Thesis advisor: Shawn McGuffey / Historically, the U.S. has been among the top nation-states of global refugee resettlement, and it continues to be, despite recent domestic political rhetoric against this policy. The U.S. welfare state provides resources to contracted nonprofit immigrant-serving organizations to carry out the U.S. resettlement policy. However, scholars under-examine front-line welfare policy practices with refugees. This area is critical to examine in this historical moment, because scholars argue the rise of neoliberalism has negatively affected the nonprofit human service sector’s capacity to provide social rights to the most vulnerable (Hasenfeld and Garrow 2012). Drawing on participant-observation at a northeastern resettlement organization and 50 semi-structured interviews with front-line bureaucrats and refugees between 2010-2015, I examine how bureaucrats perceive and shape refugees’ initial processes of resettling in the U.S., and how refugees also view this experience. My dissertation found competing restrictive and inclusionary perceptions of and practices with Iraqi, Darfurian, and Bhutanese refugees, which calls into question how, and why, welfare subjects with legal refugee status, are perceived distinctly by their social locations in the shrinking and stigmatized U.S. welfare context. Additionally, my dissertation illuminates how refugees evaluate their resettlement experiences and belonging in the U.S. I present my research in three articles: My first article, Rights and Responsibilities: Bureaucrats’ Competing Frames about U.S. Resettlement Objectives for Refugees, examines the salient frames that bureaucrats used to describe the objectives of U.S. resettlement for refugees. I found two competing frameworks informed their perceptions: market citizenship responsibilities and human rights. By this, I mean local level bureaucrats discussed their role to provide services either geared at making refugees responsible on a path to self-sufficiency, or to provide them with human rights. While I found the responsibilities frame was more dominant, contrary to past findings (Clevenger et al. 2014; Nawyn 2007), frame usage differed depending on one’s professional status and level of experience. Experienced (paid) bureaucrats tended to emphasize the responsibilities frame as most important for assisting refugees with becoming self-sufficient in American society. In contrast, less experienced, temporary (unpaid) bureaucrats generally emphasized the rights frame as most important to assist refugees with gaining membership in the U.S. These insights expand recent immigrant welfare scholarship by illuminating how different local level bureaucratic roles, in contrast to organizational (Nawyn 2010) or city level differences (Clevenger et al. 2014), correlate with distinct frames about refugees. Finally, I discuss how frame usage informs competing notions of the street-level politics of refugee belonging in American society. My second article, Refugees Will Be Poor! Managing Diverging Mobility Transitions to the American Welfare Class, explores how local level bureaucrats evaluate Iraqi and Bhutanese refugees’ “deservingness” of resettlement benefits in the U.S., based on their compliance with self-sufficiency resettlement goals. I argue that bureaucrats divide refugees into “deserving” and “undeserving” poor categories using ethnic and social class distinctions. Specifically, I examined how bureaucrats made decisions to discipline refugees to adhere to a self-sufficiency path. Consequently, these decisions revealed their distinct perceptions of refugee deservingness. Contrary to past scholarship that found race as most salient in informing welfare disciplinary practices and notions of deservingness (Schram 2005; Soss, Fording and Schram 2008), I found bureaucrats used refugees’ ethnicity as a marker for class origins to make decisions to discipline them. They identified Iraqis as having professional class origins; thus, they experienced “unwanted” downward mobility in the U.S. welfare class. In contrast, they viewed Bhutanese as having low class origins; thus, they experienced “desired” upward mobility in the same welfare class. As a result, bureaucrats thought more discipline was needed with Iraqis, compared to the Bhutanese because of their distinct behavioral reactions to their respective mobility shifts. Thus, bureaucrats marked Iraqis as “undeserving” and Bhutanese as “deserving” in their processes of resettling in the U.S. My third article, Waiting for Mobility: Refugee Incorporation as a Process of Temporal Belonging, examines Iraqi and Darfurian refugees’ sense of belonging, on their path toward social mobility in the U.S. I found Iraqis perceived waiting as a lasting obstacle on a generally blocked mobility path; consequently, they felt a sense of enduring social insecurity and a lack of belonging. In contrast, Darfurians perceived waiting as a temporary obstacle to achievable mobility; thus, they felt a sense of belonging, despite feeling a temporary state of social insecurity. Refugees who reconstructed a generally secure past professional class origin (Iraqis), compared to their insecure U.S. class location, expressed more frustration about waiting for mobility. In contrast, refugees who reconstructed a more politically and economically insecure past origin (Darfurians), compared to their secure conditions in the U.S., expressed positive hope for mobility. Bridging welfare theories of waiting (Auyero 2011; Reid 2013) with theories of belonging (Nawyn 2011; Yuval-Davis 2006), I build an immigrant incorporation process theory of temporal belonging to illuminate how refugees’ perceptions of waiting for mobility inform their feelings of belonging in the U.S. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology.

