This thesis is set in St. Catharines Ontario, a mid-sized city of 132,000 people, situated in the heart of the Niagara Region. Once a thriving manufacturing centre, St. Catharines has experienced two decades of traumatic economic contraction due to the collapse of the local automotive industry. Like other cities that have experienced the loss of their predominant industry, St. Catharines is struggling not only with unemployment, economic uncertainty and environmental degradation, but also with issues concerning the city’s very identity. As industrial activity played a critical role in shaping the form and character of the city, its steady disappearance has left both a functional and symbolic void in the community. The challenges associated with deindustrialization and decentralized urbanization have had a devastating impact on St. Catharines. The city’s historic core has not only lost its role as the symbolic centre of the community, unrelenting suburban expansion has also led to the destruction of some of Canada’s most productive agricultural terrain in the surrounding vicinity. This thesis argues that the current economic crisis offers a unique opportunity to radically reconsider St. Catharines’ urban environment. The thesis looks to the earth – the terroir – as the basis for the development of a robust vision to transform the city’s underappreciated historic core into a hub for the Niagara Region’s expanding wine industry. Essential to this vision is the extensive cultivation of urban vineyards and the planning of key pieces of urban armature around which future development will occur. The design aims to improve the overall quality-of-life offered in St. Catharines, and build a broader sense of community by enhancing the unique experience of the place and engaging citizens in the local wine enterprise.

The urban landscape reflects the social, economic, and policy changes that have taken place in a community. The inner city has been previosly called a microcosm that indicates the changes that are occurring in society. The inner city can thus be studied to examine how it responds and adapts to economic change. This thesis asks in what ways are the historic and current economic transitions visible in Hamilton’s inner city landscape; and how do planning policies influence the emerging urban built form. The thesis examines select characteristics of the contemporary inner city derived from the literature (i.e. art and entertainment amenitites, recreational uses, residential revitalization, institutional uses, post-Fordist economy, decline in manufacturing activity, promotion of multi-modal transportation, sustainability policy, and statement place making) and their expected physical manifestations. The methods consist of a historical analysis and visual diagnosis that uses photographs and field notes in order to provide a bottom-up interpretation of downtown Hamilton’s changing urban landscape. There is evidence of arts-culture led rejuvenation of downtown Hamilton and the public realm. However, there is the challenge of promoting revitalization in a context of visual urban blight and the possibilities of policy-induced loss of employment lands.

Im Zentrum der Arbeit steht die Analyse des „Hawaiian Sovereignty Movement“, einer politische Bewegung indigener Hawaiier. Sie bestimmte in den 1990er Jahren – 1993 jährte sich der Sturz der Monarchie zum 100. Male – das politische Leben des Inselstaates mit und forderte kulturelle und politische Autonomie für den hawaiischen Bevölkerungsteil des Inselstaates. Fragen nach der Politisierung kultureller Prozesse sowie nach der Kulturalisierung und Ethnisierung vornehmlich politischer und sozialer Konflikte stehen dabei im Vordergrund der Betrachtung. Ausgangspunkt jeglichen Diskurses um Autonomie oder „Sovereignty“ ist dabei die bewegte politische Geschichte Hawai‘is im 19. Jahrhundert. Mit einer ständig wachsenden Zahl von Siedlern wurden die Hawaiier im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts zu einer Minderheit im eigenen Land. Als Gegenbewegung zu diesem immer weiter reichenden Aufgehen der hawaiischen Minderheit in der Gesamtbevölkerung des Bundesstaates forcierte die so genannte „Hawaiian Renaissance“, eine Revitalisierungsbewegung der 1960er Jahre, eine Rückbesinnung auf traditionelle Kulturtechniken und die von ihr beschriebenen „hawaiischen Werte“. Sie lieferte dem entstehenden „Hawaiian Sovereignty Movement“ zahlreiche Ansatzpunkte zur Verknüpfung politischer Forderungen mit Kernsymbolen hawaiischer Identität. Neben dem diachron ausgerichteten Blick auf Veränderungsprozesse und Entwicklungen der Deutungshoheit über die von den Hawaiiern reklamierten Traditionen steht die synchrone Betrachtung der Veranstaltungen und Ereignisse des Gedenkjahres 1993. Anhand der Analyse eines zentralen Themas des Autonomiediskurses, der Frage der Land¬nutzung und der Landrechte, kann ein umfassendes Bild der Autonomiebewegung, ihrer politischen Praxis und der mit ihr verwobenen kulturellen Deutungsmuster und Konfliktlösungsstrategien gezeichnet werden. Es entsteht dabei das Bild einer spezifisch hawaiischen Bewegung, die sich durch bestimmte Muster der Provokation, durch Gewaltfreiheit und durch ein ständiges Aufflammen und Zurücknehmen von Konflikten auszeichnet. Mit dem Blick auf die hawaiische Kunstszene der Gegenwart rundet sich gewissermaßen die Darstellung der hawaiischen Autonomiebewegung. Stand doch die kulturelle Revitalisierung am Beginn der politischen Bewegung, die sich verschiedener Aspekte hawaiischer Kultur zur Untermauerung ihres Anspruches bediente. Heute haben sich die Gewichtungen verschoben: eine zunehmend autonom agierende Szene bildender Künstler hawaiischer Abstammung nimmt die von der Autonomiebewegung postulierten Fragestellungen und Ziele in ihre Produktion auf und propagiert so hawaiische „Sovereignty“ oder Autonomie. Die politische Bewegung der Hawaiier ist auf diese Weise eng verwoben mit einer öffentlichen hawaiischen Kultur der Gegenwart, die sich zunehmend von Rückgriffen auf Tradition und Vergangenheit löst und zugleich immer wieder neue und eigenständige Zeichen kultureller Autonomie setzt.

