1979年1月1日，美國與我國斷絕外交關係後，為因應新的外交關係發展，美國依其「臺灣關係法」成立「美國在臺協會」處理對臺事務，我國也相應成立「北美事務協調委員會」做為對口單位，雙方並互派駐代表機構，建立了有別於傳統國際法的準外交關係；同時，另依據雙方協定及各自的國內法，賦予對方派駐機構及人員享有相當於政府間國際組織的特權與豁免。此種非邦交國及不被承認政府之準外交代表機構的特權與豁免，經過多年的實踐，其結果如何？為本論文研究與探討的重點。 雖然就協定的內容，我國與美方派駐機構及人員僅享有相當於在美國政府間國際組織的特權與豁免。然經由本研究發現，由於兩國各自的國內法及執行面的因素，雙方派駐機構及人員享有之特權與豁免，在實踐上是有差距的，我駐美館處及人員享有的特權與豁免並不及「美國在臺協會」駐華機構及人員。此外，是否給予不被承認國家派駐之外交代表機構特權與豁免及給予其主張國家豁免的權利，也完全是國家基於政治考量之主權行為，而非國際法之規範；同時，給予一個不被承認國家派駐外交代表機構相當程度的特權與豁免或給予主張國家豁免的權利，也並不會因此就造成國際法上國家或政府承認的情形。由於現今時空環境與國際情勢已有很大的變化，與當年兩國斷交時之氛圍，實不可同日而語。據此，本文亦依研究所得，綜整幾點淺薄意見，以供相關單位及人員參考，期能提升雙方派駐機構及人員的特權與豁免地位，並有效維護我國家及人民的權益。 / In recognizing the People’s Republic of China as the government of China in January 1979, the United States derecognized the government on Taiwan, “the Republic of China,” previously recognized as the government of China. As a matter of public international law, severance of diplomatic relations and derecognition of the government carried some potential important consequences to the ROC government including that it is not diplomatic and sovereign immunity in the US. However, the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) was enacted by the US Congress in April, 1979 to preserve and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the US and the people on Taiwan. The TRA also created new, quasi-diplomatic agencies to enable the US government and the ROC government to communicate through a novel, non-diplomatic channel. Under the TRA, a Taiwanese official entity known as the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO) – previously known as the Coordination Council for North American Affairs (CCNAA) – has been permitted to act as the unofficial instrumentality of the Taiwanese people, in Washington, D.C. Also the Washington–based TECRO has had an American counterpart in Taipei, named the “American Institute in Taiwan” (AIT), specifically established pursuant to the TRA as a non-profit, private corporation responsible for conducting or carrying out all US programs, transactions, and other relations with respect to Taiwan. Though it lacks official status, the AIT’s role in Taiwan closely resembles that of a diplomatic mission. Agreements between the two quasi-diplomatic agencies authorized by their respective government accord the two agencies and their staff the privilege and immunity similar to that of the public international organization. The purpose of this research is to analyze the privileges and immunities of the quasi-diplomatic agencies, and also give a detailed examination of the practice over thirty years on both sides. Through this research, we found that there are differences in practice between two sides due to different internal legal system and enforcement. On the other hand, we also found that the public international law and international circumstances give considerable latitude to the improvement of the privileges and immunities of the quasi-diplomatic agencies.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-16T19:17:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Timbo.pdf: 15486487 bytes, checksum: e8e767ea3bc95f49cb7900efe801c7b5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:23:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Timbo.pdf: 15486487 bytes, checksum: e8e767ea3bc95f49cb7900efe801c7b5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:23:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Timbo.pdf: 15486487 bytes, checksum: e8e767ea3bc95f49cb7900efe801c7b5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / O presente estudo tem por objetivo demonstrar que a tutela jurídica dos direitos autorais não pode ser mais conferida em forma de direito de propriedade. A qualificação desta espécie de direitos intelectuais como direito de propriedade surgiu da necessidade histórica de dar outro nome aos antigos privilégios e persistiu graças à ambivalência da noção de propriedade. Entretanto, quase nenhuma regra específica da propriedade lhes é aplicável. Os direitos autorais não são suscetíveis de apropriação