and tactics employed by these workers either individually or collectively are therefore rationally and tactically crafted so as not directly challenge and disrupt the existing structures (state, capital and law) but instead to survive within these structures so as not to jeopardise their main source of livelihood-wage employment. For migrant security guards, wage employment remains a vital tool for meeting their varied socio-economic and political objectives. This study therefore led to the conclusion that there is generally a mismatch between academic conceptualisation of precarity and the way marginalised and low skilled labour migrants interpret and understand circumstances. / GR2017

La situación de los jóvenes en la periferia de la existencia, en la población marginada de Colombia, se desenvuelve entre la violencia, la pobreza y la lucha mortal por mantenerse vivo. El relato de algunas de estas vidas en su red económica, política y social, es el objetivo y el centro de esta Tesis doctoral. ¿Cuáles son las relaciones de poder que engendran la marginación y el sicariato?. Para lograr ver con cierto rango de veracidad estas vidas, hemos ido a buscar los hilos y las relaciones de fuerzas que las producen. Nos hemos remontado al 1492, la conquista del Nuevo Mundo, ubicándonos en la discusión de Valladolid, entre Ginés de Sepúlveda y Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas (1550-1551). Allí encontramos una forma de poder que gesta la conquista y fija la colonización, ejercicios de violencia las dos. Violencia, que tiene como objetivo el dominio continuado mediante procesos de subjetivación: el poder pastoral, en lenguaje de Michel Foucault. En un segundo apartado, de la primera parte de la Tesis, estudiamos algunos autores que describen formas de poder, que han afectado el ejercicio de gobierno de las poblaciones y de las formas de consolidación de los Estados, incluso actualmente: Nicolás Maquiavelo, Thomas Hobbes, Carl Schmitt. A partir de estas exposiciones, nos adentramos en la vorágine colombiana, marcando como punto de entrada, las diferentes teorías sobre la guerra de Carl Von Clausewitz y Michel Foucault. En la segunda parte, Colombia un laboratorio del poder, hemos relatado los acontecimientos de algunas guerras en Colombia. Pero este relato se sitúa desde un lugar hermenéutico: el individuo marginado que mata, vive y sufre (en) la guerra; el mundo y la figura del joven sicario. Mostramos cómo las formas de poder en Colombia, se administran desde la violencia y son violentas en sí mismas. Cómo la máquina de guerra, atrapada por la guerra, crea discursos, capta instituciones, hace gobiernos y Estado. Cómo la guerra dejada a su potencia de matar, es productora de una forma social y de un sujeto elaborado desde ella: el sicario y su sociedad. Finalmente, en una tercera parte de conclusiones, proponemos una salida política y espiritual al potente aparato del matar: un sicario como no-sicario. El autor: Ricardo Barba Monsalve Licenciado en filosofía, Master en counselling. 25 años en contacto con el mundo de la marginación y la violencia en Colombia. Actualmente reside entre España y Colombia. / The situation of young people in the periphery of the existence, in the marginalized population of Colombia, develops between violence, poverty and death struggle to stay alive. The story of some of these lives in their economic, political and social networks is the purpose and focus of this doctoral thesis. Which are the power relations that engender marginalization and hired killing?. To approach with a certain degree of accuracy the study of these lives, we have to find the links and power relations that produce them. We have gone back to 1492, to the conquest of the New World, placing us in the Valladolid discussion, between Sepúlveda and Bartolomé de Las Casas (1550-1551). There we found a way to be able to start the conquest and set-up the colonization, both exercises of violence. Violence, which aims at continued dominance through subjectivity processes: them pastorate, in the language of Michel Foucault. In a second section of the first part of the thesis, we study some authors that describe forms of power, which have affected, even today, the exercise of government and the ways of consolidating the states, namely Niccolo Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes Carl Schmitt. From these exposures, we enter the Colombian maelstrom, marking as starting point, the different war theories of Carl Von Clausewitz War and Michel Foucault. In the second part, Colombia a laboratory of power, we have related the events of some wars in Colombia. But this story is located in a hermeneutical perspective: the marginalized individual who kills, lives and suffers (in) the war, the world and the figure of the young hitman. We show how the forms of power in Colombia are managed through violence and are violent themselves. How the war machine, trapped by the war, generates speeches, captures institutions, and does governments and states. How the war left to its power to kill, is producing a social form and a subject drawn from it: the hitman and his society. Finally, in a third part of conclusions, we propose a political and spiritual alternative to the potent killing apparatus: a hitman as a non-assassin. The author: Ricardo Barba Monsalve. Graduate in Philosophy, MA in counseling. 25 years in contact with the world of marginalization and violence in Colombia. Currently resides between Spain and Colombia.