Bakgrund: Till följd av krig, orolighet och förtryck befinner sig miljontals människor på   flykt världen över och med hänsyn till detta kommer de flesta hälso-och sjukvårdspersonal, i synnerhet sjuksköterskor möta dessa sårbara och utsatta patienter. Det rapporteras att flyktingar har komplexa hälsobehov, där det innefattar psykiska respektive somatiska hälsoproblem, som uppkommit till följd av svåra omständigheter innan, under och efter flykten. Den kulturella tillhörigheten kan influera synen på hur hälsa, ohälsa och sjukdom uppfattas vilket medför vikten av att som sjuksköterska ha kunskap om, anpassa och   tillgodose omvårdnadsbehoven utifrån individens unika kulturella sammanhang. Syfte: Syftet var att belysa sjuksköterskors erfarenheter av att vårda flyktingar. Metod: Studien genomfördes enligt Fribergs metod och baserades på elva kvalitativa vetenskapliga artiklar som hittades i databaserna CINAHL Complete och PubMed. Analysering av insamlad data framställde resultatets kategorier och subkategorier. Resultat: Resultatet över litteraturöversikten presenterades utifrån fyra huvudkategorier: Kommunikationshinder, Organisationens inflytande, Kulturella utmaningar, Vårdrelationens betydelse. Huvudkategorier presenteras med tillhörande subkategorier: Hälso-och sjukvårdssystem, Etiska ställningstaganden, Behov av kunskap, Det vårdande mötet, Emotionell påverkan och Ett givande arbete. Diskussion: Metoddiskussionen diskuteras utifrån styrkor och svagheter, genomförda tillvägagångssätt samt  kvalitetsgranskning av resultatartiklar. Resultatdiskussionens fynd   diskuteras utifrån Madeleine Leningers teori om transkulturell omvårdnad, vetenskaplig litteratur, studiens bakgrund och författarnas egna  reflektioner. / Background: As a result of war, anxiety and oppression, millions of human´s are fleeing the world. Due to this, most health professionals, especially nurses, will face these vulnerable and exposed patients. It´s reported that refugees have complex health needs, which   includes mental and somatic health problems, which have arisen as a result of difficult circumstances, before, during and after the escape. The cultural affiliation can influence the perception of how health, ill-health and illness is perceived, which implies the importance of as a nurse having knowledge of adapting and catering for the patients’ needs based on the individual´s unique cultural context. Aim: The aim of this study was to explore nurse´s experiences of caring for refugees. Method: The literature review was conducted according to Friberg´s method, with the basis of eleven qualitative scientific articles that were found in the databases CINAHL Complete and PubMed. Analyses of collected data produced the results categories and subcategories. Results: The result of the literature review was presented on the basis of four main categories: Communication barriers, The organisation´s influence, Cultural challenges and The   importance of caring relationships. Main categories are presented with associated subcategories: Healthcare systems, Ethical standpoints, Need of knowledge, The caring meeting, Emotional influence and A rewarding work. Discussion: The Method discussion is discussed on the basis of strengths, weaknesses, implemented approach and quality review of results articles. The findings of the discussion are discussed on the basis of Madeleine Leninger's theory of transcultural nursing, scientific literature, the background of the study and the authors own reflections.