exclusiva, porque não possuem a característica da raridade. A escassez artificialmente conferida por lei tornou-se insustentável na Era Digital, especialmente em relação aos bens transmissíveis pela internet. Hodiernamente, os fonogramas prescindem de serem fixados em forma de átomos para serem reproduzidos e distribuídos, pois, em simples forma de bits, passaram a circular livremente, sem perda de qualidade e com um custo ínfimo. De fato, os direitos autorais e suas expressões patrimoniais devem ser tutelados como direitos não dominiais, pois, na prática, o direito de propriedade envolve abstenções impostas aos não-proprietários, que são incompatíveis com a abundância dos bens artísticos intelectuais. O paradigma emergente chama a atenção para o fato de que é o valor de uso das obras que deve recompensar a chama criativa dos autores, pois o valor de troca praticamente não existe mais. / Salvador

The therapeutic privilege is a defence in terms of which a doctor may withhold information from a patient if disclosure of such information could harm the patient. This study explores the defence of therapeutic privilege and provides a critical evaluation. A comparative investigation is undertaken, while arguments springing from a variety of disciplines are also incorporated. A number of submissions are made for limiting the ambit of the defence. The main submission is that the therapeutic privilege should comply with all the requirements of the defence of necessity. In addition, it should contain some of the safeguards afforded to the patient by the requirements of the defence of negotiorum gestio so that therapeutic privilege is out of the question if medical treatment is administered against the patient's will, or the doctor has reason to believe (or knows) that the patient will refuse to undergo an intended intervention once properly informed. / Jurisprudence / L.L.M. (Jurisprudence)

Ce mémoire traite du blanchiment d’argent. Précisément, il propose une réflexion sur la question suivante : les avocats, cabinets d’avocats et notaires du Québec devraient-ils être assujettis à la Loi sur le recyclage des produits de la criminalité et le financement des activités terroristes? Pour en arriver à une réponse, nous dressons d’abord une définition du recyclage des produits de la criminalité et en analysons l’historique. Puis, nous étudions la pièce maitresse de la stratégie canadienne de prévention du blanchiment d’argent, soit la Loi sur le recyclage des produits de la criminalité et le financement des activités terroristes. Par la suite, nous examinons la question de l’assujettissement des avocats, des cabinets d’avocats et des notaires du Québec en exposant le risque de blanchiment d’argent chez ces professionnels, les multiples tentatives du législateur canadien de légiférer en la matière et une analyse de la décision récente de la Cour suprême du Canada sur ce sujet. Enfin, nous offrons des solutions à l’assujettissement de ces professionnels afin d’éliminer le risque de voir leurs services utilisés à des fins illégitimes. / This thesis focuses on money laundering. Specifically, it reflects on the following question: should lawyers, law firms and Quebec notaries be subject to the Proceeds of Crime (Money Laundering) and Terrorist Financing Act? In order to obtain an answer, it first sets out to seek a definition of money laundering and examines its history. Furthermore, the Proceeds of Crime (Money Laundering) and Terrorist Financing Act is analyzed in great detail. Finally, the question whether lawyers, law firms and Quebec notaries should be included in the scope of the Act is studied by exposing the risk of money laundering with these professionals and by undertaking an examination of the Canadian legislator’s multiple attempts to include them as well as an analysis of the Supreme Court of Canada’s recent decision on that matter. In conclusion, it proposes solutions to include these legal professionals in order to eliminate the risk that their services will be used for illicit purposes.