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No description available.

No description available.

Rural areas, globally, are characterized as poor regions, with two-thirds of the world’s poor people residing in rural areas. In South Africa, 70 percent of the poor population or 3.6 million households, live in rural areas. In the last three State of the Nation Addresses (SONA) in South Africa by President Zuma since 2011, rural development has been placed high on government’s developmental agenda. The formulation of a comprehensive rural development policy, with coordinated implementation by all spheres of government is however still lacking. This research project was undertaken to explore solutions for the revival and development of rural areas in South Africa. The northern Free State region was selected as the geographical focus area and “testing ground” for the research. Rural South Africa has been deteriorating over the last few decades mainly due to globalization and urbanization. Two specific tools to achieve accelerated rural development were identified and analysed namely, local economic development (LED) and spatial planning. The research has shown that rural development is a complicated and difficult process. It is not only about agriculture and economic development, but also about other aspects such as spatial planning, social development, the environment, politics and public management aspects. For the purpose of the research, the theoretical statement was stated as “the chronic state of underdevelopment, poverty and unemployment, especially in rural South Africa, with a specific focus on the northern Free State, can be turned around by means of the implementation of revitalization strategies, which include innovative policies and programmes of LED and spatial planning”. Rural development requires strong committed local leaders and “champions”, skills, patience and funding. The research methodology included a comprehensive theoretical analysis of the concepts relating to rural development, as well as global and local case studies. Local rural development policies were also analysed as currently being implemented by government. Primary research included a community socio-economic survey in the study area to determine levels of rural poverty, unemployment, services delivered by local government and skills. In this survey of poor rural areas and the socio-economic analysis of the northern Free State, it was found that: • close to 50% of all households were living in poverty, • 50.7% of all households lack employment, • 40% of households have an income of less than R 1 500 per month, • The average annual household income in the area relates to just less than R20 000, • The ratio between formal and informal jobs is 1: 0.25, which indicates a low level of informal job opportunities, • Most job opportunities are found in agriculture, manufacturing, community services and households. • The tourism sector only provides in 3.1% of the regional GDP. Local business chambers were also visited in order to determine their perceptions of rural development and local government as well as the level of partnerships with the various local authorities in the area. It was found that partnership formation and cooperation between local business chambers and local authorities in the region were limited, although business chambers are willing to cooperate and assist. Rural development needs a coordinated effort and partnerships between government, business and communities. The focus of the research was on the finding of possible solutions for rural development. Solutions such as a rapid rural assessment (RRA) and a strategy for the study area, which has been provided to the specific local government for implementation, have been formulated. Globally and locally no universally accepted definition of rural concepts such as rural development and rural regions exist. Definitions and classifications of rural areas were formulated for South African conditions. A major component of the research is the proposed rural development model known as the “Feza iSimangaliso” model. Pillars for rural development and best practice aspects for rural development were also formulated. Some of the main findings of the research regarding general rural development aspects are listed below: • Rural regions are slowly but surely becoming in “fashion” as popular regions again due to a number of reasons such as quality environments, the need for a sense of community and belonging and food security. • Well formulated strategic rural development strategies, which are implementable in a coordinated way, can make a positive impact. Rural areas could be seen as a viable alternative, but requires strong governance, especially at the local sphere. • The integration of spatial planning and LED could lead to accelerate rural development, especially when national policy exists and are implemented in a coordinated manner. • The creation of jobs will lead to improved quality of life. Labour intensive sectors of the economy such as tourism, agriculture including agro-processing, manufacturing and retail should be the focus of an economic strategy. • Rural development is dependent on hard and soft infrastructure provision and strong local government. • Rural development must be people centred, with the utilization of local indigenous knowledge. • Rural towns are critical for rural regional development and creation of rural-urban linkages. • The “pull factors” to rural areas include quality of life and environment, sense of belonging, unique culture and history, and a positive economic environment. Future research projects could include more detailed research on the study area and provision of assistance to the relevant local municipalities. A possible rural development matrix will be developed for the evaluation of the level of development and gaps in the development of a rural region. In conclusion, successful rural development planning must be based on strategic planning principles for implementation in order to prevent ad hoc implementation of isolated projects with limited impacts. / PhD (Public Management and Governance), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2013