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Cette thèse rend compte de la crise de 1989 en Mauritanie, de ses ressorts lointains et complexes, et du processus inabouti de sortie négociée d’un conflit longtemps recouvert du voile du déni et du silence. Au-delà d’une simple histoire événementielle, elle se propose de considérer les raisons, pour parler comme George Mosse, de la « brutalisation » de la société mauritanienne, la signification dont cette violence et son exacerbation était porteuse et la « politique de réconciliation » initiée par les gouvernements successifs après la chute du président Ould Taya en août 2005. Ce travail, qui est donc une écriture de l’histoire du passé violent et de ses voies d’extrication en Mauritanie, a supposé de notre part de répondre à deux impératifs : premièrement, comprendre le sens des événements, le comment et le pourquoi. Autrement dit, travailler, tout en les interrogeant, à la restitution objective des faits. Deuxièmement, évoquer ce qu’a été la politique de l’Etat mauritanien pour faire face à son histoire problématique, faite de tensions ethniques et sociales, et trouver une issue à la crise. / Cette thèse rend compte de la crise de 1989 en Mauritanie, de ses ressorts lointains et complexes, et du processus inabouti de sortie négociée d’un conflit longtemps recouvert du voile du déni et du silence. Au-delà d’une simple histoire événementielle, elle se propose de considérer les raisons, pour parler comme George Mosse, de la « brutalisation » de la société mauritanienne, la signification dont cette violence et son exacerbation était porteuse et la « politique de réconciliation » initiée par les gouvernements successifs après la chute du président Ould Taya en août 2005. Ce travail, qui est donc une écriture de l’histoire du passé violent et de ses voies d’extrication en Mauritanie, a supposé de notre part de répondre à deux impératifs : premièrement, comprendre le sens des événements, le comment et le pourquoi. Autrement dit, travailler, tout en les interrogeant, à la restitution objective des faits. Deuxièmement, évoquer ce qu’a été la politique de l’Etat mauritanien pour faire face à son histoire problématique, faite de tensions ethniques et sociales, et trouver une issue à la crise.

Sweden is a multicultural society which means that there is a lot of pupils in Swedish schools with a background as refugees and with experiences from potentially traumatic and horrible events in their home countries. This study works with two different theories, trigger warning and pragmatism. Trigger warning explains why it could be necessary to hide or protect student from some specific topics or material and pragmatism says that it is educationally successful to use the pupils experiences in the classroom. Contemporary global conflicts, such as the ones that the pupils are coming from, could be a useful subject to teach about in social studies according to the Swedish curriculum. Given this circumstances, this study seeks to examine if it would be educationally and morally appropriate to use this potentially traumatic and sensitive experiences as a method of teaching. According to pragmatism, it would be. However, according to trigger warning, it could be relevant to protect the pupils from this kinds of subjects in school and in the classroom. Therefore, this study contains a tug of war between the two different theories and I interviewed pupils who has moved or has a family who has moved from warzones as refugees about this matter. A core in this study is to take the pupils perspective and examine what good, or bad, that comes out if a teacher in social studies wants to teach about the conflicts that the pupils has a connection to. The result shows that it in fact would be educationally successful even if these subjects are special and a teacher should always think about the circumstances and the methods they are using. In the theoretical tug of war pragmatism comes out as a winner, by trigger warnings could be relevant in some cases.