Les perturbations des marches de la Fierté à Montréal et à Toronto par des membres de Black Lives Matter ont mis en lumière l’exclusion des personnes racisées au sein des mouvements LGBTQ au Canada, de même qu’en Europe et aux États-Unis. Ces évènements témoignent de la façon dont les personnes racisées s’organisent au sein des mouvements LGBTQ, c’est-à-dire par la création d’organisations formées autour d’identités racisées spécifiques. Ceux-ci s’inscrivent dans une riche tradition d’activisme portée par des personnes racisées LGBTQ au Canada qui demeure, néanmoins, peu étudiée au pays. Cette thèse poursuit ainsi deux objectifs principaux. Dans un premier temps, elle vise à rendre visible la façon dont les personnes racisées participent collectivement au sein des mouvements LGBTQ à Montréal et à Toronto, ou ce que nous appelons les trajectoires d’engagement collectif des personnes racisées LGBTQ, rompant ainsi avec les récits dominants, centrés sur l’expérience des militants LGBTQ blancs. Dans un second temps, elle tente d’expliquer pourquoi les personnes racisées participent collectivement au sein des mouvements LGBTQ de cette façon. Puisant dans la théorie des mouvements sociaux, cette thèse soulève l’importance de tenir compte du contexte relationnel dans lequel s’inscrit la participation, à savoir la configuration des rapports de pouvoir déterminant les positionnements sociaux des individus et des groupes, les uns par rapport aux autres. Pour ce faire, nous proposons l’élaboration d’un cadre théorique intersectionnel articulé autour de trois principes, soit la relationnalité, le pouvoir et le contexte social, combiné à une analyse multiniveau. Nous démontrons ainsi que les trajectoires d’engagement collectif des personnes racisées LGBTQ sont le produit des parcours individuels militants (niveau micro), de dynamiques organisationnelles (niveau meso) et de contextes sociopolitiques et institutionnels (niveau macro). Cette thèse est le fruit de séjours de recherche effectués à Montréal et à Toronto, durant lesquels nous avons réalisé 42 entretiens semi-dirigés avec des militantes racisées LGBTQ, de même qu’avec des militantes blanches LGBTQ. La documentation produite par des organisations LGBTQ ainsi que différentes instances gouvernementales a également été mobilisée de manière complémentaire. À un niveau micro, les résultats de la thèse révèlent comment les parcours individuels militants des personnes racisées LGBTQ diffèrent de ceux des personnes blanches. À un niveau meso, les résultats mettent en évidence la dimension structurante du privilège blanc (masculin/cisgenre/sans handicap) au sein des mouvements LGBTQ, ayant pour effet de reléguer les personnes racisées à la marge de ces mouvements. Enfin, à un niveau macro, une analyse comparative des régimes de citoyenneté québécois et canadiens démontre la façon dont les contextes institutionnels et sociopolitiques informent la participation au sein des mouvements LGBTQ. En rendant visible la participation des personnes racisées au sein des mouvements LGBTQ canadiens, cette thèse contribue empiriquement à l’avancement des connaissances sur le militantisme LGBTQ au Canada. À un niveau théorique, elle enrichit la théorie des mouvements sociaux en introduisant un cadre théorique intersectionnel pouvant faciliter l’analyse de la participation au sein des mouvements sociaux. En plus d’illustrer le potentiel théorique de l’intersectionnalité pour approfondir notre compréhension des mouvements sociaux, cette thèse se distingue de travaux récents davantage centrés sur la praxis et les coalitions intersectionnels au sein des mouvements sociaux. / Recent Pride march disruptions by Black Lives Matter protestors in Montréal and Toronto have pointed to the continuous exclusion of people of colour within LGBTQ movements across Canada, as well as in Europe and the United States. While these events constitute recent manifestations of a particular form of organizing within LGBTQ movements, namely organizations formed around specific racialized identities, they are in fact inscribed within a broader tradition of LGBTQ people of colour (LGBTQ-POC) organizing in Canada, overlooked by academics and mainstream activists. It is in that respect that the aim of this dissertation is twofold. First, it aims to render visible the ways in which people of colour have collectively participated in Montréal’s and Toronto’s LGBTQ movements, or what I refer to as LGBTQ-POC collective engagement trajectories, thereby disrupting dominant, White-centered, LGBTQ narratives. Second, it seeks to explain why people of colour have collectively participated in LGBTQ movements the way that they have in Montréal and Toronto. Building on social movement theory’s previous work, it argues for the need to unpack the relational context within which participation is set, meaning the power configurations that socially locate individuals and groups in relation to each other. With its emphasis on relationality, power, and social context, intersectionality thus comes across as a pertinent avenue to bridge this theoretical gap. Combined with a multilevel analysis, it reveals how LGBTQ-POC collective engagement trajectories are the result of individual activist paths (micro-level), social movement organizational dynamics (meso-level), and institutional and sociopolitical contexts (macro-level). This dissertation draws on fieldwork undergone in Montréal and Toronto, during which 42 in-depth interviews were conducted with LGBTQ-POC and White-LGBTQ activists. Secondary sources, such as documents produced by LGBTQ organizations and other government-related documentation were also used for the analysis. At a micro-level, results show how LGBTQ-POC and White-LGBTQ activists follow different activist paths. At a meso-level, results reveal the structuring character of white (male/cisgender/able-bodied) privilege within LGBTQ movements, in both Montréal and Toronto. At a macro-level, a comparative analysis of Québécois and Canadian citizenship regimes however demonstrates the extent to which institutional and sociopolitical contexts also shape social movement participation. By rendering visible people of colour’s collective participation within Canadian LGBTQ movements, this dissertation fills a significant empirical gap. Theoretically, it enriches social movement theory by introducing an intersectional theoretical framework suitable for analyzing social movement participation. Rather than discard social movement theory as a whole, it instead engages a dialogue with previous work on social movement participation. Alternatively, it lives true to the promise of intersectionality as a theoretical framework for advancing our understanding of social movements, distinguishing itself from recent work focusing primarily on intersectional praxis and intersectional coalitions in the context of social movements.

