The therapeutic privilege is a defence in terms of which a doctor may withhold information from a patient if disclosure of such information could harm the patient. This study explores the defence of therapeutic privilege and provides a critical evaluation. A comparative investigation is undertaken, while arguments springing from a variety of disciplines are also incorporated. A number of submissions are made for limiting the ambit of the defence. The main submission is that the therapeutic privilege should comply with all the requirements of the defence of necessity. In addition, it should contain some of the safeguards afforded to the patient by the requirements of the defence of negotiorum gestio so that therapeutic privilege is out of the question if medical treatment is administered against the patient's will, or the doctor has reason to believe (or knows) that the patient will refuse to undergo an intended intervention once properly informed. / Jurisprudence / L.L.M. (Jurisprudence)

This thesis explores three main questions: (1) How is diversity and equity in education in Manitoban schools addressed and does this include mixed-raced students?, (2) What are mixed-race students’ experiences with and perceptions of ethnocultural equity in the Manitoban secondary school system and how do these experiences impact their personal and collective identities in the following areas: Social (relationships with peers and family members), Political (notions of Canadian identity and citizenship), Identity (sense of cultural and racial identity and social positioning), Cultural (influences of related cultural groups and communities), and Pedagogical (instructional materials, relationships with teachers and staff, teaching practices and pedagogies, school policies and initiatives) and (3) What can educators and teacher-educators learn from this research that could be used toward a more informed and successful practice? Conclusions are that more work needs to be done to develop a provincial antiracism and ethnocultural policy document for development and implementation that will help establish a system of accountability and consistency, assist our leaders in understanding the complexities of mixedness, establish relationships with different relevant community groups and families, critically examine the curricula for bias, investigate student placement, provide opportunities for counselling staff, explore how to prepare staff to deal with racial and ethnocultural harassment, and consider the representation of mixedness in the staff population. / February 2017

La sous-traitance est une pratique constante dans le domaine de la construction, en raison de ses atouts économiques et techniques. Par cette pratique, les sous-traitants effectuent des travaux sans être, sur le plan juridique, liés contractuellement au maître de l’ouvrage. Comment assurer le paiement de leurs créances, eu égard au risque de défaillance de l'entrepreneur. Le législateur a prévu un régime légal de protection et la pratique a élaboré des mécanismes. Le régime légal, bien qu’il assure efficacement la protection des créances des sous-traitants, comporte certaines faiblesses dans son application qui peuvent causer des inconvénients aux sous-traitants et au propriétaire. L’assurance de titres et des retenues de fonds par l’institution financière ou le notaire peuvent pallier ces difficultés pour le propriétaire. Les mécanismes de protection élaborés par la pratique, tels que le cautionnement et les garanties monétaires, accroissent la protection des sous-traitants lorsqu’ils sont utilisés parallèlement au régime légal et profitent au propriétaire. / Subcontracting is an established practice in the construction industry, because of its economic and technical strengths. Through this practice, sub-contractors perform work without being contractually bound to the client. How to ensure payment of their claims, given the risk of default by the contractor. The legislature has provided a statutory system of protection and the practice has developed mechanisms. Although the statutory scheme ensures effective protection of subcontractors’ claims, it has certain weaknesses in its application, which may cause inconveniences to the subcontractors and the owner. Title insurance and the withholding of funds by the financial institution or notary can overcome these difficulties for the owner. The protection mechanisms developed through practice, such as bond and currency guarantees, increase the protection of subcontractors when used in conjunction with the statutory scheme and benefits the owner.