El objetivo general de mi tesis doctoral ha sido analizar la inestabilidad laboral y las estrategias de emancipación de los “mileuristas” entre 25 y 34 años de edad en España e Italia. En estos dos países la desregulación del sistema de empleo se ha llevado a cabo sobre todo en los últimos veinte años, con ambivalentes consecuencias sociales y económicas. Los científicos sociales han estudiado la precariedad asimilándola a los efectos negativos de la flexibilidad laboral. Esta flexibilidad se define como situación de inestabilidad e inseguridad porque los trabajadores reciben salarios bajos y tienen escasas tutelas sociales (indemnizaciones, cotizaciones, derechos), limitadas oportunidades para promocionar y fortalecer sus carreras, desarrollando tareas por debajo de su cualificación y encadenando contratos temporales, con fases intermitentes de desempleo involuntario. Los jóvenes representan uno de los grupos sociales más afectados por la flexibilidad laboral en España e Italia, a pesar de su mayor nivel de instrucción formal. Las credenciales formativas facilitan la entrada en el mercado y el mantenimiento de la propia empleabilidad, pero sin la certeza que a la alta cualificación corresponda un trabajo significativo y de calidad. Las problemáticas relativas a las formas en que se desarrolla su emancipación, a pesar de la propia inestabilidad laboral, son elementos que ellos resuelven con diversas posibilidades de reacción y a partir de diferentes circunstancias y prioridades individuales. He matizado estos aspectos en una categoría específica de jóvenes-adultos, los “mileuristas” titulados superiores, que presentan evidentes caracteres de inestabilidad laboral justamente en el cruce de sus itinerarios de autonomía personal e independencia material y residencial de las familias de origen. La denominación de esta categoría ha sido acuñada en la prensa y difundida en los medios de comunicación españoles, pero aún está pendiente de ser analizada de forma sistemática por parte de las ciencias sociales. Mi estudio ha aportado más conocimiento sobre sus condiciones, en términos de sobrecualificación, temporalidad, salarios insuficientes y desprotección. He añadido a la perspectiva de individualización estructurada un enfoque constructivista para interpretar las representaciones del fenómeno investigado tal como los integrantes de mi categoría de análisis lo perciben y lo representan. La precariedad se evidencia para ellos como tensión constante entre riesgos y oportunidades, afectando directamente a su estilo de vida y proyectos personales, de cara a sus estrategias de enclasamiento. Su mayor dificultad es replicar los mínimos de bienestar alcanzados por sus familias, especialmente en el caso de los jóvenes-adultos de clase media residentes en grandes centros urbanos. Estos “mileuristas” evitan sectores marginales del mercado, no suelen tener largas temporadas de desempleo o desarrollar tareas manuales, y sus salarios crecen más de los que son menos cualificados después de por lo menos tres años de haberse licenciado, con menores probabilidades de quedarse en paro. Por otra parte, se han extendido los tiempos para que ellos se estabilicen profesionalmente mientras que sus expectativas de mejora ocupacional y de emancipación no son tan fácilmente realizables. Además, la inflación de las credenciales formativas y la falta de una adecuada sintonía entre la demanda y la oferta de trabajo en sistemas productivos como el italiano y el español -que invierten comparativamente menos en innovación respecto a los demás países de la OCDE y generan escaso empleo de alta cualificación- hacen aún más difícil que puedan rentabilizar su capital humano. Todo ello influye en la prolongación de sus condiciones de semi-dependencia de las familias de origen, o en itinerarios frágiles y caracterizados por la aproximación incierta y discontinua a la estabilidad. Cada “mileurista” que he entrevistado, me ha ayudado a dibujar las distintas facetas de la inestabilidad laboral, matizando las influencias y las transposiciones que ésta manifiesta en sus experiencias directas. Las historias recogidas no agotan las representaciones que los jóvenes pueden tener de este fenómeno y tampoco todas sus consecuencias en España e Italia. Sin embargo, proporcionan herramientas novedosas para explicar y sintetizar distintas expresiones del coste humano y social de la inestabilidad laboral, en un contexto de emancipación caracterizado por nuevos aspectos del familismo y por la constante metamorfosis del trabajo asalariado y de la condición juvenil. / “Employment instability and transitional strategies. The mileuristas young-adults from Barcelona and Rome" Job instability causes many and varied problems for young Spanish adults when they are set to leave home and try to build an independent life. In this tesis we focus on how a sample of 80 “mileuristas” (€1000 gross/month salaried workers), 40 from Barcelona (Spain) and 40 from Rome (Italy), between 25-34 years old perceive and represent job instability, directly from their own experience related to the transition to adulthood process. The main objective is to explore how they confront the risks of job instability, how it influences their job placement, their welfare and future prospects, what kind of flexibility and security they look for in their process of emancipation and independence and what role their families play as the “social shock absorbers” of the negativity provoked by their children’s precarious and insecure work situation. With regard to these issues, one wonders what effects job insecurity has on the lives of young adults? That is: how do they perceive and represent their employment situation? How is the precariousness manifested in their definition of autonomy and independence? What strategies and attitudes develop from the pressures that job insecurity poses to their identities, life courses and social integration? What flexibility and security needs challenge their process of emancipation? What flexibility and security requirements do they set for their emancipation processes? Various studies have coincided in explaining that job insecurity is the principle reason why young Spanish adults delay leaving the family home. With the formulation answers to the questions above we try to enter into an in-depth understanding of the consequences of job insecurity as the manifestation of a complex social phenomenon. For this purpose, the use of qualitative analysis techniques (interviews and life stories), constitute the perfect tool for interpreting the job insecurity of the young adults who are directly living it in their transition towards adulthood.