Une certaine tendance se dessine, au sein de moult mouvements sociaux, territoires ou collectifs en lutte, de même que dans plusieurs champs des sciences sociales et, dans une certaine mesure, dans la culture populaire, quant à la nécessité de repenser les rapports aux territoires et au vivant (et plus généralement le rapport à la terre). En opposition aux diktats productivistes et extractivistes du libéralisme colonial, nombreuses sont celles qui invoquent la nécessité d’un habiter renouvelé, arrimé aux territoires : d’un habiter en prise sur un entour et en phase avec celui-ci. Bien que fécondes à de nombreux égards, de telles formes d’habitabilité ne peuvent rester imperméables aux critiques anticoloniales ou décoloniales qui soulignent comment un strict rapport innocent ou romantique à un territoire colonisé implique une reproduction de la colonialité. Dans cette thèse, j’étudie cette problématique générale telle qu’elle se déploie dans la colonie de peuplement québécoise contemporaine. Dans chaque chapitre, on aura affaire à un exemple (ou à une composition d’exemples apparentés, liés par un certain thème) dont il s’agira de problématiser à la fois les dimensions actuelles (historicité, contexte socioculturel, forces politiques en présence, discours et pratiques) et virtuelles (tendances plus abstraites se rapportant à un certain niveau de généralisation). On abordera ainsi : 1) le bréviaire du métissage, de la rencontre, des contacts ou alliances, bréviaire « horizontal » et aplanissant fortement mobilisé par la société franco-descendante pour faire sens de ses rapports aux Premiers Peuples et pour inscrire sa trajectoire en sol américain; 2) diverses conceptions du lien politique qui, chacune à leur façon, sous-tendent un refus total et une compréhension de l’action et de la collectivité politiques qui ne soit pas basée sur des rapports communautaires ou identitaires; 3) la figure du colon québécois, telle qu’elle émerge et se cristallise pendant la vague néonationaliste radicale des années 1960-1970; 4) les possibles d’un habiter anticolonial, notamment via un déplacement de la question du fondement et de l’origine. Chaque chapitre pourrait donc être compris comme offrant un plan de coupe de la problématique générale, tout en lui ajoutant des dimensions concrètes et matérielles. Somme toute, aucun dénouement thétique imposant ne doit être attendu; cette thèse est plutôt animée par une exigence : poser un problème, en abordant à la fois les considérations actuelles et virtuelles, en tentant d’ajouter de la perspective et en ravivant les aspérités du réel lui donnant de la complexité et de la texture. Ainsi, cette thèse prend avant tout la forme d’un essai visant à élaborer et approfondir la problématique coloniale (d’abord depuis ses implications identitaires et territoriales), de manière à ce que des prises sur celle-ci se consolident; de manière à ce que, confrontés à ses conditions, répercussions et effets souvent paradoxaux, nous, colons, puissions et souhaitions initier une rupture radicale. / There is an emerging trend in social movements, territories and collectives in struggle, as well as in several fields of social sciences and to a certain extent in popular culture. It concerns the need to rethink relationships to the land and the living, and more generally relationships to the earth. In opposition to the productivist and extractivist diktats of colonial liberalism, many invoke the need for a renewed way of dwelling, anchored in the land: a dwelling in touch and in phase with its milieu. Although fruitful in many respects, such forms of dwelling cannot remain impervious to anti-colonial or decolonial critiques, which underline the way in which innocent or romantic relationships to colonized territories entail a reproduction of coloniality. This thesis studies this general problematic as it unfolds in the contemporary Quebec settlement colony. Each chapter deals with an example (or a composition of