Cette recherche porte sur l’inclusion/exclusion des immigrés afghans en Iran.La situation et la place des immigrés et de leurs descendants étant soumises àdes logiques d’inclusion/d'exclusion, cette thèse a été construite autour de cetteproblématique. Elle se fonde sur une approche « mixte », à la fois quantitative etqualitative en s’appuyant en premier lieu sur une étude qualitative de terrainqui interroge leurs conditions de vie alors qu’ils sont dans une situationprovisoire et incertaine, en tentant de comprendre leurs expériences et leurstentatives et possibilités d'accéder au marché du travail et aux services sociaux.En second lieu, les données quantitatives issues du recensement iranien ont étéexploitées et la grande partie des informations sur la répartition géographique,le séjour et les caractéristiques démographiques, sociales et économiques desimmigrants ont été obtenues à partir de ces données. Cette analyse met enévidence une politique officielle fondée sur la mise au premier plan de laquestion du retour et non de celle de la naturalisation et l’intégration, malgréune présence durable des Afghans sur le sol irainien. De plus l’agentivité desimmigrés et les efforts qu’ils ont fournis pour s’incorporer dans la société seheurtent aux facteurs structurels et institutions. / The following doctoral thesis focuses on the inclusion / exclusion of Afghanimmigrants in Iran by analyzing the extent to which the status and place ofimmigrants and their descendants are subject to rationales of inclusion /exclusion. This study makes use of a mixed method approach, both quantitativeand qualitative, and is initially based on a qualitative field study that examinesthe living conditions experienced by Afghan immigrants throughout the durationof their temporary and uncertain situation in an effort to understand theirexperiences as well as their attempts and opportunities to enter the labor marketand access social services. Following this qualitative analysis, quantitative datafrom the Iranian census were also used and the majority of the information onthe geographic distribution and residence of immigrants as well as theirdemographic, social and economic characteristics were derived from these data.The results of the analysis show that despite the sustainable migration ofAfghans, official policy is based primarily on the issue of return, therebyobscuring competing perspectives on naturalization and integration. Moreover,structural and institutional obstacles handicap the immigrants’ political agencyand efforts to integrate themselves into the host society.

Este estudo tem como objetivo principal rever a categoria Refugiado para poder refletir sobre a Saúde Global como dispositivo da biopolítica moderna. O estudo espera contribuir nessa construção oferecendo uma reflexão crítica a partir da visão agambiana de dispositivo e de uma política que vem. Trata-se de avaliar se a Saúde Global, em seus anseios de governança da saúde planetária, não pode ser tomada bem mais como um dispositivo de captura da vida nua, categoria central no pensamento de Giorgio Agamben. A vida nua é justamente o Refugiado. Daí a importância da análise dessa categoria. Propomos assim uma hipótese funcional de trabalho: perceber a Saúde Global, a partir de sua própria definição, como um campo de tensões e de dissensos necessários para a construção de uma nova política, uma vez que as análises da figura do Refugiado mostraram o colapso do Estado-nação e da categoria de direitos humanos. A construção dessa pesquisa está ancorada sobre três elementos centrais: 1º a ideia de refugiado e de hospitalidade: o ser que se é, é ser localizado territorialmente, ser-no-mundo, onde o mundo de relações estabelecidas permite/favorece/permeia/forma a identidade do sujeito. A desterritorialização é o próprio desterro do sujeito, um desarvorar que clama por novas possibilidades de fincar raízes, as quais só são possíveis através de outros movimentos, ou seja, através do con-solo ou da devolução do solo. Encontramo-nos aqui no limiar da perda de identidade e da necessidade de criar condições de reconquista por meio do abrigar, do refugiar, do acolher, do com-partilhar. Essa dimensão mais originária do ser humano ou da sua condição metafísica essencial, na prática, serviu de fio condutor ou de fundamento para a construção de estatutos jurídicos do Refúgio e da Hospitalidade A crise se instala quando todo este aparato parece perder significado e sentido; 2º as novas formas de dizer-se/olhar-se/compartilhar-se no mundo globalizado. Utilizamos os verbos no reflexivo pela seguinte razão: mais do que dizer algo a alguém as novas tecnologias parecem pautadas na necessidade de transmissão de identidade. Ser-no-mundo é ser-na-linguagem. Os relatos de fuga dos refugiados feitos por eles mesmos com seus smartphones são um