Objective: To study the psychometric properties and construct validity of a multidimensional instrument to measure employment precariousness; to assess the association between employment precariousness and poor mental health; to estimate the prevalence and distribution of employment precariousness in the Spanish workforce; and to estimate the population attributable fraction of poor mental health due to employment precariousness. Methods: Cross-sectional study using data from the Psychosocial Work Environment Survey conducted in 2004-2005 in Spain. Representative sample of 6968 temporary and permanent workers with a formal work contract. Main results: The Employment Precariousness Scale (EPRES) proved to be an acceptable and psychometrically sound measurement instrument. A high score of employment precariousness was associated with more than double the prevalence of poor mental health than a low score, both in women and men and after adjustments for relevant indicators of social position. More than 45% of the sample was exposed to some degree of precariousness, over 6.5% to high precariousness, with a highly unequal distribution across groups of workers. With due caution, it was estimated that if the observed association were causal, between 11% and 23% of poor mental health in the working population in Spain could be attributable to employment precariousness. Conclusions: Results highlight the relevance of employment precariousness for the mental health of the Spanish workforce. The EPRES is a promising tool for future research. / Objetivo: Estudiar las propiedades psicométricas y la validez de constructor de un instrumento multidimensional para medir la precariedad laboral; estudiar la asociación entre precariedad laboral y mala salud mental; estimar la prevalencia y distribución de la precariedad laboral en la fuerza de trabajo Española; y calcular la fracción atribuible poblacional de mala salud mental debida a la precariedad laboral. Métodos: Estudio transversal con datos de la Encuesta de Factores de Riesgo Psicosociales realizada entre 2004 y 2005 en España. Muestra representativa de 6.968 trabajadores temporales y permanentes con contrato formal de trabajo. Resultados principales: La Escala de Precariedad Laboral (EPRES) demostró tener buenas propiedades psicométricas. Una puntuación alta en la escala se asoció con una prevalencia dos veces más elevada de mala salud mental que una puntuación baja, tanto en mujeres como en hombres y aun después de varios ajustes por indicadores de posición social. Más del 45% de la muestra estaba expuesta a algún grado de precariedad laboral, más del 6,5% a precariedad laboral alta, con una distribución muy desigual entre distintos grupos de trabajadores. Con la debida precaución, se estimó que si la asociación observada es causal, entre el 11% y 23% de la mala salud mental de la población trabajadora española podría ser atribuible a la precariedad laboral. Conclusiones: Los resultados destacan la importancia que la precariedad laboral puede tener para la salud mental de la población trabajadora Española. La EPRES es un instrumento útil para investigaciones futuras

p. 1-283 / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-30T17:49:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 4444444.pdf: 1399219 bytes, checksum: f8440556341fb38cc524a9670301eec4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Creuza Silva(mariakreuza@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-05-04T17:38:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 4444444.pdf: 1399219 bytes, checksum: f8440556341fb38cc524a9670301eec4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-04T17:38:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4444444.pdf: 1399219 bytes, checksum: f8440556341fb38cc524a9670301eec4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Estudo descritivo das mortes por causas externas, ocorridas em 2004, entre homens e mulheres, de 10 a 69 anos de idade, residentes na capital e dois outros municípios da Região Metropolitana de Salvador, com objetivos de determinar a magnitude da participação dos acidentes de trabalho dentre as mortes violentas; avaliar a validade da informação sobre a causa básica de óbitos por acidentes de trabalho, nas declarações de óbitos por causas externas. Realizadas entrevistas domiciliares a familiares das pessoas falecidas, investigando as circunstâncias da morte, as situações de trabalho, as ocupações e demais variáveis sócio-demográficas. A causa básica de óbito foi reconstituída e codificada segundo normas da Classificação Estatística Internacional de Doenças e Problemas Relacionados à Saúde (CID-10). Foram estudados 648 óbitos por causas externas; 75,3% eram pessoas ocupadas; somente 26,5% tinham um contrato formal de trabalho. Foi estimado um percentual de 19,4% (126) de acidentes