Collective Action , National Teachers' Association R.O.C

本論文共一冊，約五萬字，計分五章，概述如下： 第一章：緒論。共有四節，計研究動機與目的、相關文獻探討、架構與問題、界定與 結構。 第二章：研究方法。共有兩節，即分內容分析法與資料分析法等兩方面來談本論文所 使用之研究方法及其分析對象。 第三章：符號真實之分析結果。共有四節，包括報紙報導件數及其年度變異、報紙報 導次數及其年度變異、報紙報導件數之注意分數及其年度變異、報紙報導次數之注意 分數及其年度變異等。 第四章：符號真實與客觀真之比較結果。計有兩節，包括報紙報導件數之反映程度及 其年度變異、報紙報導次數之反映程度及其年度變異等。 第五章：結論、檢討與建議。包括兩節，即討論研究主要發現，並陳述檢討與建議等 。

本文之目的在探討我國立法院預算審議制度實務運作現況以及改革方向。以立法院審議九十二年度中央政府總預算案程序為經，相關審議法律規範為緯，分析探討預算審議制度、過程及結果。首先經由預算審議制度之理論及相關文獻進行探討，接著分析我國預算審議制度及實際運作情形，並以主要民主國家美國、日本及英國預算審議制度作探討與比較，最後依據對學者與專家深度訪談意見之彙總分析，提出檢討及強化立法院預算審議制度之建議。結果發現現行立法院預算審議制度之缺失：□委員會未建立資深專業制；□黨團協商存有組成門檻過低，無法反映各政黨在院會的代表性、延擱總預算案審議之時程、黨團協商紀錄只有結論而無過程致立法原意難以查考、黨團協商代表未貫徹利益迴避原則、黨團協商結論凌駕委員會之決定，致損害委員會之預算專業審查功能；□立法委員質詢偏離預算審查議題；□審查預算案未掌握審查重點及審查方式；□全院各委員會聯席會議審議預算功能不彰；□預算委員會委員游走各委員會參與預算審查之表決，影響專業預算審查；□預算審查之專業幕僚單位，有待強化；□預算書編製不夠詳實，預算資訊不夠公開與透明化，影響預算審議效率；□未能如期完成總預算案審議，影響預算執行進度。爰針對缺失提供下列建議：強化委員會專業預算審查機制，以強化其專業性及權威性；立法院預算審議要掌握預算重點；取消全院各委員會聯席會，以增加委員會審查時間；黨團協商機制之改進；強化專業的預算審查幕僚機構；預算編製內容應清晰詳實，預算資訊要公開透明；公開真實政府債務資訊，積極面對並處理。 / This paper is to study the current budget approval system and its possible reform in the Legislative Yuan, ROC. The budget approval system, process and outcomes were analyzed based on the 2003 Government Budgetary and related regulations.The assessments and enhancement suggestions to the budget approval system in the Legislative Yuan of ROC were based on the in depth study of public budgeting theories and literatures on the ROC’s current budget approval system and practice , on the comparative analysis of the budget approval systems of USA , Japan and the United Kingdom and interview with the scholars and budget professions. Some shortcomings of the budget approval system in the Legislative Yuan of ROC were found out. First , the committees don’t build up the seniority professional system. Secondly , the negotiation among different parties has some defects : the low threshold of the negotiation results in unequal representatives of different parties ; the slow process of the negotiation delays the budget approval timetable ; it’s hard to trace the purposes of legislation since it only includes conclusions with no records of discussion process ; the negotiation representatives do not avoid the interests conflicts ; and the conclusion of the negotiation can exceed the decisions made by the committees , damaging the professional function of the committee’s budget approval. Thirdly , the interpellations of the legislators are not related to the issues of the budget approval. Fourthly , the legislators do not dominate the main points and the methods of the budget approval. Fifthly , the function of the Joint Session of All Committees doesn’t perform well. Sixthly , the legislators of the Budget and Final Accounts Committee engage in the budget approval votes of other committees , and it will influence the professional image of the legislators. Seventhly , the professional staff department of the budget approval need to be expanded and enhanced. Eighthly , the budget approval process can be more effective if the budget books are more detailed and the related information is more public. Finally , the delay of the budget approval timetable will impact the execution gradation of the budget. Possible suggestions to overcome the shortcomings are presented as follows : The professional mechanism and the authority of the committees’ budget approval need to be strengthened. The Legislative Yuan should be able to catch up the key points of the budget in the process of the budget approval. The Joint Session of All Committees should be cancelled so that the committees can have enough time to proceed the budget approval. The mechanism of the negotiation among different parties should be improved. The staff department of the professional budget approval should be expanded and its function should be enhanced. The contents of the budget books should be clear and detailed and the information of the budget should be public. Finally , the government should proclaim the real information of the government debts and handle it more aggressively.