The Basque people and their language have been politically oppressed for centuries. I examine the history of the Basque language and how its oppression and revitalization have been shaped by the language policies of France and Spain, the two countries spanned by the Basque country. I focus my research and predictions on the French Basque Country, which is currently subject to a more oppressive language policy than Spanish Basque Country. The number of Basque-speaking bilinguals in the French Basque Country is decreasing and attitudes regarding instruction of the language have become more apathetic. I explore governmental, community, and combined efforts to preserve and encourage use of the language and draw several conclusions about viable future revitalization efforts.

Many indigenous languages have suffered irreparable damage or even extinction due to the violence of colonization and the violences that continue to be perpetrated by its successor institutions of neo-liberalism and global “development” projects. This thesis focuses on the attempts of two groups of indigenous people, the Imazighen (or Berbers) of Algeria and Morocco and the Runa (or Quechua) of Peru and Bolivia, to break these cycles of repression and revitalize their languages. A close comparison of these two groups’ struggles reveals the difficulty of transcending this assimilationist, imperialist framework, but it also highlights several successes that bode well for future efforts. Through their attempts to introduce indigenous languages into the classroom, and into the public sphere more broadly, these peoples have articulated alternate cosmologies which challenge the biases and assumptions that form the basis of western education. These cosmologies imply a direct challenge to western-occidental notions of modernity and to the institution of the modern nation-state.

Stops are one of the most common sounds across languages of the world. Among these pervasive sounds, ejectives form a unique group that is distinguishable from other types of stops. Their particular mechanism of articulation, such as larynx raising and unusually high oral pressure, separates them from the others. More interestingly, a listener perceives them differently and makes a distinction from non-ejective, or pulmonic, stops. What is it that we perceive when hearing ejectives? Do we perceive certain acoustic cues or auditory qualities that are part of their distinctive phonetic nature? Are these phonetic characteristics always distinctive? In other words, is our perception of the ejectives always consistent without any variation at the phonetic level? Motivated by these questions and from my recent exposure to Tsilhqut’in ejectives, I set out to pursue a phonetic investigation of these intriguing sounds. The present study is composed of two main analyses. One is an acoustic analysis that instrumentally examines a dataset of ejective and non-ejective stops in the Tsilhqut’in language with respect to acoustic dimensions such as Voice Onset Time (VOT) in order to compare all the stop classes in terms of their acoustic properties. Such a comparison helps to phonetically characterize the ejectives within the language. The acoustic measures also enable us to compare the characteristics of Tsilhqut’in ejectives with those in other languages, based on previously reported acoustic correlates. In order to determine the characteristics of ejectives across languages, Tsilhqut’in ejectives were compared with ejectives in different languages (e.g., Inguish). The other analysis is auditory, whereby I have examined how I perceived a subset of the ejectives taken out of the whole dataset and compared my auditory judgments with the acoustic measurements in order to find any correlation between results from the two analyses. The findings of the study indicate that Tsilhqut’in ejectives do not follow a traditional binary typology of ejectives. That is, they are neither strong nor weak, as is often claimed in the literature. They are congruent with what recent studies (e.g., Warner 1996) have found of ejectives in other languages – phonetic variability. This means that the dichotomy cannot account for the variability in ejectives at the phonetic level and that an optimal way of classifying ejectives across languages still awaits discovery. To the best of my knowledge, no other phonetic study has been conducted on Tsilhqut’in ejectives prior to the current study. Moreover, there has been little research or documentation carried out on any other phonetic aspects or sounds of this Athabaskan language. I expect that this instrumental study will contribute to the field of linguistics by adding new phonetic knowledge about such a rarely studied language, and I also expect the present study to play a role in the understanding of language learning and of language revitalization around the world.