de trabalho em atividade lícita e 5,6% (36) em atividade ilícita; 56,8% dos óbitos foram devidos a homicídio; 27,2% acidentes de transporte; 14,2% outros acidentes e 1,9% suicídios. Estimados subregistro das mortes no trabalho (92,6%); sensibilidade (7,14%); especificidade (99,81%); valor preditivo positivo (90,0%); valor preditivo negativo (81,66%); elevado índice de discordância entre as causas básicas de óbito (52,8%), maior entre mulheres (61,4%); em maiores de 30 anos de idade (64,0%) e entre acidentes de transporte (84,7%) e suicídios (82,8%). O estudo demonstrou importante contribuição dos acidentes de trabalho nas mortes por causas externas, com proporções variáveis conforme o tipo de violência e identificou uma sensibilidade muito baixa do sistema oficial de informações sobre mortalidade para identificar as mortes no trabalho. / Salvador

The restructuring process presents itself as a mechanism of exit of capital for those moments of crisis. The process of capital accumulation that goes destructively search spaces where their reproduction may be made ever increasing scale, however, attempts to answers provided by capital in times of exacerbation of the crises that are given in the form of restructuring of the production process are no longer possible to be given, depending on the nature of the adversarial system, which shows that capitalism can only leave their previous crises piling deeper contradictions that tend, sooner or later, the blow with increasing force. The successive crises that arise as the production of its contradictory process of expansion, just accentuating the destructive elements that arise as a product of that movement "comes and goes," and the more the destructive logic of reproduction, the more it exacerbates the contradictions arising this process. What if this universe can keep up with perverse exploitation of labor is the reconfiguration of the working world in a way to extract the most value ever seen, even by resorting to violent mechanisms of extraction of surplus value, this exclusionary process and often violent exploitation of the work reflected on the working class in the form of child labor, slave labor, excessive working hours, low wages and exclusion of young and old production process. These elements present in the process of establishing the industrial structure can be clearly observed within the rough central Sergipe, where before the advance of industrial footwear axis has been accompanied by the salaried employees thereof, which has its living conditions debased by precarious employment relationships existing, which most often are shrouded by the "hand of the state", which works as an instrument of capital deleted all their labor rights historically achieved. / A reestruturação produtiva se apresenta como mecanismo de saída do capital para os seus momentos de crise. O Processo de acumulação do capital que avança destrutivamente procura espaços onde a sua reprodução possa ser realizada sempre em escala crescente, entretanto, as tentativas de respostas apresentadas pelo capital nos momentos de agudização das crises que se apresentam na forma de reestruturações do processo de produção já não são mais possíveis de ser dadas, em função da própria natureza contraditória do sistema, que revela que o capitalismo só pode sair de suas crises anteriores acumulando contradições ainda mais profundas que tendiam, mais cedo ou mais tarde, a explodir com força cada vez maior. As crises sucessivas que se colocam como produção do seu processo contraditório de expansão, acaba acentuando os elementos destrutivos que surgem como produto desse movimento de vai e vem , e quanto mais se desenvolve a lógica de reprodução destrutiva, mais se acirram as contradições provenientes desse processo. O que se consegue acompanhar nesse universo perverso de exploração do trabalho é a reconfiguração do mundo do trabalho em moldes de extração da mais valia jamais visto, se recorrendo inclusive a mecanismos violentos de extração de mais valia, esse processo excludente e por vezes violento de exploração do sobre trabalho repercute para a classe trabalhadora na forma de exploração do trabalho infantil, trabalho escravo, jornada de trabalho excessiva, baixos salários e exclusão dos jovens e idosos do processo produtivo. Esses elementos presentes no processo de estabelecimento da reestruturação produtiva podem ser claramente observados no território do Agreste Central Sergipano, onde diante do avanço do eixo industrial calçadista tem-se acompanhado o assalariamento dos trabalhadores desse território que tem as suas condições de vida aviltadas pelas relações de trabalho precarizado existentes, que na maioria das vezes são encobertas pela mão do Estado , que funciona como instrumento do capital suprimido todos os seus direitos trabalhistas historicamente conquistados.