Cette recherche porte sur la migration de citoyens de pays du Nord dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés (TPO). Elle vise à analyser les trajectoires sociales et migratoires de ces individus, désignés localement « internationaux », ainsi qu'à montrer comment ils sont des acteurs dans la situation locale au travers de leurs mobilités, leurs emplois et leurs engagements. Cette problématique de recherche s'inscrit au croisement de deux phénomènes : d'une part, la diversification et l'accroissement des migrations internationales, et plus spécifiquement celles allant du Nord vers le Sud, et, d'autre part, l'émergence de conditions matérielles et professionnelles favorables à l'arrivée de citoyens étrangers dans un pays en conflit, sous l'effet de l'afflux massif de l'aide internationale depuis les années 1990. L'étude des profils sociaux des « internationaux » résidant dans les TPO révèle une forte homogénéité sociale et culturelle : on observe ainsi une migration de jeunes hautement diplômés, issus de familles de classes moyennes supérieures d'Europe ou d'Amérique du Nord, et particulièrement dotés en capitaux culturels. Toutefois, l'analyse des trajectoires souligne une certaine diversité des parcours migratoires et des liens entretenus à la Palestine. La seconde partie de cette thèse s'intéresse à la place politique et sociale des « internationaux » dans l'espace israélo-palestinien. La question des mobilités est cruciale pour saisir la position inédite de cette population migrante. Sa présence dans les TPO fait l'objet d'un contrôle important et croissant de la part des autorités israéliennes qui cherchent à la limiter et à la surveiller. Dans le même temps, à l'intérieur de l'espace israélo-palestinien, les « internationaux » bénéficient de droits à la mobilité dont sont privés les Palestiniens. L'étude des privilèges et des tensions qui en ressortent permet d'interroger les positionnements et le rôle de ces étrangers. Enfin, deux autres thématiques sont explorées : leur participation au système de l'aide internationale et leur engagements politiques vis-à-vis de la cause palestinienne. Tour à tour, pris dans les dynamiques sociopolitiques locales et partie prenante de ces mêmes dynamiques, les citoyens étrangers résidant dans les TPO représentent pour la recherche une entrée heuristique pour penser les circulations Nord-Sud comme la situation palestinienne actuelle. / This PhD research studies the current migration of nationals from northern countries to the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). It aims to analyze the social and migratory trajectories of those called "internationals" and attempts to highlight how, through their mobility practices, work and political engagements, they can be considered a new group of actors in the oPt. This core question falls within two global and regional phenomena: first, the increase and diversification of international migration, especially North to South flows, and secondly, the vast rate of international assistance to the oPt since the 1990s, which has resulted in the emergence of tangible conditions conducive to the migration of foreign citizens to a conflict zone. By examining their social features, a strong social and cultural homogeneity of an apparently divers group of individuals becomes apparent; it is a migration of relatively young, affluent people from the upper middle classes of Europe or North America, endowed with cultural and international capital. However, the study of the trajectories that led them to oPt reveals a diversity of migratory paths and links to Palestine. The second part of my PhD thesis tackles the social and political role and position of "internationals". Mobility rights and practices are a relevant and challenging angle to discuss the atypical position of such migrants. Indeed, Israeli authorities seek to monitor, control and limit foreign presence in the oPt (through a variety of measures), transforming privileged people into suspected and unwanted individuals. Yet inside the Israeli-Palestinian space, they are granted mobility privileges which allow them to circulate freely while Palestinians are rendered immobile in their homeland. The study of these privileges and the resulting tension calls into question internationals' position in Palestinian society. Finally, internationals' participation in the aid regime and the political actions taken by some migrants on the Palestinian cause are addressed. Through the political and socio-economic implications of their presence, western citizens living in the oPt are an heuristic point of entry to contribute to the fields of North-South migration studies and Palestinian studies.

Mentoring has been used for centuries as a way for a person to pass on knowledge, skills, or support to a less experienced person. Mentoring in the workplace, however, was not studied until the early 1980s, and then more than a decade later, mentoring was studied in the context of the K-12 teacher workforce. Mentoring has improved teacher effectiveness (Yuan, 2015; Koedel, 2009; Campbell and Malkus, 2011); increased teachers’ self-efficacy (Ingersoll & May, 2011; Saffold, 2005; Louis, 2016); and contributed to teacher retention (Ingersoll & Kralik, 2004; Cohen & Fuller, 2006). Most mentoring studies and theories, however, have been developed with a teacher population that is largely White. While about 50% of students in K-12 public schools in the U.S. are non-White, only 18% of teachers are non-White. Because teachers of color have a profound and positive impact on students, they are worth studying. The purpose of this study is to understand the mentoring experiences of teachers of color in K-12 public charter schools in New Orleans, and to explore how teachers of color benefited from mentoring in the areas of career development and psychosocial support. The researcher utilized a qualitative, phenomenological approach by interviewing ten participants and analyzing the essence of their experiences. Five themes resulted from this research: race plays a significant role in the mentoring of teachers of color; the charter school system in New Orleans has had an impact on the racial make-up of teachers; informal and formal mentoring form a winning combination; mentors provided teachers of color with validation and cultural navigation tools; and mentoring improved teaching practices and retention. This study can have an impact on mentoring theory as it relates to race and identity. This study also has practical implications for K-12 leaders in the way that teachers of color are supported.

This qualitative study explored the experiences of self-identified White students currently enrolled at a predominantly White institution who were cross- racially involved for at least ten weeks in a multicultural association, club, or organization that had students of color as the racial majority. This study also examined students' consciousness of Whiteness and the development of students' White identities based on their cross-racial experiences. Utilizing a sample of 4 students in concert with a review of relevant literature, the principal findings of this research are that cross-racially involved students have heightened awareness of difference based on race, including their own White racial identity. Although racial tension exists between individuals' White identities and the collective organization’s multicultural identity, White students who were more deeply involved in multicultural organizations indicated that they (a) had a higher sense of belonging with their peers of color, (b) became more conscious of their Whiteness both inside and outside of their multicultural organizations to a certain degree, and (c) desired to more completely understand their ethnic heritage. Findings from this study can contribute towards literature on the development of racial justice allies in college. In order to influence racial justice ally development at a predominantly White institution, findings from this research suggest that student affairs administrators should encourage White students to engage in multicultural organizations so they can understand how their Whiteness "shows up" for others including the impact of privilege and oppression in a multicultural society. / Graduation date: 2012

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.