dizer sobre si, um dizer sobre a situação, uma denúncia do que está acontecendo; 3º as rupturas abordadas são uma questão de Saúde Global. O elo que une cada um desses elementos é a reflexão crítica do filósofo Giorgio Agamben em sua pesquisa sobre o Homo Sacer. / The main objective of this research is to think over the Refugee category in order to be able to ponder about the Global Health as a modern biopolictical tool. The research aims to contribute in such construction offering a critical reflection from the Agamben\'s view of dispositif and from an incoming politics. It is about evaluating whether the Global Health, in its governance anticipation of the universal health, could be taken much more as a bare life catcher tool, category centered in the Giorgio Agamben philosophy. The bare life is precisely the Refugee. Thus the importance of analyzing this category. Therefore we propose a work functional hypothesis: to perceive the Global Health, starting from its own definition, as a tension field and as necessary dissensions to construct a new politics, since the analysis of the Refugee picture indicated a collapse of the Nation-State and of the Human Rights category. The construction of this research is anchored on three main elements: (1) the idea of refugee and of hospitality: the being that is, the being located territorially, being-in-the-world, in which the network and relationship established allows/favors/permeates/forms the subject\'s identity. The deterritorialization is the subject\'s own banishment, a disenbowelment that calls for new possibilities to establish roots, which are only possible through other movements, which means through the \'con-soil/console\' or the soil\'s return. We find ourselves on the threshold of identity\'s loss and of the need to create conditions of regaining by sheltering, welcoming, sharing. This dimension mostly originated from the human being or from its essential metaphysical condition, in practice, served as a guiding thread or as a foundation for the Refugees and Hospitality law\'s construction. The crisis sets when all this apparatus seems to lose its meaning and reasoning; (2) the new ways of saying/looking/sharing yourself in the globalized world. The reflexive tense was used for the following reason: rather than saying something to someone, new technologies seem to be ruled by the need of identity transmission. Beingin- the-world is being-in-the-language. The escaping reports from the refugees made by themselves with their smartphones are a saying about themselves, a saying about the situation, an accusation about what is happening; (3) and finally, the addressed ruptures are a Global Health matter. The bond which connects each of these elements is the critical reflection of the philosopher Giorgio Agamben in his research about the Homo Sacer.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Holanda Lima Barboza.pdf: 4849588 bytes, checksum: bb3c4e5e1c04717c71411b260f1a8c0d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / We will analyze interferences exerted by refugees from Ceará in the composition of migratory routes towards the provinces of the far North - Piauí, Maranhão, Pará and Amazonas. It interprets the impact of Diaspora of Ceará, between the years 1877 and 1880, due to drought, and how it was perceived by enslaved workers from Ceará and neighboring provinces as opportunities to reverse their identities and lifestyles, enabling captives or criminals to access denied projects of mobilization and social inclusion. The conflicting trajectories involved unruly captives and free paupers traversing provincial centers, public works and agricultural colonies. In this way, enslaved, national and foreign settlers formed contact zones in which it was possible to exchange experiences and solidarities. One main zone was the Núcleo Colonial de Nossa Senhora do Carmo de Benevides, next to Belém, a space planned by local elites to boost agricultural production in Pará, which, however, was a place of unexpected alliances joints that turned this core in place of riots and in focus of abolitionist struggles / Analisamos interferências exercidas por retirantes cearenses na composição de rotas migratórias em direção às províncias do extremo Norte Piauí, Maranhão, Pará e Amazonas. Interpretamos repercussões das Diásporas da população cearense, entre os anos de 1877 e 1880, em decorrência da seca, e como foram percebidas por parte de trabalhadores escravizados do Ceará e de províncias vizinhas, enquanto oportunidades para reverter suas identificações e modos de vida, possibilitando a cativos ou clandestinos acessos a projetos de mobilidade e inserção social até então negados. As trajetórias conflituosas, envolvendo cativos insubordinados e pobres livres, percorreram centros administrativos provinciais, frentes de trabalho e colônias agrícolas. Neste percurso, escravizados, colonos nacionais e estrangeiros formaram zonas de contato em que foi possível a troca de experiências e solidariedades. Um dos principais pontos de convergência foi o Núcleo Colonial de Nossa Senhora do Carmo de Benevides, nas proximidades de Belém, espaço planejado pelas elites locais para fomentar a produção agrícola no Pará, contudo, inesperadas articulações de alianças transformaram este núcleo em palco de motins e foco de lutas abolicionistas