本研究針對臺灣各大專院校中歷史學相關研究所於 2001年至2010 年所產出、研究主題以民國史為範疇之博士學位論文進行引用文獻分析，以觀察其書目資料特性以及引用文獻特性。具體研究項目包括：樣本論文數量、研究主題，被引用文獻之數量、形式類型、內容類型、核心期刊、老化情形、語文、出版地、典藏單位等。 重要研究結果簡述如下： 一、書目資料特性部分：所產出之民國史博士論文數量最多者為國立政治大學；兩位以上教授共同指導的論文占樣本數的17%；民國史博士論文的主題以社會、政治以及文化為多數，其中社會史子題以社會運動與婦女為數最多。 二、引用文獻特性部分：平均單篇論文的引用文獻為317筆；被引用文獻的形式類型以圖書（62.56%）所占比率最多，其次為連續性刊物（18.62%）和未出版資料（9.50%）；被引用之圖書文獻內容類型以一般專論（54.67%）最多，其次為史料與檔案彙編（9.54%）、傳記資料（6.79%）；民國史研究因研究主題差異造成某一研究大量引用特定刊物，而難以觀察核心期刊；民國史研究圖書的被引用半衰期為20.4年、連續性刊物為25.02年、報紙為64.3年；被引用文獻之語文以中文（88.76%）為主，其次為英文（7.41%）、日文（3.71%）；被引用圖書文獻的出版地以臺灣與中國大陸為主，共占圖書類文獻的85.01%；被引用之未出版資料的典藏單位以國史館最多，其次為中央研究院近代史研究所檔案館、中國國民黨文化傳播委員會黨史館、國史館臺灣文獻館。 根據上述研究成果，本研究之研究建議以及後續研究建議如下：研擬史學領域學術論著引用文獻著錄標準；鼓勵檔案典藏單位以多元管道開放史料；加強圖書館與檔案館之館際合作與資源整合。擴展史學領域之引用文獻分析範圍；以質性研究方法研究史學研究者之引用文獻行為。 / This study aims to analyze the citing phenomenon of the doctoral dissertations written in 2001-2010 on the topic of history of Republic of China. Specific research questions include: the number and research subjects of dissertations; the number, form types, content types, core journals, half-life, languages, publication locations, repositories of cited literature. The findings are as follows. The most productive institute for the research of the R.O.C. history was National Chengchi University. Dissertations guided by two or more advisors account for 17%. The majority of research subjects of dissertations were social, political and cultural. Furthermore, the majority of sub-subjects of social research dissertations were social movements and women. The average citations of single dissertation were 317. The most cited form type of citations was Books (62.56%), followed by continuous publications (18.62%), and unpublished papers or manuscripts (9.50%). The most cited content type of cited books was monograph (54.67%), followed by compilation of historical materials and records (9.54%), and biographical materials (6.79%). The core journals about the R.O.C. history research were difficult to observe, because of the diversity of research topics and that single journal may largely cited by single dissertation. The half-life of cited books was 20.4 years, cited continuous publications was 25.02 year, and cited newspapers was 64.3 years. The main language of cited literature was Chinese (88.76%), followed by English (7.41%), and Japanese (3.71%). The main publication locations of cited Books were Taiwan and Mainland China, together accounting for 85.01%. The main repository of cited unpublished manuscripts and records were Academia Historica, followed by Archives, Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, Kuomintang Party Records Archives, and Taiwan Historica. The suggestions of this study are as follows. Developing standard academic citation format in the field of history. Encouraging archives repositories to open manuscripts and records in multi-ways. Enhancing cooperation and resources integration of libraries and archives. Expanding the scope of citation analysis in the field of history. Investigating the behavior of historical researchers by qualitative research methods.

Sovereignty over Taiwan remains one of the most contentious issues of the modern era, and disagreements on both sides of the Taiwan Strait persist to this day. The United States continues to have an active interest in the situation, often playing the role of arbiter between the governments of Beijing and Taipei. With Taiwan’s transition to a multi-party democracy in the late 80s and early 90s, there has been a growing body of research into public opinion on the island. Existing literature has found both party identification and independence/unification support to impact on public attitudes regarding cross-strait security issues. However, the impact of generation is comparatively under examined. The current study builds on recent research into Taiwan’s generational politics. A questionnaire was distributed to members of the public in Taiwan to determine how attitudes vary by generation on the security commitment between the United States and Taiwan. An analysis of survey responses failed to establish a correlation between generation and attitudes towards U.S. support. Nevertheless, generational politics adds nuance to our understanding of public opinion in Taiwan concerning cross-strait relations. / 摘要： 台灣的主權依然是現代最具爭議性的問題之一。至今，兩岸的意見分歧依舊 存在。美國對這樣情況仍然積極地介，而且美國經常扮演在北京政府和台北 之間的仲裁者角色。隨著台灣在八零年代末至九零年代初逐漸轉向自由民主， 對這座島上的輿論研究也越來越多。先前的研究發現，人民支持哪一個黨派， 支持獨立還是統一，影響著大眾對兩岸的輿論。然而，不同世代對於輿論影 響的研究卻比較少。本文所探討的主題是建立在對台灣的 世代政治 （generational politics）的研究上。向台灣民眾進行問卷調查，以了解不同的 世代對於台美安全關係法及其實施是否有不同的見解。從問卷調查分析結果 來看，並未能發現世代的不同與美國 對台灣安保做法的理解之間有顯著相關 性。不過，世代政治有助於了解台灣人民對於在美國介入下兩岸關係的看法。