La sous-traitance est une pratique constante dans le domaine de la construction, en raison de ses atouts économiques et techniques. Par cette pratique, les sous-traitants effectuent des travaux sans être, sur le plan juridique, liés contractuellement au maître de l’ouvrage. Comment assurer le paiement de leurs créances, eu égard au risque de défaillance de l'entrepreneur. Le législateur a prévu un régime légal de protection et la pratique a élaboré des mécanismes. Le régime légal, bien qu’il assure efficacement la protection des créances des sous-traitants, comporte certaines faiblesses dans son application qui peuvent causer des inconvénients aux sous-traitants et au propriétaire. L’assurance de titres et des retenues de fonds par l’institution financière ou le notaire peuvent pallier ces difficultés pour le propriétaire. Les mécanismes de protection élaborés par la pratique, tels que le cautionnement et les garanties monétaires, accroissent la protection des sous-traitants lorsqu’ils sont utilisés parallèlement au régime légal et profitent au propriétaire. / Subcontracting is an established practice in the construction industry, because of its economic and technical strengths. Through this practice, sub-contractors perform work without being contractually bound to the client. How to ensure payment of their claims, given the risk of default by the contractor. The legislature has provided a statutory system of protection and the practice has developed mechanisms. Although the statutory scheme ensures effective protection of subcontractors’ claims, it has certain weaknesses in its application, which may cause inconveniences to the subcontractors and the owner. Title insurance and the withholding of funds by the financial institution or notary can overcome these difficulties for the owner. The protection mechanisms developed through practice, such as bond and currency guarantees, increase the protection of subcontractors when used in conjunction with the statutory scheme and benefits the owner.

1979年1月1日，美國與我國斷絕外交關係後，為因應新的外交關係發展，美國依其「臺灣關係法」成立「美國在臺協會」處理對臺事務，我國也相應成立「北美事務協調委員會」做為對口單位，雙方並互派駐代表機構，建立了有別於傳統國際法的準外交關係；同時，另依據雙方協定及各自的國內法，賦予對方派駐機構及人員享有相當於政府間國際組織的特權與豁免。此種非邦交國及不被承認政府之準外交代表機構的特權與豁免，經過多年的實踐，其結果如何？為本論文研究與探討的重點。 雖然就協定的內容，我國與美方派駐機構及人員僅享有相當於在美國政府間國際組織的特權與豁免。然經由本研究發現，由於兩國各自的國內法及執行面的因素，雙方派駐機構及人員享有之特權與豁免，在實踐上是有差距的，我駐美館處及人員享有的特權與豁免並不及「美國在臺協會」駐華機構及人員。此外，是否給予不被承認國家派駐之外交代表機構特權與豁免及給予其主張國家豁免的權利，也完全是國家基於政治考量之主權行為，而非國際法之規範；同時，給予一個不被承認國家派駐外交代表機構相當程度的特權與豁免或給予主張國家豁免的權利，也並不會因此就造成國際法上國家或政府承認的情形。由於現今時空環境與國際情勢已有很大的變化，與當年兩國斷交時之氛圍，實不可同日而語。據此，本文亦依研究所得，綜整幾點淺薄意見，以供相關單位及人員參考，期能提升雙方派駐機構及人員的特權與豁免地位，並有效維護我國家及人民的權益。 / In recognizing the People’s Republic of China as the government of China in January 1979, the United States derecognized the government on Taiwan, “the Republic of China,” previously recognized as the government of China. As a matter of public international law, severance of diplomatic relations and derecognition of the government carried some potential important consequences to the ROC government including that it is not diplomatic and sovereign immunity in the US. However, the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) was enacted by the US Congress in April, 1979 to preserve and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the US and the people on Taiwan. The TRA also created new, quasi-diplomatic agencies to enable the US government and the ROC government to communicate through a novel, non-diplomatic channel. Under the TRA, a Taiwanese official entity known as the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO) – previously known as the Coordination Council for North American Affairs (CCNAA) – has been permitted to act as the unofficial instrumentality of the Taiwanese people, in Washington, D.C. Also the Washington–based TECRO has had an American counterpart in Taipei, named the “American Institute in Taiwan” (AIT), specifically established pursuant to the TRA as a non-profit, private corporation responsible for conducting or carrying out all US programs, transactions, and other relations with respect to Taiwan. Though it lacks official status, the AIT’s role in Taiwan closely resembles that of a diplomatic mission. Agreements between the two quasi-diplomatic agencies authorized by their respective government accord the two agencies and their staff the privilege and immunity similar to that of the public international organization. The purpose of this research is to analyze the privileges and immunities of the quasi-diplomatic agencies, and also give a detailed examination of the practice over thirty years on both sides. Through this research, we found that there are differences in practice between two sides due to different internal legal system and enforcement. On the other hand, we also found that the public international law and international circumstances give considerable latitude to the improvement of the privileges and immunities of the quasi-diplomatic agencies.