Over the past decades, the world has witnessed significant social and demographic changes, including a declining fertility rate in Europe, a decrease in job security and flexibilisation of the labour market, and an increasing flow of migrants to the Global North. Especially migrants have been affected by precarious work arrangements. However, little research has been conducted on the specific impact of employment uncertainty on migrant fertility intentions. Using binary logistic regression models, this study looks at the effect of both objective and subjective indicators of a precarious employment situation on short-term fertility intentions using the Swedish GGS-II survey data. The analysis includes both migrants and Swedish-born individuals and covers men and women separately, which is rare in previous research that has focused chiefly on women only. The findings suggest that the impact of unemployment on fertility intentions differs between migrant and Swedish-born women and men. Specifically, being an unemployed migrant, compared to being unemployed and Swedish-born appears to increase the likelihood of expressing a positive fertility intention. The time since arrival for female migrants does not moderate the effect of employment status. However, for female migrants in education who have resided in Sweden for at least five years, the probability of stating a positive fertility intention is substantially reduced compared to newly arrived migrant women. Moreover, the probability of expressing a positive fertility intention increases when a migrant woman perceives job loss as likely in the near future relative to Swedish-born women with similar job security perceptions. Regarding men, the results are less conclusive, with no substantial differences observed in the impact of the likelihood of job loss on fertility intentions between migrant and Swedish-born men. The study suggests that despite the importance of the institutional setting for fertility decision-making, other mechanisms are at play, too: migrants and Swedish-born individuals seem to respond differently to labour market uncertainties and especially unemployment.

Fackliga organisationer menar på att tidsbegränsade anställningar har skapat fler osäkra jobb. Svenskt näringsliv menar däremot att de tidsbegränsade anställningarna inte har ökat någonting under de senaste 15 åren, vilket statistiska centralbyrån (SCB) bekräftar i en rapport. Rapporten visar att en viss minskning av de tidsbegränsade anställningarna har skett under andra kvartalet 2019 den visar dock också på att de tidsbegränsade anställningar som finns har blivit osäkrare än tidigare. Den här studien utfördes i Falun kommun och syftet med studien var att undersöka hur vikarier inom äldreomsorgen och LSS upplever deras arbetssituation som smsanställd och hur de upplever det sociala sammanhanget på arbetsplatsen. Vi undersökte även om deras anställningsform har inverkan på deras sociala liv utanför arbetet. Sju semistrukturerade intervjuer har utförts i samband med studien. Studien använder sig utav en tematisk analys där fyra teman har identifierats: kritik, sammanhållning, privatliv och trygghet. Genom dessa teman så används tre teorier, Guy Standings teori om prekariatet, Antonovskys teori om KASAM och Karasek och Theorells modell om krav och kontroll. Studien har visat på att smsanställningen är en prekär anställning som kan leda till problem för den anställde. Men den visar också att om den anställde har skyddsnät i form av en annan inkomstkälla eller att personen har valt anställningen så kan den ge stor frihet och hjälpa till att lösa livspusslet. / The unions argue that temporary work has created more unsecure jobs. However, the Confederation of Swedish enterprise argue that temporary work has not increased during the last 15 years. This statistic is confirmed by Statistic Sweden (SCB) which shows a small decrease of temporary workers during the second quarter of 2019. The report shows that the number of temporary workers has not changed for a long time, however it shows that their employment has become even more unsecure. The study has been conducted in the city of Falun Sweden, whit the purpose of studying how temporary workers within the eldercare and disability sector in a medium sized city in Sweden see their employment as SMS- employees and if they feel cohesion in the workplace. The purpose was also to examine if the employment influences their social life. Seven semi structured interviews were conducted whit workers whit this type of employment within the sectors. The study is using a thematic analyse and has been divided into four themes: critic, private life, cohesion, and security. The themes are using three theories as well as previous studies to analyse the data. In the analysis of the recorded data, Guy Standings theory of the precariat, Antonvskys theory of KASAM and Karasek and Theorell’s model of requirement and control have been used. The study has shown that SMS- employment is indeed a precarious employment and can cause various problems for the employee. However, the study also shows that for people who have safety in form of another income and have chosen this employment, the employment can give an enormous freedom and help get a good amount of work balance.