related examples), problematizing both its actual dimensions (historicity, socio-cultural context, political forces, discourses and practices) and its virtual dimensions (more abstract tendencies relating to a certain level of generalization). An account is developed that includes : 1) the breviary of miscegenation, contacts and alliances strongly mobilized by Franco-descendant society in a "horizontal" and flattening manner to make sense of its relationships with Indigenous peoples and to inscribe its trajectory on the American land; 2) various conceptions of the political action which, each in their own way, underlie a total refusal and a conception of the collective formation not based on communitarian nor identitarian relationships; 3) the figure of the « colon » as it emerges within the radical neo-nationalist wave of the 1960s and 1970s; 4) the possibilities of an anticolonial dwelling, in particular through a shift in the question of foundation and origin. Each chapter can be understood as offering a cross-section of the general problematic, while adding concrete and material dimensions to it. No imposing thetic outcome is aimed for. Instead, the thesis is driven by a requirement: to expose and investigate a problem by addressing both its actual and virtual dimensions, attempting to add perspective reviving the roughness of the real, adding complexity and texture to it. The thesis takes the form of an essay aiming to elaborate and deepen the colonial problem (starting from its identitarian and territorial implications), consolidating our grasp of it so that, faced with its often paradoxical conditions, repercussions and effects, we, « colons », can and should opt to initiate a clear and radical break with it.

For companies legal privilege represents an essential bulwark against the state. In the case of internal investigations legal privilege is of prime importance to the companies. At crucial points of intersection the legal situation in the US differs from that of Germany. In the US, confidentiality is regarded with the aura of a Holy Grail, applying to in-house counsel and external lawyers alike. However, in Germany those privileges do not apply to in-house counsels and neither are they intended to apply to the corporate lawyer (so-called Syndikus). This is explained by Criminal Law policy arguments, which according to the author\''s opinion are not tenable. This essay represents solutions de lege lata and de lege ferenda, in order to at least include in-house lawyers (so-called Syndikus) within the scope of legal privilege. For this purpose, the author argues in favor of a partial adoption of the American way.

Introduction:Uveitis in an ocular inflammation affecting mostly people of working age. Uveitis is responsible for severe visual impairment despite of expanding new therapeutics. The animal models of uveitis were established, because the wide clinical variability of uveitis limits the studies in human medicine. The goal our project was to establish a reproducible model of experimental autoimmune uveitis in Czech Republic, and further on this model to observe the frequency of CD3+ and F4/80+ cells in retina, to assess the influence of microbial environment on intensity of intraocular inflammation and to test the therapeutical possibilities. Material and methods: The C57BL/6J mice were immunized by retinal antigen (IRBP 1-20, interphotoreceptor retinoid binding protein), enhanced by complete Freund's adjuvant and pertussis toxin and mild posterior autoimmune uveitis was induced. The mice were bred in conventional and germ-free (gnotobiotic) conditions. The uveitis intensity was evaluated in vivo biomicroscopically and post mortem histologically on hematoxylin eosin stained sections according to the standard protocol. The histological eye specimen were analyzed also by imunohistochemisty and by flow cytometry. Each experiment was performed for 35 days. The conventional mice with uveitis were treated...