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Haydu.pdf: 989746 bytes, checksum: 6a931d25406cd7a895a6e358953450be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Angolans are the most expressive presence on the arrival of African people in Brazil, searching for refugee, coming from countries in which occurs an armed conflict. Brazil was presented at the time of Angola civil war as an alternative route for the Angolans, considering that countries that traditionally received refugees, such as United States and European countries (for example, France), closed its borders for these people. However, despite the easiness to enter the Brazilian territory, the Angolan refugees have been facing a large number of difficulties in São Paulo and have to deal with indifference and prejudice on daily basis coming from São Paulo s population. Why, after such difficulties, they remain in São Paulo? Why, during the Angola civil war, the number of Angolans that came to São Paulo was almost always increasing? Finally, as has been the integration process of these people in this city? These are some questions which, during this work, we will try to answer / Os angolanos são a presença mais expressiva da vinda para o Brasil de pessoas de origem africana, em busca de refúgio, oriundas de países em que ocorrem conflitos armados. O Brasil apresentou-se à época da guerra civil em Angola como uma alternativa de fuga aos angolanos, já que, países que tradicionalmente eram receptores de refugiados, tais como Estados Unidos e países europeus, como é o caso da França, se fecharam para essas pessoas. Contudo, apesar da facilidade em adentrar ao território brasileiro, os refugiados angolanos têm enfrentado inúmeras dificuldades em São Paulo e, diariamente, têm que suportar o descaso e o preconceito de muitas pessoas nessa cidade. Por que, apesar de tamanha dificuldade eles permanecem em São Paulo? Por que, ao longo do período de guerra civil em Angola, o número de angolanos que veio a São Paulo foi quase sempre crescente? Por fim, como tem sido o processo de integração dessas pessoas nessa cidade? Essas são algumas indagações que, ao longo deste trabalho, tentar-se-á responder

Mental health in the Tibetan refugee community has been studied extensively; but like most research on political violence, these studies focus almost exclusively on trauma. We know little about those who manage to thrive and what kinds of sociocultural practices enhance their resilience. This dissertation, "Spacious Minds, Empty Selves: Coping and Resilience in the Tibetan Exile Community" investigates how Buddhism and other sociocultural factors support coping and resilience among Tibetan refugees living in Dharamsala, India. In contrast to other work that focuses exclusively on trauma, the aim of this project was to examine the broad range of reactions to political violence, exploring how people thrive in the face of adversity. Drawing on 14 months of extended participant observation and 80 in-depth interviews conducted in the Tibetan language, this project investigates how communities through social processes cope in the context of political violence and resettlement. The study draws upon and aims to extend theory in three distinct but overlapping areas: 1) trauma and resilience; 2) the anthropology of memory and temporality; and 3) the transferability of interventions across cultures. The dissertation argues that the Tibetan concept of resilience is more an active process than a personality attribute. Seeing emotions as impermanent and changing, Tibetans living in exile are reticent to dwell on distress, which seems only to stagnate or prolong suffering. Rather than processing the details of traumatic events, members of this community attempt to transform distress through cultural practices that emphasize compassion and impermanence. Many forms of coping in Dharamsala work to create a greater sense of spaciousness, openness and flexibility within the mind--qualities associated with resilience and wellbeing. In practicing flexibility, the durability of negative emotions is diminished, such that the encoding of trauma is derailed and disrupted. The contribution I make involves using a "resilience imaginary" as a fruitful site for pushing the boundaries of how we understand human freedom and agency.