第一章說明研究動機、目的，界定外籍學生的定義，界定傳播行為與社會調的定義和 測量的指標。 第二章文獻探討與假設，探討以前的相關研究、分析以前的研究結果，並提出本研究 的假設。 第三章研究方，說明問卷擬定、樣本選定及訪問的過程，和資料製碼、資料分析的方 法。 第四章資料分析，說明本研究所使用的統計方法，描述受訪樣本的傳播行為型態，分 析傳播行為與社會調適的關聯性，並印證以前的研究結果。 第五章結論，摘要說明研究發現，及研究限制，提出未來相關研究的建議。

本研究的主要目的在以歷史與政策研究法來探討冷戰後華府－臺北－北京的三邊關係，並檢驗三角關係連結的變化；另一方面，對於「北京與華府的關係穩定亦會對華府與臺北關係有正面的影響」此一推論，做一驗證的工作。 　　本論文共計六章，分別介紹如下： 　　第一章是對於本文研究動機、目的，方法與架構做通盤性的概述，並做整篇論文模式的定義和限制因素的闡述。 　　第二章則是以歷史研究法探討三角關係的歷史變遷與回顧，分別由三方的立場觀點來探究，時間則是以一九四九年中共政權的成立，正式形成三角關係為起始點，而時間的迄點則是冷戰後期，也就是一九八八年。 　　第三章乃是探究冷戰後的北京與華盛頓的關係，其中以雙邊關係的結構做為序幕，探討雙邊關係的起伏、雙邊現存的歧見，例如：大規模毀滅武器的限制問題、人權問題、貿易問題，以及臺灣問題在兩者間所產生的影響為何。 　　第四章則是探討華府與臺北之間的關係，這一部分明顯的把北京的因素考量進去。除了雙邊關係的結構外，特別地討論冷戰後華府在臺北的利益、美國對臺的軍售以及雙方現存的經貿問題等。 　　第五章討論的是兩岸關係，以「國統綱領」、「一國兩制」與「臺獨」揭開兩岸關係的深層結構，按著討論冷戰後兩岸的經貿關係、安全互動，最後則是以辜汪會談以及中共發表「臺灣問題與中國的統一」白皮書後的兩岸關係做一整體性評估，並就美國在兩岸統台中所扮演的角色做一分析。 　　結論是試著展望未來三角關係的發展，並對先前的假設做出解答；最後以未來的展望做為終結。

臺灣近年來常常以發展觀光產業，來促進地方經濟發展，最明顯的政策便屬為臺灣政府於2008年開放陸客來臺以後，帶起許多陸客旅行團來臺旅遊的熱潮。同時在媒體渲染陸客強勁的消費力之下，使旅遊周邊產業都能受惠。但根據交通部觀光局統計資料顯示，陸客來臺人數成長率已大幅下降，但這股陸客來臺風潮卻已悄悄改變了臺灣旅遊業的體質。臺灣的觀光產業應朝向高品質服務業發展，才能同時保有觀光的品質與產值，否則在觀光人次太多的情況下，將影響國人旅遊的品質。 因此本研究利用2014年國人旅遊調查資料，利用決策樹方法根據縣市做分類，分別從旅遊者的背景、旅遊規劃、旅遊內容角度出發，檢視國人於臺灣縣市旅遊的特性與滿意程度，深入探討國人旅遊之型態與品質，藉此提供國內旅遊發展上一些建議，帶動在地旅遊，甚可藉由國民外交的「口碑」向外推廣、創造旅遊需求。