La crise des États-nations face aux migrant·e·s, comme la réactivité publique par rapport aux enjeux de justice sociale concernant les groupes minoritaires, participe à faire de l’hospitalité un sujet criant. Pourtant, la notion ne génère en elle-même aucune polémique et ne fait que rarement l’objet de remises en cause. Ce mémoire apporte un regard critique sur ce qu’est l’hospitalité et sur les manières dont elle est pratiquée. À cet effet, l’étude du phénomène est menée à partir du point de vue des privilèges des hôtes plutôt que de celui de la vulnérabilité des personnes accueillies. D’abord, il s’agit de mettre en perspective les acceptions vertueuse et principielle de l’hospitalité. Comprise en tant que pratique de l’accueil, l’hospitalité est ensuite redéfinie selon trois modalités (spatiale, sociale et procédurale) en réponse aux façons dont l’hospitalité est la plus fréquemment problématisée dans les discours savants (autour du chez-soi, de la figure de l’étranger et de l’invitation par exemple). Puis, il est question des manières d’accueillir spécifiques relatives à la frontière, au seuil, au camp et au refuge. Avec l’œuvre Las reglas del juego / The Rules of the Game (2000 ‒ 2001) de Gustavo Artigas, il apparaît que penser l’hospitalité par ses limites renvoie à l’idée d’accessibilité. L’accueil y représente une admission conditionnelle et une régulation des admis·es (frontière) ou un enjeu d’adaptation à autrui (seuil). Le projet État d’Urgence (1998 ‒ 2010) de l’ATSA permet quant à lui d’interroger l’accueil sous l’angle de l’inclusion sociale. Tantôt, l’hospitalité devient synonyme de mise à l’écart d’un régime d’oppression (camp), tantôt du refus de collaborer au dit régime en son sein même (refuge). En somme, le dialogue entre les écrits savants et les œuvres d’art participatif dévoile les relations de pouvoir dans l’accueil qui sont à même de définir l’hospitalité, sa visée opportuniste et ses effets incertains. / The crisis of nation-states regarding migration and public responsiveness to issues concerning minority groups contribute to make hospitality a topic of the hour. However, the concept in of itself does not rise any polemic and appear to be rarely challenged. This paper therefore seeks to provide a critical look at what hospitality actually is and at how it is practiced. The phenomenon was studied from the perspective of the hosts and their privileges rather than the vulnerability of the people welcomed. In the first chapter, the meaning of hospitality as a virtue, as a principle and as a practice, which are common modes of defining the subject in the scholarly publications, was put into perspective. A new definition of hospitality was then proposed drawing on the three modalities of its practice (spatial, social and procedural). This definition respond to the ways in which hospitality is most frequently problematized in the literature (around the home, the figure of the stranger and the multiple actions supposed to provide hospitality such as invitation, accommodation, care, etc.). In the second chapter, each specific way of welcoming that implies the border, the threshold, the camp and the refuge is discussed. Thereon, Gustavo Artigas' Las reglas del juego / The Rules of the Game (2000 ‒ 2001) reveals that the limits of hospitality represent a matter of conditional admission and control (border) or of adaptation to others (threshold). Also, ATSA's État d'Urgence (1998 ‒ 2010) allows to examine hospitality under the paradigm of social inclusion. From this angle, welcoming becomes synonymous either with taking a population aside from an oppressive regime (camp), or with a refusal to collaborate with the regime from the inside (refuge). In short, the dialogue between scholarly literature and participatory art uncovers the power relations that define hospitality, its opportunistic goals and its ambiguous effects.

Hyatt, Jennifer Leigh. Women Chief Housing Officers at State Universities in the Northwest United States. Doctor of Education (Higher Education), December 2016, 89 pp., 1 table, 3 figures, 48 references, titles. This qualitative study explored the experiences of women chief housing officers (CHOs) at state universities within the northwest region of the United States. The study used narrative inquiry methodology with a thematic analysis approach to investigate how seven female CHOs experience and make meaning of their professional career progression and journey toward becoming and remaining a CHO. Five core themes emerged from the study: (a) understanding housing operations, (b) self-efficacy, (c) gender inequities, (d) relationships with staff, and (e) mentorship. The theme of gender identity suggests that gender does influence how these female CHOs make meaning of their professional experience. The overall results suggest that although the perception of many is that the field of student affairs is wide open to women, in some senior-level positions, such as CHO, gender inequity is prevalent. A factor that may contribute to this inequity is the privatization of housing which calls for a greater understanding of business and housing operations, areas dominated by males. An implication from this study is that an increase in the number of women in the CHO position may only occur when university housing personnel expand professional preparation for mid-level housing positions to include more business-related practices. The mid-level position could then be seen as a step toward desired CHO competencies and toward making the position of CHO more inclusive.