我國兵役制度從抗戰時期的「徵兵為主、募兵為輔」逐步走向「募兵為主、徵兵為輔」的募徵併行制，馬英九2008年當選總統，為落實競選政見，國防部規劃兵役制度轉型為募兵制，爰配合修正兵役法部分條文。 適逢立法院第七屆立法委員席次減半，由原本226席次減為113席次，委員自主性及影響力增強，執政黨組織行政院，亦掌握立院絕對多數席次，形成一致政府。 從公共政策過程理論來看，一個政策的推行，必須透過法律的制定、修正、廢止等方式，送請立機關完成政策合法化過程。本文從兵役法修法過程中，來探討國防部與立法委員互動關係，以提出加強其互動的具體建議。 基於以上的認知，本論文的發現如下： 一、法案草擬階段未讓立法委員有參與機會，使得政策規劃結果未能滿足立法委員的期許。 二、募兵制配套規劃尚未整合，法案先行送審，至國防部立論基礎薄弱，無法說服立法委員支持。 三、未公布政策影響評估，造成立法委員無法認同，讓立法委員對於募兵制無法成功產生的戰力空窗所造成的威脅感到質疑而無法認同法案。 四、與政策利害關係人的溝通不足，成為政策推動的阻力。 五、政策規劃評估不足，考量範圍不夠，形成爭議，造成立委抗拒。 六、立法委員對國防政策專業程度不足，需加強政策溝通。 七、挾持法案的議價協商，實際上係以其他利益交換為目的。 八、立法委員為貫徹黨紀，必要時，個人政治理念須妥協，國防部在政策溝通上，除了立法委員個人意見外，亦須積極遊說黨團。 / The military service system in Taiwan, or the Republic of China (R.O.C) Military Service System, has been gradually heading from a predominantly-conscription mode of recruitment, first adopted during the Period of the Second Sino-Japanese War, toward a predominantly-voluntary recruitment plan. To intiate such a transition and to keep the promises he gave before the 2008 presidential election, the president of the Taiwan (R.O.C.) Ma Ying-jeou urges that the Ministry of National Defense in Taiwan contrive a plan for the necessary modifications in the Taiwanese (R.O.C) law regarding the military service system. Also relating to this, it is to note that a 50% reduction of the number of the seats in the Legislative Yuan in the 7th general election of legislators, from 226 to 113 seats, granted each legislator more autonomy and opportunity to extend his/her personal influence than before, and that Taiwan was hence led by a government whose executive and legislative power came hand in hand becuase the ruling party not only able to organize the Executive Yuan but it also comprised the absolute majority in the Legislative Yuan, after the 2008 election. All taken into considertations, this dissertation aims to provide concrete suggestions as to the enhancement of the quality of the interactions between the Ministry of National Defense and legislators, from the analysis of such modifications. theoretically speaking, have to undergo the due processes to be implemented: the codification of law, a modification period, the abrogation of the inappropriate items of law, and a final evaluation by the Legislative Yuan. The findings are as follows: 1.The legislators' complaints about the unsatisfactory results of military policymaking may arise from a lack of opportunity for them to participate in the early processes. 2.Failure in establishing complementary measures for voluntary military recruitment before it reaches the Legislative Yuan, as well as a flimsy theoretical basis on which the Ministry of National Defense argues for it, make it difficult to persuade legislators that they should implement the new policies. 3.Legislators’ common worries about an imminent though transient threat, of a laspe of national armed force, which is deemed to be highly likely to result from such a change, have not been officially accounted for by the Ministry of National Defense. This prevents the legislators from agreeing to it. 4.The lack of effective communication among stakeholders of the policy impedes its implementation. 5.The lack of careful evaluations and an inclusive framework, make it controversial and legislators hate it. 6.Legislators are not proficient in the policymaking in terms of national defense, so the need more communication. 7.Negotiations are sometimes based on other commercial purposes. 8.Individual legislators, if necessary, are coerced to conform to the ideology upheld by their greater political party. The Ministry of National Defense has also to take into accounts the benefits of political parties.

2007年6月，與我建交長達60年以上之中美洲國家哥斯大黎加（Costa Rica）驟然宣佈與中國大陸建交，當時各界開始擔憂，台灣過去在中美洲頗為自豪之完整外交版圖在缺少了一角後，是否將發生骨牌效應？雖然事後證明此種疑慮並未成真，但已引起各界對我國維繫邦交成效之討論，也成為筆者之研究動機。 本文研究方法係針對傳統戰略三角分析途徑之侷限，提出改良式三邊關係分析模型，用以研究2000年至2008年期間台灣、中國大陸及中美洲友邦三邊關係。本研究目的有三，第一、界定台灣在此時期三邊關係中之地位優劣及導因，分析台灣在維繫邦交之優勢、劣勢、機會與挑戰。第二、藉由分析我國在三邊關係中之優勢及劣勢，進而提出提升地位及鞏固邦交之策略建議。第三、在研究方法層次，嘗試建構一套合理之三角關係分析途徑，設計出更合理且適用性更高之研究途徑。